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GOP plots Pennsylvania onslaught as Democrats battle to keep ‘really difficult’ Senate seat | CNN Politics

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GOP plots Pennsylvania onslaught as Democrats battle to keep ‘really difficult’ Senate seat | CNN Politics


For more on CNN’s coverage of the US Senate race in Pennsylvania, watch CNN’s “Inside Politics with Manu Raju” on Sunday at 8 a.m. ET and 11 a.m. ET.


Pen Argyl, Pennsylvania
CNN
 — 

Sen. Bob Casey is bracing for a GOP onslaught.

After a summer where he and his GOP opponent, David McCormick, have engaged in a brutal exchange of attacks in the marquee US Senate race in Pennsylvania, leaving the race in a dead heat, Republicans are preparing to drop more than $100 million across the airwaves in the final two months of the campaign.

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The staggering sum, which accounts to roughly $40 million more than Casey and his allies are preparing so far, gives McCormick the biggest edge on the airwaves of any Senate candidate in the campaign’s home stretch. Up until this point, both sides had spent similar levels on air, with Casey holding the advantage.

“I think I’m the underdog,” Casey, a three-term incumbent with a long history in Pennsylvania politics, told CNN after a Philadelphia rally with union workers. “Those corporate super PACs that are coming in here, that have already begun to attack me all summer long, those expenditures are going to go up exponentially.”

While Casey still predicted he would pull off a November victory and contended that he didn’t “care what they spend,” he said: “I don’t have a personal super PAC funded by Wall Street billionaires. … It’s going to be a really difficult race to win.”

Casey’s comments underscore the larger Democratic struggle to keep control of the Senate. They need to hold all their seats – other than West Virginia, which is almost certain to flip to the GOP – in order to simply keep a 50-50 Senate. And that means Democrats can’t afford a slip-up in a purple state like Pennsylvania, given they already have to defend seats in red states like Ohio and Montana.

To avoid that outcome, Casey has been launching a barrage of attacks going after McCormick’s character – a tactic Democrats are using in swing states across the country in an effort to court split-ticket voters. But as Casey attacks McCormick’s tenure running a major Wall Street hedge fund, and his past residency in Connecticut, the Republican and his allies are seeking to nationalize the race and tie their foe to Vice President Kamala Harris, the border and inflation.

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“The reason the race is closing is that Sen. Casey is just out of touch with Pennsylvania,” McCormick said in an interview here in an eastern Pennsylvania town where Trump won 60% of the vote in 2020. “He’s been a weak senator.”

To amplify those attacks, McCormick is benefiting from something other candidates lack: His own super PAC funded by well-heeled donors. Indeed, of the $101 million McCormick and his GOP allies plan to spend on the air, the Keystone Renewal PAC has reserved $66 million in the final two months of the campaign – more than the $64 million Casey and his allies are reserving to spend during that same timeframe, according to AdImpact data. That super PAC has been bankrolled by billionaire financiers like Ken Griffin and Paul Singer, who have donated $10 million and $2 million, respectively, according to federal records.

And McCormick has another benefit: His own deep pockets. Asked if he would pump his own cash into the campaign in the final months, McCormick noted he’s “already been a big investor,” pointing to public filings that show he spent $4 million so far on his campaign.

“I expect to continue to be an investor, and I believe in me. So I’m investing in me,” McCormick said. “But this will be the most expensive race in the country. And so I’m going to need lots of help.”

McCormick added: “I’m running against a three-term incumbent that’s been around for a long time. He’s a very big name in Pennsylvania. So I think I’m the underdog.”

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The Trump and Harris factor

Both candidates have calculated that it makes sense politically to align themselves with the top of their tickets, even if some of their standard bearer’s positions put them in a difficult political spot.

McCormick, who has never held elected office before, lost the 2022 Senate primary to Dr. Mehmet Oz, who Donald Trump backed, in a fiercely contested race where the former president repeatedly berated McCormick.

But McCormick has since made amends with Trump, winning the former president’s backing and stumping with Trump at the Republican National Convention and at stops throughout Pennsylvania. Indeed, McCormick was about to take the stage at the July rally in Butler, Pennsylvania, when Trump told him to wait back another moment. Moments later, a gunman tried to kill the former president.

“Yeah,” McCormick said when asked here if he thinks it could have been him shot at during the rally. “I didn’t think at the time. Then, I got home at night and talked to all six of my daughters, and they were freaked out.”

Yet McCormick’s alliance with Trump has some limits.

