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How two teens from wealthy Pennsylvania suburbs became suspects in an attempted ‘ISIS-inspired’ attack in New York City

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How two teens from wealthy Pennsylvania suburbs became suspects in an attempted ‘ISIS-inspired’ attack in New York City


BUCKS COUNTY, Pa. — Emir Balat and Ibrahim Kayumi have a lot in common: They’re both teenagers. They’re both first-generation Americans. Both live on tree-lined streets in the affluent suburbs north of Philadelphia.

“Nothing crazy happens around this area,” said Logan Lombardi, who went to high school with Kayumi.

For all their similarities, however, authorities say the only known link between the pair is what they did together last Saturday: attempt what investigators describe as an ISIS-inspired attack by throwing explosive devices at a protest outside New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s residence.

Federal prosecutors allege that Balat, 18, and Kayumi, 19, drove to Manhattan from Pennsylvania the morning of March 7, parking a few blocks away from Gracie Mansion before slipping into a crowd that included participants in an anti-Islam demonstration and a group of counterprotesters. The pair was arrested after Balat threw two jars packed with explosive materials at protesters and law enforcement, according to prosecutors.

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Neither of the devices detonated, and no one was injured. Balat and Kayumi are being detained on several federal charges, including attempting to provide support to the Islamic State, after prosecutors said the pair made statements about the terrorist group.

Body-camera video from the New York City officers who arrested Kayumi shows him responding “ISIS” to someone in the crowd asking why he had done it, according to a federal complaint.

After waiving his Miranda rights, prosecutors said, Balat pledged his allegiance to the Islamic State and told authorities that he hoped to inflict more carnage than the 2013 Boston Marathon bombing, which left three dead and more than 260 others injured.

Lawyers for Balat and Kayumi did not immediately return requests for comment. Balat’s attorney, Mehdi Essmidi, told NBC News on Monday that Balat has “complicated stuff going on” and suggested that his client did not know Kayumi prior to Saturday.

“They’re strangers to each other,” he said.

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Classmates recall a quiet, independent student

While authorities have not detailed how the teenagers knew each other, the two grew up roughly 4 miles apart in Bucks County, Pennsylvania.

Kayumi lives in Newtown, Pennsylvania, on a street lined with 4,000-square-foot brick homes, and manicured lawns. His parents emigrated from Afghanistan and became U.S. citizens in 2004 and 2009, according to CBS News.

On Thursday, no one answered the door, though a Mercedes sat in the driveway. Neighbors a few houses away told NBC News they didn’t know Kayumi or his family well and said they mostly kept to themselves.

Kayumi enrolled part time at nearby Bucks County Community College in September 2024, according to a college spokesperson.

Earlier that year, he had graduated from Council Rock High School North, which has a football field and track, roughly a dozen newly paved tennis courts and a student parking lot packed with luxury cars. Students said the area is not known for the violence prosecutors now allege.

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“The high school and the town — people are pretty affluent,” said former classmate Connor McCormick. “There’s not really a whole lot of controversy at all.”

The high school said in a statement that “there is no evidence that he has posed a threat to any Council Rock schools” and encouraged concerned students to consult with their school counselors.

Another former classmate, Matt — who asked that his last name not be published due to fears of retaliation — said he and Kayumi were in smaller classes for children with learning disabilities.

Matt said that although he and Kayumi saw each other a lot, their conversations were typically brief and one-sided.

“He definitely was very quiet,” Matt said. “He would not talk unless you tried to talk to him, you know what I mean? Like, he would not say a word.”

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Matt said that while Kayumi did not get bullied regularly, he was sometimes a target.

“He wasn’t really that violent, but if someone would say something to him, like disrespecting him or something, he wasn’t afraid to say something back,” Matt said.

Matt and Lombardi recalled that Kayumi was involved in at least one physical altercation at school. The two former classmates did not witness the fight and could not recall who else was involved or who instigated it. They said they remember the altercation because physical violence at their high school was “very uncommon.” A representative for the school declined to comment on Kayumi’s student records.

Lombardi, 19, said he used to sit next to Kayumi on the bus to and from school nearly every day during their sophomore year. He described Kayumi as “independent” but not someone who shied away from conversation.

“He didn’t have any telling signs if we’re comparing it to what just happened,” Lombardi said. “He would not in any aspect whatsoever have been my first guess.”

