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How Morteza Mehrzad, the world’s second tallest man, spiked Iran to Paralympic gold

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How Morteza Mehrzad, the world’s second tallest man, spiked Iran to Paralympic gold

“SUPER SPIKE!” the PA announcer bellows inside the electric party atmosphere of the North Arena on the outskirts of Paris.

Arms outstretched wide, Morteza Mehrzad, sitting on the floor in his red top and black trousers, lets out a roar to celebrate yet another punishing blow which immediately ends the rally.

It is just one of the 27 points, the most accumulated by any one player, that helped Iran win a record-extending eighth Sitting Volleyball Paralympic title after beating Bosnia and Herzegovina in the final by three sets to one (22-25, 30-28, 25-16, 25-14). When Mehrzad briefly stood to shake hands with his opponent at the end of the game, the net came up to his midriff. His team-mates came up level with his sternum.


Mehrzad slams home another winner (Michael Reaves/Getty Images)

Standing at 8ft 1in (2m 46cm) — larger than most doors, longer than most beds — the 36-year-old is the second tallest man in the world.

Born with gigantism, his impairment has posed some problems. Mehrzad had been sleeping on the floor in the Paralympic village. The Iran team requested an extended bed before the Games but the two extensions provided to a standard athlete’s bed were insufficient. A third extension was made and his coach Hadi Rezaeigarkani and Paris 2024 organisers confirmed this week that the issue had been resolved and Mehrzad was sleeping comfortably in the village.

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Indeed it was Rezaeigarkani — who has won eight gold medals from his 10 Paralympic games, first as a coach and then as a player — who spotted Mehrzad on an Iranian television programme featuring people with physical abnormalities. The coach contacted Merhzad — who uses a wheelchair having injured his pelvis in a bike accident at the age of 16, stopping the growth of his right leg — and got him into the sport.

Mehrzad rarely went out in public, Rezaeigarkani has said in previous interviews, because his height and facial features — the latter caused by acromegaly, a hormonal disorder — attracted strange looks.

“I was a depressed guy and my life changed completely with volleyball,” Mehrzad told Esportivo. Rezaeigarkani believes the sport gave him hope.


Mehrzad was a key player in Iran’s gold medal pursuit (Michael Reaves/Getty Images)

Having stood out in public and received unwanted attention, Mehrzad is now head and shoulders above the rest courtesy of his sporting prowess.

Evidently, there are significant advantages to having such a tall player on your team. When sitting, Mehrzad has a maximum reach of 6ft 4in (1.96m). His hand stretches 81cm above the height of the net, allowing him to generate immense power as he kills off points with winning shots. As an outside hitter, that is his job.

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Mehrzad has to make sure his body is in the right position, however, and such a large frame requires agile movement. Sweat dripping down his face, he pushes his lower body on the floor, legs extended, up and down the court swiftly, reading the quick interchange of play.


Mehrzad’s reach stretches 81cm above the height of the net (Michael Reaves/Getty Images)

In fact, as well as his menacing spikes, what stood out most on Friday night is that Mehrzad, at the changing of ends or time-outs, always moved by shuffling and rarely got to his feet. “Morteza is the best spiker and one of the most important players in the world,” said his best friend and the final’s fastest server (73km/h), Meisam Ali Pour, speaking via a translator after the game. “He knows what to do, but he can’t do it by himself.”

Silver medallist Stevan Crnobrnja of Bosnia viewed Mehrzad as just another one of Iran’s great players. They accepted they could not do much about his height advantage, but focused on neutralising others who were crucial in setting him up. If one of his team-mates does not set or pass the ball, Mehrzad is helpless.

Ali Pour, who, going into the final, had contributed more points (39) than Mehrzad (28), emphasised the need for teamwork. “If all the best players in the world play together, they will not be able to beat Iran,” he said.


Mehrzad towers above his team-mates (Michael Reaves/Getty Images)

Expressive and animated on the court, off the court, Mehrzad, who was not available for interview, is shy, reserved and does not like attention.

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His team-mates and coach see him as just one member of a very united group. “My team has 12 stars, Morteza is one of them,” said coach Rezaeigarkani. “We did not have Morteza before and we will not (always) have him in the future.”

When asked what the secret to Iran’s success is, Rezaeigarkan replied: “Work, work, work.”

(Top photo: Michael Reaves/Getty Images) 

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Finding Wisdom in a Poem by Wendy Cope

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Finding Wisdom in a Poem by Wendy Cope

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Where do you turn when you need advice? A chatbot? A life coach? A wise and trusted friend?

How about a poet? Poets may not be famous for making the best life choices, but because they subject the mess of human existence to the discipline of language, they can be as helpful as any therapist or mentor.

Good poets know the rules and when to break them, which is something they can teach the rest of us.

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To wit:

Giving advice is a peculiar literary undertaking. It flourishes in certain popular genres — graduation speeches, newspaper columns, country and western songs and poems like this one — but what, in these contexts, is it really for?

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I’m thinking of situations when you don’t urgently need help but nonetheless enjoy reading answers to questions you may not have thought to ask. What interests you isn’t the content of the advice — you could get all the life hacks you want from A.I. — so much as the voice of the person dispensing it.

Wendy Cope is an English poet, born in 1945, who has been a fixture of her country’s literary scene since the 1980s. More recently, her short, buoyant poem “The Orange” has been widely memed online, bringing her to the attention of new readers beyond Britain.

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Cope favors rhyme, meter, brisk jokes and tart aperçus. She addresses romance, friendship and the petty absurdities of modern life with disarming good humor. The last line of “The Orange” is “I love you. I’m glad I exist.” Somehow she makes it the opposite of cringe.