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Asked if he believed Trump’s claims that the 2020 Pennsylvania election was stolen, McCormick said he believed Joe Biden was the winner.

“One of the things I had said before was that President Biden was our president. He had won the election. I don’t believe the election was stolen,” McCormick said. “So President Trump and I don’t agree on everything, but we agree on a lot of things.”

Asked if he considered himself a MAGA Republican, McCormick said:  “You know, I consider myself a Dave McCormick Republican. I have time and again, laid out my positions. My positions are very much in line with what President Trump has said on policies.”

Casey sees it differently.

“He’s genuflecting to Trump all the time,” Casey said of McCormick, pointing out that Trump attacked him as a “liberal Wall Street Republican” during the 2022 campaign, an issue spotlighted in Democratic attack ads.

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Yet, Casey has to navigate his own top-of-the-ticket issues – namely Harris’ more progressive positions, including her previous support for banning the fossil-fuel extraction procedure known as fracking, an issue that carries particular resonance in Pennsylvania. Casey is now applauding Harris’ reversal – she now says she wouldn’t ban fracking – and appeared with her and President Joe Biden on the stump at last week’s Labor Day rally in Pittsburgh.

Asked why he’s aligning himself with Harris, as other vulnerable Democrats have shied away from her, Casey said: “Look, in this state, her campaign already has brought a real lift to the turnout dynamics. A lot of young voters are more engaged now than they were. She’s running a really strong campaign. I’ve known her a long time in the Senate.”

But he wouldn’t call himself a Biden-Harris Democrat, nor would he spell out the issues where he diverges from the Democratic nominee.

“I’m not going to try to itemize issues that we might have not total agreement on,” he said.

McCormick’s success on Wall Street has become a double-edged sword in the race, as Casey launches an array of attacks on his tenure at Bridgewater Associates – particularly its investments in China while he ran the hedge fund.

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From 2017-2021 – the period that McCormick ran Bridgewater – the company’s investments in China grew by 108%, including investing in a Chinese firm legally producing fentanyl.

In the interview, McCormick said that his company’s overall investment in China amounted to 3% of the firm’s global investment strategy, arguing it’s common for any such company to invest in China.

“You have 30% of things in your home that are from China,” he said, arguing that Casey’s record on immigration and border security is a reason for the fentanyl crisis rather than his company’s work. “There’s no global firm in the world that that doesn’t have exposure to China. And tens of millions of Pennsylvanians, tens of millions of Americans have investments across the globe, some of which are in China.”

But Casey said 3% is “a hell of a lot of money.” Asked if he sees the race turning on character, more than the issues, Casey said: “Well, I think it will turn on what you’ve done with your life. … So I’ve been working for the people in Pennsylvania. He’s been making money investing in China and working on Wall Street. “

McCormick shot back, saying Casey “doesn’t have a record to run on,” noting that the Democrat’s campaign spent more on attack ads than he has so far in the campaign.

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“Sen. Casey is running scared,” McCormick said.

Democrats have also been eager to spotlight past comments McCormick made in the 2022 primary. Indeed, when he was on the debate stage in 2022, he specified his view on abortion, indicating he opposed the procedure, noting: “I believe in the very rare instances there should be exceptions for life of the mother.”

Since he did not mention two other abortion exceptions – for rape and incest – that comment has been the centerpiece of a multimillion dollar Democratic ad campaign on the issue.

Asked last week why he only singled out life of the mother, and not an exception for rape or incest, McCormick told CNN: “I said before the debate, after the debate over and over again that I support all three exceptions. In the debate, I didn’t say I was against the other exceptions. I simply said that I was for that exception.”

But McCormick, who said he still opposes codifying Roe v. Wade, said he’s “not in favor of national legislation” and that the states should decide their policies rather than Congress.

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Casey also has long harbored anti-abortion views despite being a Democrat – and is the son of a two-term governor, Bob Casey Sr., a staunch Catholic who signed one of the most stringent abortion laws in the country in 1989, leading to a landmark Supreme Court decision. The elder Casey was even denied a speaking slot in the 1992 Democratic convention over the issue.

And in 2002, when the younger Casey mounted an unsuccessful bid for governor, he made his position clear, saying in a radio interview at the time that his view has “always been a pro-life position.”

“My position has always been favoring the one exception – for the life of the mother,” Casey said 22 years ago.

But in the interview last week, Casey suggested that his view has changed in the aftermath of the Dobbs decision, saying that he supports “restoring the rights of Roe.”