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Lombardi said that although they spoke often during their sophomore year, Kayumi was not on his list of people to say goodbye to at the end of high school.

It is not immediately clear what Kayumi has been doing since leaving high school and starting community college. A college spokesperson said Kayumi withdrew from the school by March 9.

Kayumi’s mother filed a missing person report for her son on March 7, saying she last saw her son at around 10:30 a.m. — two hours before his arrest, according to the complaint.

“If he’s going to be five minutes late, he calls,” Kayumi’s father told The New York Times in an interview.

Teens allegedly drove to New York with explosive materials

Balat grew up 4 miles south of Kayumi on a similarly tree-lined street in Langhorne, Pennsylvania.

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His father, Selahattin Balat, immigrated to the U.S. from Turkey and became a citizen in 2017, according to a lawsuit he filed against the Department of Homeland Security over his citizenship application in 2015.

On Thursday, a man who identified himself as Balat’s father answered the front door of the family’s palatial home and declined to comment.

Balat is a senior at Neshaminy High School in Langhorne, Pennsylvania, according to a school spokesperson. The spokesperson confirmed to NBC News that Balat has been finishing his senior year remotely since September.

When asked for comment on last week’s incident, the Neshaminy School District shared two letters from the district’s superintendent to parents and staff, including one that said there was no information indicating concerns about Balat related to the school.

The New York Times and The Philadelphia Inquirer reported that Balat had been selling designer sneakers at a markup, sometimes for hundreds of dollars, out of a Wawa parking lot since he was 13 years old. He was also selling products on Facebook Marketplace as recently as 19 days before the incident in New York.

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One of Balat’s neighbors, who asked that NBC News not publish her name due to fears of retaliation, described the family as “loving,” “open,” “welcoming” and “kindhearted.”

She said she didn’t speak with Balat much over the last few years, but that he seemed like a “typical kid.” Balat shoveled her driveway during a snowstorm a few years ago.

“It doesn’t surprise me because this is the world we’re in right now,” she said. “But it does surprise me that it’s right here.”

On March 2, Balat purchased a fireworks fuse from Phantom Fireworks in Langhorne. Surveillance video shared with NBC News shows him arriving at the company’s Penndel location at around 12:15 p.m., registering his identification with an employee — a step the company requires of all customers — and buying a single 20-foot roll of green safety fuse with cash.

Phantom Fireworks Executive Vice President Alan Zoldan said the company searched its records for the suspects’ names after the attempted bombing and found a match for Balat, which led employees to the roughly 10-minute store visit captured on video. Zoldan also showed NBC News a copy of a subpoena he said federal prosecutors sent to the company.

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Five days later, prosecutors say, Kayumi and Balat drove from Pennsylvania to New York City in a black Honda registered to one of Balat’s family members, crossing the George Washington Bridge to Manhattan at around 11:36 a.m. ET.

Emir Balat flees after throwing a homemade explosive device during the March 7 protestCharly Triballeau / AFP – Getty Images

At about 12:15 p.m. ET, Balat threw an explosive device toward the area where protesters gathered at an anti-Islam rally outside the mayor’s official residence on the Upper East Side, according to officials. The rally was led by conservative provocateur Jake Lang and attracted fewer than two dozen protesters and more than 120 counterprotesters, according to authorities.

Shortly afterward, Kayumi handed off a second explosive device to Balat, who dropped the device near police officers before the pair was arrested, according to the complaint.

After waiving his Miranda rights, the complaint says, Kayumi said he “was affiliated with ISIS; watched ISIS propaganda on his phone; and was partly inspired to carry out his actions that day by ISIS.”

Investigators recovered a notebook from the car Balat and Kayumi drove, which contained handwritten notes that reference “materials that could be used to build explosive devices,” according to the complaint.

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Authorities also removed “explosive residue” from a Pennsylvania storage unit believed to be connected to the incident. A senior law enforcement official briefed on the investigation told NBC News that local police detonated some of the components out of caution late Monday.

Investigators are still trying to determine how Balat and Kayumi met and what led them to allegedly plan the attack.

For Matt, it’s been difficult trying to reconcile the classmate he remembers and the allegations against him.

“We just thought he was a normal kid, like all of us, pretty much,” Matt said. “We were all shocked.”