This isn’t the kind of poetry you would describe as “confessional.” And yet …

Want to learn this poem by heart? We’ll help.

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Fill in the missing words below. You can always refer to the reading by A.O. Scott and full
text above.

Question 1/7

Let’s start with the first stanza.

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Stop, if the car is going clunk 

Or if the sun has made you blind. 

Dont answer emails when youre drunk. 

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Tap a word above to fill in the highlighted blank.

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Can You Match the Places These Authors Lived With Settings in Their Books?

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Can You Match the Places These Authors Lived With Settings in Their Books?

A strong sense of place can deeply influence a story, and in some cases, the setting can even feel like a character itself. This week’s literary geography quiz highlights places where authors were born (or lived) that later became locations in their books. To play, just make your selection in the multiple-choice list and the correct answer will be revealed. At the end of the quiz, you’ll find links to the works if you’d like to do further reading.

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Book Review: ‘America, U.S.A.,’ by Eddie S. Glaude Jr.

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Book Review: ‘America, U.S.A.,’ by Eddie S. Glaude Jr.

AMERICA, U.S.A.: How Race Shadows the Nation’s Anniversaries, by Eddie S. Glaude Jr.


For those of us in the national memory-keeping business, anniversaries hold near-totemic power. Satisfyingly round units of time, ideally bearing fancy, Latin-derived names, serve as the overburdened pegs on which to hang think pieces and museum exhibits, revisionist documentaries and maudlin public ceremonies. The arbitrary nature of such occasions is precisely what gives them their charge, inviting us to set aside complacency and submit to a comprehensive check-in.

In his new book, “America, U.S.A.,” Eddie S. Glaude Jr. presents an intriguing variation on the genre, seeing the country’s 250th birthday as an anniversary of anniversaries: 50 years since the malaise-ridden, schlock-heavy Bicentennial. A century since the subdued Prohibition-era Sesquicentennial. A century and a half since telegraphed reports of George Armstrong Custer’s defeat by the Lakota and Cheyenne at Little Bighorn rudely interrupted the Gilded Age Republic’s 100th birthday party.

If an anniversary offers a snapshot of a moment, the core of Glaude’s book is an old-timey photo album, a collection of notable episodes from earlier national reckonings, long-ago glances in the mirror. An estimable scholar of Black history, politics and religion at Princeton — best known for “Begin Again,” his 2020 meditation on James Baldwin’s relevance for our times — Glaude focuses, as his subtitle puts it, on “how race shadows the nation’s anniversaries.”

Such celebrations, he contends, have never really been the moments for honest self-reflection they are often advertised to be. Instead, the nation usually shatters the mirror, refusing to accept what it prefers not to see. “American anniversaries are often moments to turn a blind eye to the evils of the past and the present,” Glaude writes, “to suppress the fact of America’s divided soul.”

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It’s a clever concept, and, needless to say, perfectly timed. Last year, Glaude notes, the Trump administration executed a hostile takeover of the government’s studiously bipartisan 250th anniversary planning. It is now preparing a program that is certain to conceal more than it reveals about the country ostensibly being celebrated.

Glaude, in no mood for celebration, argues that such omissions and evasions also defined commemorations in the past. In 1875, Frederick Douglass predicted “one grand Centennial hosannah of peace and good will to all the white race of this country.” He was right: The nation reached 100 years old at a crucial moment in the post-Civil War fight over racial equality, with white Northerners ready to give up on Southern Reconstruction. The occasion would help the once-warring sections to reunite around a shared commitment to white supremacy. On May 10, 1876, at the opening of the Centennial Exposition in Philadelphia, the police tried to bar Douglass from the grandstand, until a white politician vouched for him.

The 150th anniversary came soon after a resurgent Ku Klux Klan successfully pushed for a restrictive immigration law aimed at keeping America a “Nordic” nation. At the lavishly funded, lightly attended celebrations in Philadelphia, Black veterans of World War I were excluded from marching in the opening parade. A writer with The Associated Negro Press wondered “what was in the breast of those black men who fought to make America safe for Democracy and on Monday stood on the sidelines, forgotten, as the Nordic strode by in all his vain pride.”

By 1976, when the nation marked its Bicentennial, the violence of the ’60s had destroyed any semblance of consensus. Vietnam and Watergate had eroded trust in the government. The commission initially tasked with organizing the anniversary was disbanded amid reports of corruption. Corporations filled the vacuum, Glaude explains, with “star-spangled whoopee cushions; patriotic toilet seats; Liberty hamburgers; red, white and blue beer cans.” The author, around 8 years old at the time, dimly remembers donning a pair of tricolor trousers.

A half-century later, Glaude is refreshingly honest about the depths of his despair. “I do not love America, and never have, especially now,” he writes in one of the more startling opening sentences I’ve read in some time. He dismisses this year’s Semiquincentennial as reaching back “to a storybook America that requires either the banishment of Black people from view or the reduction of our role in the country’s history, so as to affirm America’s ongoing quest to be a more perfect union.”

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Undoubtedly true. But Trump doesn’t own the country, at least not yet, nor the 250th anniversary of one of the most radically liberatory and confusingly contradictory events in world history — an inspiration, as Glaude shows, even to critical observers of the American experiment, like Douglass. Far from the revanchist MAGA-palooza in Washington, I suspect this summer’s unasked-for invitation to national soul-searching may surprise us yet.

Despite his despair, Glaude concludes that “the past still offers resources for us to freedom-dream.” So, too, does this book.


AMERICA, U.S.A.: How Race Shadows the Nation’s Anniversaries | By Eddie S. Glaude Jr. | Crown | 270 pp. | $31

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