Asked if he still considers himself to be “pro-life,” Casey said: “I don’t think those terms mean much anymore. I really think that the choice now before the American people is if you support a ban, which means you support the overturning of Roe and all that comes with it, or you support this right, which I do.”

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CNN’s David Wright, Morgan Rimmer and Sheden Tesfaldet contributed to this report.



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Pennsylvania

Trump, Harris Eye Pennsylvania as Main Battleground of 2024

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Trump, Harris Eye Pennsylvania as Main Battleground of 2024


Pennsylvania is emerging as the top battleground in the White House race with Kamala Harris and Donald Trump increasingly focusing their attention and resources on the Keystone state.

The most populous of the swing states, Pennsylvania — with its 19 Electoral College votes — has drawn repeated visits from the candidates in recent weeks. And voters face a media torrent with campaigns and party committees booking $153 million in ad time for the post-Labor Day sprint, according to tracker AdImpact.

The candidates’ treatment of Pennsylvania as more important than other battlegrounds underscores the significance of a state that saw close contests in 2016, when Trump carried it by less than three-quarters of a percentage point, and 2020, when President Joe Biden narrowly flipped it.

The race there is a microcosm of the presidential contest at large. Trump and Harris have been barnstorming the state, seeking to address economic anxiety driven by high prices and worries about jobs and wages – particularly among blue-collar workers in western Pennsylvania – and to court suburban and independent voters in vote-rich suburbs around Philadelphia.

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The state’s importance will be further highlighted Tuesday when Philadelphia hosts what could be the only debate between Harris and Trump.

“Pennsylvania is the biggest electoral prize,” said Aubrey Montgomery of Democratic consulting firm Rittenhouse Political Partners, explaining the frenzied focus and full-state blitz. “Not only are they turning up their communities but they’re also providing resources to turning out the rest of the state.”

Lisa Camooso Miller, a Republican strategist, called Pennsylvania “incredibly interesting right now,” adding that “we just don’t know how it’s going to go.”

For more: See {ELEC GO} on the Bloomberg Terminal for US election news

An August Bloomberg News/Morning Consult poll shows a tight race, with Harris leading Trump in Pennsylvania by four percentage points.

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The Democratic nominee decamped to Pittsburgh on Thursday in what the campaign said was her 10th visit to the state this year. She’s expected to remain there this weekend preparing for the debate.

Western Pennsylvania has been a focus for her campaign with Harris and running mate Tim Walz taking a bus tour through the region ahead of last month’s Democratic convention and with the vice president returning to Pittsburgh on Labor Day with Biden. Walz undertook his own swing this week, visiting Lancaster and Erie.

Winning over organized labor and rural communities in western counties will be critical to both campaigns. While Harris boasts the support of union leaders, Trump has made deep inroads with rank-and-file workers once solidly in the Democratic column but drawn to his populist agenda.

“It’s important to go everywhere and make sure that you’re not just deciding where you go based on what’s the biggest media market,” said Brendan McPhillips, senior adviser for the Harris campaign in Pennsylvania.

Trump has held at least eight events in the state this year, including the rally in Butler where he survived an assassination attempt. He held a rally last week in Johnstown and a town hall Wednesday in Harrisburg.

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Democratic Governor Josh Shapiro, who was on Harris’ running-mate shortlist, has said economic issues will be paramount in the state.

Two topics are flashpoints in western Pennsylvania: fracking and steel.

Biden is poised to kill a $14.1 billion deal for Nippon Steel Corp. to purchase Pittsburgh-based United States Steel Corp., a transaction opposed by the United Steelworkers union. Trump has vowed to block the deal if elected.

The Republican nominee is also hammering Harris over her past opposition to fracking, the technique used to produce most US oil and gas today. Fracking has boosted the economy of Pennsylvania, the second-largest US producer of natural gas, with Pittsburgh sitting in the Marcellus shale formation.

“If she won you won’t have any fracking in Pennsylvania,” Trump said at Wednesday’s town hall.

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Harris during her presidential campaign in the 2020 cycle said she was in favor of banning fracking. In an interview with CNN last month, Harris said she had reversed her opposition, saying she would not ban it if elected.

The candidates are also pouring money into the state. Pennsylvania is shaping up to be the state with the most political ad spending according to AdImpact, with Democrats accounting for $80 million of the $153 million booked post-Labor Day.