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Pennsylvania company builds goals for US Soccer, FIFA World Cup matches

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Pennsylvania company builds goals for US Soccer, FIFA World Cup matches


QUAKERTOWN, Pa. (WPVI) — When the world’s top soccer players take the field in Philadelphia, the goals they aim for will have already been crafted in Pennsylvania.

Kwik Goal, a family-run company based in Quakertown, is the official goal maker for U.S. Soccer and supplies equipment for the FIFA World Cup.

Inside the company’s test area, workers check the strength of nets and frames.

President and CEO Anthony Caruso says the goal shown in the testing zone is the same model that will be used during the tournament.

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Kwik Goal has been building soccer equipment for decades, but its story began far from Pennsylvania.

Caruso said the company started 30 years ago on Long Island, New York, when his uncle needed a portable goalpost for coaching.

“My uncle had the need for a portable goalpost. He was coaching my youngest cousin,” Caruso said.

His father stepped in to help.

“My father took out a tape measure. He went to a tube house, bought some pieces of aluminum, made this gold frame, and scrounged up a net somewhere,” he said. “And I was in welding school, and I could weld aluminum. So this prototype was built, and my uncle took it out to the field.”

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The company later moved to Pennsylvania.

“Here we are today. We moved here in November of ’88 after being on Long Island from our inception. And we’ve been here ever since,” said Caruso.

Today, Kwik Goal operates out of four buildings and produces about 7,000 goals each year.

Its reputation for quality led to a partnership with the U.S. men’s national team three decades ago, followed by the U.S. women’s national team.

“We supply all their training sites, and actually, the new facility that they just built in Georgia, we did all the equipment for that,” Caruso said.

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The World Cup, however, is the company’s biggest stage. In addition to manufacturing the FIFA game-day goals, Kwik Goal also produces the portable and pre-game models used throughout the tournament.

“This is a portable goal that mimics the game goals here, that are on the practice fields and what they’ll be using at the 60 training sites,” Caruso said. “And then this goal here that we have in the back is actually what we call a pre-game goal. So when they warm the teams up before the tournament, the day of the game on the field, before that, before the game, they actually bring this goal out.”

For employees, seeing their work on the global stage is a career highlight.

“Well, it is the pinnacle of my career,” one worker said.

“There’s a great amount of pride here at Quick Goal, and everybody who’s been here. We have a lot of long-term employees, and they’re just thrilled to be a part of this project,” said Caruso.

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Copyright © 2026 WPVI-TV. All Rights Reserved.



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From peace talks to Pennsylvania: Trump visiting Mack Truck facility

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From peace talks to Pennsylvania: Trump visiting Mack Truck facility


President Donald Trump is going to a Mack Truck facility in a battleground district in swing state Pennsylvania Tuesday, shifting attention to the U.S. economy in his first major public event beyond the capital since he signed an interim agreement to end the Iran war.

Trump’s trip to the Allentown-area business comes as he works to try to put the conflict — and the higher gasoline prices it caused — in the rearview mirror as November midterm elections draw closer.

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It’s the president’s fifth second-term visit to Pennsylvania, a key state whose support in 2016 and 2024 helped him to the White House. The Macungie, Pennsylvania, facility is in the 7th Congressional District, where incumbent Republican Rep. Ryan Mackenzie faces Democratic challenger Bob Brooks in November.

The visit comes amid rising prices that could color the verdict voters render on Trump’s stewardship in the fall. About one-third of U.S. adults approved of Trump’s approach to the economy, according to a June Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research poll. That’s in line with last month for Trump on the issue.

The Iran war, which began Feb. 28, has also been a politically difficult issue for the president. Most Americans continued to disapprove of his handling of Iran, according to the June AP-NORC poll, which was being fielded as Trump announced a tentative deal with Iran and concluded just before the interim agreement was signed last week. It found about two-thirds, 65%, of U.S. adults disapprove of how the president is handling issues with Iran, unchanged from May.

Still, while most Democrats and independents view Trump’s actions negatively, only about 3 in 10 of Republicans are unhappy.

Support from districts like the one he’s visiting Tuesday are pivotal to Republicans holding narrow control of the House, where a loss could hobble the president’s final two years in office. Mackenzie, a freshman lawmaker, is looking to hold onto a district Democrats have targeted to flip. Brooks, president of the state firefighters’ union, has support from Democratic Gov. Josh Shapiro, who’s also seeking reelection this year.