The biggest spenders are Make America Great Again Inc., Trump’s allied super political action committee; and pro-Harris Future Forward PAC, followed by the candidates’ campaigns. Eight other groups have reserved at least $1 million, though those numbers can change as resources shift during the race.

Roughly a dozen ads have run on broadcast, cable and connected television since Labor Day in Pennsylvania markets, including a pro-Harris spot vowing to lower costs for middle-class families and a Trump campaign ad targeting her over immigration and Social Security.

Harris thanked former Vice President Dick Cheney and his daughter, former Representative Liz Cheney, for saying they’d vote for her in November. Both Cheneys portrayed Trump as a threat to America’s constitutional order.

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“It’s time to turn the page on the divisiveness,” Harris told reporters during a stop at a Pittsburgh spice shop Saturday. “It’s time to bring our country together, chart a new way forward.”

Harris has set up 50 coordinated offices and has more than 350 staff on the ground in cities as well as rural counties, according to her campaign. Democrats are eager to turn out voters in heavily blue cities.

Pennsylvania Democratic Party Chair Sharif Street said outreach would intensify ahead of Election Day “to more focused engagement where we’re more focused on encouraging people to return mail-in ballots.”

Trump’s campaign has more than two dozen offices across the state, according to an official familiar with their organizing who spoke on condition of anonymity. The campaign also staffed a Hispanic-outreach office in Reading and an office for Black outreach in Philadelphia — part of a broader bid to peel away support from key Democratic blocs.

Acknowledging the tight race, Republican National Committee co-chair Lara Trump has said the party would consider putting more resources in, calling Pennsylvania a “must-win.”

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“Every election cycle we have seen consistently how important that state has become,” she said in a Bloomberg Television interview last month.

Sign up for the Washington Edition newsletter to find out how the worlds of money and politics intersect in the US capital.

With assistance from Bill Allison, Gregory Korte, Stephanie Lai and Akayla Gardner.

This article was generated from an automated news agency feed without modifications to text.

Catch all the Business News , Breaking News Events and Latest News Updates on Live Mint. Download The Mint News App to get Daily Market Updates.

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Pennsylvania

Lawmakers have a duty to protect Pennsylvania children | Opinion

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Lawmakers have a duty to protect Pennsylvania children | Opinion


Children’s Advocacy Center of Pennsylvania program support specialist Cynthia Yang, left, and Executive Director Chris Kirchner, center, line up for a group photo on the Capitol steps. Children’s Advocacy Centers shine a light on child sexual abuse during a walk through Harrisburg to the state Capital steps, September 9, 2022.
Dan Gleiter | dgleiter@pennlive.com



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Election focuses energy on Pennsylvania battleground

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Election focuses energy on Pennsylvania battleground


WASHINGTON — Every Tuesday, Leslie Pascaud of Shelter Island gathers with friends for a virtual letter-writing session — to chat and catch up as they write postcards to voters in Pennsylvania.

This week, the longtime marketing-executive-turned-Democratic-activist will take a break to watch the first presidential debate between Democratic Vice President Kamala Harris and Republican former President Donald Trump. The 9 p.m. broadcast will come from The National Constitution Center in Philadelphia.

With the presidential election likely to come down to a handful of battlegrounds, attention in New York is heavily focused on the neighboring state of Pennsylvania.

Pascuad is part of a network of New York-based Democratic volunteers who are sending handwritten postcards to voters, making calls to rosters of registered voters and driving on weekends to knock on doors to encourage would-be voters to show up to the polls.

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“I can sit in my house surrounded by trees, and probably have a pretty good life, but it’s not the way I see the world,” Pascaud said of her volunteer efforts. “I think other people matter. I think that when you wake up in the morning, if you are only worrying about yourself and those immediately around you, and not connecting to the broader tapestry of this country, you’re missing a trick.”

The long-distance volunteer efforts underscore the all-out fight for votes in a state that Trump won in 2016 by a slim margin of 0.7% and President Joe Biden won in 2020 by a margin of 1.2%. Polls show a statistical dead heat between Trump and Harris. A CNN poll released Wednesday found both at 47% support.

With 19 Electoral College votes up for grabs, political analysts say the state is critical for either candidate’s path to securing the 270 Electoral College votes necessary to win the race.

Over the past week, both campaigns have spent considerable time on the ground — Harris and Biden held their first joint campaign appearance at a Pittsburgh rally on Labor Day, and Harris has remained in Pittsburgh preparing for the debate as running mate Tim Walz and Second Gentleman Doug Emhoff barnstormed the state.