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Trump’s predecessor, Democrat Joe Biden, also visited the Mack Truck facility to highlight regulations aimed at promoting manufacturing jobs. Manufacturing employment peaked in 1979 at nearly 19.6 million jobs. It trended downward after the 2001 recession and the 2007-09 Great Recession. The figure now stands at 12.6 million as of May, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

The visits underscore Pennsylvania’s status as a crucial swing state.

Trump visited Mount Pocono in December to road test messages that he’s addressing affordability; in July 2025, he was in Pittsburgh to tout tens of billions of dollars of recent energy and technology investments in the state; in June 2025, he was in West Mifflin to tell steelworkers he was doubling the tariff on steel imports to protect the industry; and in March 2025 he attended the NCAA wrestling championship in Philadelphia.



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Records show watchdog’s elder abuse probe kept secret as Shapiro’s office claims confidentiality

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Records show watchdog’s elder abuse probe kept secret as Shapiro’s office claims confidentiality


Spotlight PA is an independent, nonpartisan, and nonprofit newsroom producing investigative and public-service journalism that holds power to account and drives positive change in Pennsylvania. Sign up for our free newsletters.

HARRISBURG — For nearly two years, the Shapiro administration has refused to say whether a state watchdog under the governor’s jurisdiction investigated Pennsylvania’s network of agencies that are supposed to help older adults who are abused and neglected.

However, records show state investigators produced a report and provided it to the governor’s office well over two years ago.

In an email obtained by Spotlight PA, a staffer for the governor’s office wrote that investigators with the Office of State Inspector General produced a report stemming from a probe into the Department of Aging and provided it to Gov. Josh Shapiro in early 2024.

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The report’s findings are a mystery. Shapiro has not released it publicly, and a spokesperson said such reports are “confidential.” However, previous governors have released to the public findings from some of the inspector general’s probes.

Shapiro’s predecessor, Democrat Tom Wolf, publicized an investigative report in 2018 stemming from a near-identical probe by the inspector general into the aging department that exposed significant problems. The public airing led to legislative hearings, as well as major changes at the department, which monitors the quality of older adult abuse and neglect investigations.

The secrecy makes it impossible to know what problems, if any, the latest probe uncovered in the state’s ability to protect older adults from harm.

The Shapiro administration’s reluctance to even acknowledge the report also trains the spotlight anew on the inspector general’s work and how much of it the public has the right to scrutinize.

Shapiro’s office did not dispute the existence of a report on the Department of Aging. But it declined to answer specific questions, including whether it provided a copy to the department so that the agency could address any potential problems raised by investigators. (An aging spokesperson said the department has not seen a copy, but stopped short of saying that it was unaware of the contents.)

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Shapiro spokesperson Rosie Lapowsky wrote in an email that the inspector general’s investigative reports are “confidential” and aren’t released publicly to “protect the integrity of the investigation and the employees who may have participated in it.”

Lapowsky did not respond when asked to pinpoint the section of the law that says these reports must remain confidential. Neither did a spokesperson with the inspector general’s office.

The Office of State Inspector General, or OSIG, is one of Pennsylvania’s lesser-known investigative agencies, despite the fact that it has substantive law enforcement powers.

It was created in 1987 by executive order to perform investigations and make the governor and heads of executive agencies aware of problems or deficiencies in agency programs, operations, and contracting. In 1994, the office also began investigating welfare fraud and conducting collection activities for public benefits programs administered by the Department of Human Services, according to the state’s website.

In 2017, lawmakers passed legislation, signed into law, that memorialized the office in statute, meaning it would no longer be subject to executive orders that governors could potentially rescind. It also gave OSIG law enforcement powers, including the ability to issue subpoenas and search warrants. The office’s Bureau of Special Investigations can launch probes based on complaints from private individuals, state employees, or state officials. In some instances, the office can initiate its own investigations.

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Spotlight PA spoke with four former Department of Aging employees who were interviewed — some of them multiple times — by the inspector general’s office in 2023, the year Shapiro took office.

They said investigators looked into what changes had been made in the wake of the report released in 2018. For instance, the office asked whether and how the department had strengthened its oversight of the 52 county aging agencies that conduct abuse and neglect investigations into older adults. It also requested data collected by the department on whether those county agencies were complying with state regulations to minimize or eliminate the risk of harm for the state’s most vulnerable older adults.

Two of the four people who spoke to Spotlight PA said they also told investigators they believed they were being targeted for retaliation by the Shapiro administration for speaking out about problems with the department’s oversight of older adult protective services.

Spotlight PA has spent the past two years investigating the state of those services. Through its series “Unprotected,” the newsroom exposed serious faults and deficiencies in how counties investigate abuse and neglect allegations, including taking too long to conduct investigations — potentially leaving older adults at risk — and flatly rejecting certain possible cases for investigation.

The news organization has also reported on concerns that despite these lapses, the Shapiro administration has relaxed its oversight of the counties — a criticism that Aging Secretary Jason Kavulich, appointed by Shapiro in 2023, has repeatedly rejected.

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Earlier this year, Spotlight PA sought several years’ worth of emails from the Department of Aging through a public records request. The department provided more than 1,000 pages of records — in many cases, redacting large portions of the email chains.

In one of those emails, dated Feb. 13, 2025, two members of Shapiro’s communications team discussed how to respond to an upcoming Spotlight PA story on a Philadelphia woman with dementia who died after her local aging agency took months to investigate her case.

In the email chain, a deputy press secretary in Shapiro’s office noted that the news organization had asked about the status of the 2023 inspector general’s investigation, writing: “For your awareness, [Spotlight PA] also asked us and OSIG about an OSIG report into Aging that the gov received in early 2024.”

The next line in the message is redacted, but the deputy press secretary closed the email by saying that Shapiro’s main spokesperson was handling the matter but that “I wanted to flag because I am sure it’ll be part of this story.”

At the time, the Shapiro administration did not publicly respond to questions about the inspector general’s investigation into the department, including whether a report was authored and whether the governor had seen it. The administration has continued to refuse to answer questions about it.

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Kavulich previously told Spotlight PA that he was interviewed by the inspector general’s office and that he was informed at the time their questions were “related” to the prior probe that resulted in the 2018 report. He said he did not know if a report was produced.

“I have never seen a report. I have no knowledge of a report,” Kavulich said in a March 2025 interview.

Later that year, he again denied knowledge of the report during testimony before a state Senate committee.

And in a statement this week, aging spokesperson Karen Gray said in an email: “No one at the Department of Aging has received or reviewed a copy of any OSIG report in 2023, 2024, 2025, or 2026.”

Public versus secret

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The 2017 law that codified the inspector general’s office is silent on whether reports stemming from the agency’s investigations are required to remain confidential. In fact, it says the office has the power to issue public reports, and has to produce annual reports to the legislature that include information on its investigations and specific recommendations for improving state agencies or programs.

But those yearly reports are light on details — describing the inspector general’s mission and work in broad strokes — particularly when it comes to the office’s special investigations into state agency programs. The reports provide the most detail about the office’s work rooting out fraud in public assistance benefits and efforts to get restitution from individuals who try to game the system.

Neither the 2023-24 nor the 2024-25 annual reports to the legislature reference the inspector general’s investigation into the aging department or the subsequent report provided to the governor’s office.

The inspector general’s office did not answer questions about why some investigative reports are shared with the public while others are kept secret. What is certain is that shielding such reports has created controversy over the years.

In 2017, for instance, Wolf was criticized by some in the Capitol for refusing to make public an inspector general report involving allegations that his onetime lieutenant governor, Mike Stack, and Stack’s wife had verbally abused and mistreated state employees assigned to work for them.

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In 2011, then-Gov. Tom Corbett kept secret a biting inspector general’s report, obtained a year later by the Philadelphia Inquirer, that exposed the lax work habits of several administrative law judges for the state’s Liquor Control Board. And in 2012, the inspector general produced a report, also never made public, detailing serious allegations that top LCB officials accepted gifts from the agency’s vendors and other businesses with an interest in liquor regulation. That report, also later obtained by The Inquirer, led to a probe by the State Ethics Commission.

On the flip side, past administrations have made public a number of investigative reports or summaries over the years, and those are available for viewing on the inspector general’s website. They include a report that examined the Wolf administration’s bungling of a statewide referendum that would provide legal recourse to survivors of child sexual abuse and another examining a cheating scandal at the Pennsylvania State Police academy.

BEFORE YOU GO … If you learned something from this article, pay it forward and contribute to Spotlight PA at spotlightpa.org/donate. Spotlight PA is funded by foundations and readers like you who are committed to accountability journalism that gets results.





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