Trump on Wednesday held a televised interview in Harrisburg with Fox News host Sean Hannity, which came on the heels of a campaign rally headlined by running mate JD Vance in Erie.

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“You see both candidates investing a great deal in Pennsylvania,” said Daniel Mallinson, a professor of public policy at Penn State University.

For Harris, a win in Pennsylvania would shore up the “blue wall” of states — alongside Wisconsin and Michigan — that Biden flipped in 2020, Mallinson said. While Harris has other paths to an electoral victory that do not include Pennsylvania, the state is shaping up to be a must-win for Trump, as Harris gains ground in Sun Belt states that Biden was trailing before he withdrew from the race in July, Mallinson said.

“The suburbs is where a lot of the battle will probably be in terms of trying to attract voters that might be undecided or might be willing to swing,” Mallinson told Newsday in a phone interview.

Suburban voters were critical to Biden’s Pennsylvania victory, and both campaigns are looking to drum up turnout there, said Susan Liebell, a political-science professor at St. Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.

“Like in New York State, the major cities in Pennsylvania lean more Democratic and rural areas are largely Republican. But also like New York, the population is concentrated in the cities,” Liebell said. “If you look at a map of Pennsylvania, it seems the entire state is red, but the red in the middle is largely rural voters. The suburbs surrounding Philadelphia have a large population, and these are the voters that both parties are looking to capture.”

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To woo suburban voters, groups like Swing Left, a national political group formed after Trump’s 2016 victory, have been organizing volunteer efforts like those Pascaud is a part of, connecting volunteers with campaign field offices in swing states and in battleground congressional districts.

Matt Caffrey, senior organizing director for Swing Left, said New York volunteers have played a key part in the organization’s work in Pennsylvania, crediting grassroots volunteers with helping Democrats flip a Pittsburgh-area House seat in 2018 and pick up a U.S. Senate seat with the 2022 victory of John Fetterman.

“The fact that New York is so close, within driving distance to multiple competitive [U.S. House] seats, and multiple population centers, it makes a huge difference,” Caffrey said.

Since April, Hope Singsen, a New York City-based artist and volunteer coordinator with Swing Left, has been organizing weekend carpool caravans from New York to Pennsylvania that are filled with volunteers from the city, Long Island and the Hudson Valley.

“Pennsylvania is the state that we’re hearing the most about as having the power to decide who wins the White House,” Singsen said. “If we can block Trump from winning Pennsylvania, he really may not have a path to the White House. If Trump does prevail and takes Pennsylvania, Kamala still has some other paths, but it’s harder. So, it’s not the whole game, but it still is really, really crucial to win Pennsylvania.”

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Republicans also have been working to boost Trump’s support in the state, including encouraging campaign volunteers in New Hampshire to redirect their efforts to Pennsylvania, according to a recent Boston Globe report.

Highlighting the state’s importance in the eyes of both campaigns, an analysis by the firm AdImpact found that Pennsylvania tops the list of ad spending among seven battleground states. The campaigns and aligned political action committees are expected to spend $211 million in advertising there, according to AdImpact — with Democrats expected to spend $109 million in advertising and Republicans expected to spend $102 million in the state. The amount is more than double the $99 million both campaigns are expected to spend in Michigan.

The ad spending has been noticeable, Mallinson said, noting that both campaigns have been blitzing TV and radio with ads.

“A big part of the campaign in Pennsylvania is going to be turning out the faithful,” Mallinson said. “We’ve elected Republican senators, Republican governors, just as we have Democratic senators and Democratic governors. The state clearly can swing.”

WASHINGTON — Every Tuesday, Leslie Pascaud of Shelter Island gathers with friends for a virtual letter-writing session — to chat and catch up as they write postcards to voters in Pennsylvania.

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This week, the longtime marketing-executive-turned-Democratic-activist will take a break to watch the first presidential debate between Democratic Vice President Kamala Harris and Republican former President Donald Trump. The 9 p.m. broadcast will come from The National Constitution Center in Philadelphia.

With the presidential election likely to come down to a handful of battlegrounds, attention in New York is heavily focused on the neighboring state of Pennsylvania.

Pascuad is part of a network of New York-based Democratic volunteers who are sending handwritten postcards to voters, making calls to rosters of registered voters and driving on weekends to knock on doors to encourage would-be voters to show up to the polls.

“I can sit in my house surrounded by trees, and probably have a pretty good life, but it’s not the way I see the world,” Pascaud said of her volunteer efforts. “I think other people matter. I think that when you wake up in the morning, if you are only worrying about yourself and those immediately around you, and not connecting to the broader tapestry of this country, you’re missing a trick.”

The long-distance volunteer efforts underscore the all-out fight for votes in a state that Trump won in 2016 by a slim margin of 0.7% and President Joe Biden won in 2020 by a margin of 1.2%. Polls show a statistical dead heat between Trump and Harris. A CNN poll released Wednesday found both at 47% support.

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With 19 Electoral College votes up for grabs, political analysts say the state is critical for either candidate’s path to securing the 270 Electoral College votes necessary to win the race.

Over the past week, both campaigns have spent considerable time on the ground — Harris and Biden held their first joint campaign appearance at a Pittsburgh rally on Labor Day, and Harris has remained in Pittsburgh preparing for the debate as running mate Tim Walz and Second Gentleman Doug Emhoff barnstormed the state.

Trump on Wednesday held a televised interview in Harrisburg with Fox News host Sean Hannity, which came on the heels of a campaign rally headlined by running mate JD Vance in Erie.

“You see both candidates investing a great deal in Pennsylvania,” said Daniel Mallinson, a professor of public policy at Penn State University.

For Harris, a win in Pennsylvania would shore up the “blue wall” of states — alongside Wisconsin and Michigan — that Biden flipped in 2020, Mallinson said. While Harris has other paths to an electoral victory that do not include Pennsylvania, the state is shaping up to be a must-win for Trump, as Harris gains ground in Sun Belt states that Biden was trailing before he withdrew from the race in July, Mallinson said.

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“The suburbs is where a lot of the battle will probably be in terms of trying to attract voters that might be undecided or might be willing to swing,” Mallinson told Newsday in a phone interview.

Suburban voters were critical to Biden’s Pennsylvania victory, and both campaigns are looking to drum up turnout there, said Susan Liebell, a political-science professor at St. Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.

“Like in New York State, the major cities in Pennsylvania lean more Democratic and rural areas are largely Republican. But also like New York, the population is concentrated in the cities,” Liebell said. “If you look at a map of Pennsylvania, it seems the entire state is red, but the red in the middle is largely rural voters. The suburbs surrounding Philadelphia have a large population, and these are the voters that both parties are looking to capture.”

To woo suburban voters, groups like Swing Left, a national political group formed after Trump’s 2016 victory, have been organizing volunteer efforts like those Pascaud is a part of, connecting volunteers with campaign field offices in swing states and in battleground congressional districts.

Matt Caffrey, senior organizing director for Swing Left, said New York volunteers have played a key part in the organization’s work in Pennsylvania, crediting grassroots volunteers with helping Democrats flip a Pittsburgh-area House seat in 2018 and pick up a U.S. Senate seat with the 2022 victory of John Fetterman.

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“The fact that New York is so close, within driving distance to multiple competitive [U.S. House] seats, and multiple population centers, it makes a huge difference,” Caffrey said.

Since April, Hope Singsen, a New York City-based artist and volunteer coordinator with Swing Left, has been organizing weekend carpool caravans from New York to Pennsylvania that are filled with volunteers from the city, Long Island and the Hudson Valley.

“Pennsylvania is the state that we’re hearing the most about as having the power to decide who wins the White House,” Singsen said. “If we can block Trump from winning Pennsylvania, he really may not have a path to the White House. If Trump does prevail and takes Pennsylvania, Kamala still has some other paths, but it’s harder. So, it’s not the whole game, but it still is really, really crucial to win Pennsylvania.”

Republicans also have been working to boost Trump’s support in the state, including encouraging campaign volunteers in New Hampshire to redirect their efforts to Pennsylvania, according to a recent Boston Globe report.

Highlighting the state’s importance in the eyes of both campaigns, an analysis by the firm AdImpact found that Pennsylvania tops the list of ad spending among seven battleground states. The campaigns and aligned political action committees are expected to spend $211 million in advertising there, according to AdImpact — with Democrats expected to spend $109 million in advertising and Republicans expected to spend $102 million in the state. The amount is more than double the $99 million both campaigns are expected to spend in Michigan.

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The ad spending has been noticeable, Mallinson said, noting that both campaigns have been blitzing TV and radio with ads.

“A big part of the campaign in Pennsylvania is going to be turning out the faithful,” Mallinson said. “We’ve elected Republican senators, Republican governors, just as we have Democratic senators and Democratic governors. The state clearly can swing.”



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