New York
The Absurd Problem of New York City Trash
In New York City, trash has no dedicated space all its own.
It fits, instead, in plastic bags squeezed into the in-between spaces of the city.
It fills the gaps between buildings, the landings of stairwells, any available turf between two fixed objects.
Say, a parked car and a dining shed.
Even towering piles of trash can be almost invisible to inured New Yorkers.
But step outside the city for a moment — or view it with a visitor’s eyes — and a sense of absurdity may set in: How can one of the world’s greatest cities handle its garbage like this?
Consider the ubiquitous New York trash bag. It tears. It leaks. It smells. It multiplies on the sidewalk, attracting carryout clamshells and still-full coffee cups tossed on top until it all melds into a sticky mess. That mess feeds rats, blocks sidewalks and spills into the street. Then it strains the sanitation workers who must move every bag by hand into a trash truck, as testy drivers honk behind them.
Conversely, if the city could just tame all of this garbage, New York might be transformed.
The Sanitation Department has vowed to do this, shifting the bulk of New York’s waste out of sloppy sidewalk piles and into containers in a manner more closely resembling that of other American cities and global capitals. The prospect has prompted much snickering: New York’s big idea to clean up trash is to … put it in trash bins? Like other cities have done … for decades?
(It’s not lost on the Sanitation Department that the city is a punchline: “This was our moon landing,” the agency posted self-deprecatingly on X when video of its newly unveiled trash truck was shared widely last month.)
But the details of how this might be done in New York turn on a number of deeper and more difficult questions about the city itself: Where, exactly, do you carve out space for an essential city service in a place with so little space left? How should the city dole out what has become its most contested public asset, the curb space in the street? Would New Yorkers give up parking to clean up the trash?
These questions are about no less than the dilemma of a truly dense city, where anything that demands its own space means something else must give.
To be a little less philosophical about it, the current state of trash collection in New York City seems almost preposterous:
All of the trash bags on New York’s sidewalks — and the chairs dumped there, too — are collected like this.
How we got here
And what the 1811 street grid has to do with it.
The scene in the video you just watched might equally be from the 1970s or the 1920s. Trash in New York has largely been collected the same way for generations, typically with a couple of guys in the middle of the road grinding down their knees and lower backs to thrust refuse onto a truck.
1940: Buckets containing ash were once a big part of the waste stream. New York City Municipal Archives
1924: Notice what’s not on the street in the background: parked cars.
The New York Times
All that’s really changed has been the style of the vehicle and, if you go back far enough, the animal pulling it:
1920: New York’s Sanitation Department was originally the Department of Street Cleaning.
New York City Municipal Archives
1913: A century in the past, but the same problems as today. The New York Times
In 2024, this is not how trash is collected in most major American cities, or in comparably rich international ones.
For one thing, many American cities store and collect much of their trash out of view, in alleys instead of on the street. And they use two-wheeled bins that can be mechanically lifted by a truck. Dense European cities like Amsterdam, Barcelona and Berlin that do collect trash from the street often use large shared containers that are also mechanically emptied. Other cities even store trash underground or push it through pneumatic tubes (Roosevelt Island, an oasis of relative cleanliness in New York, has a pneumatic system).
But the idea of trash bags, just piled on the sidewalk?
“People would not tolerate — Would. Not. Tolerate. — trash being left the way it is in New York City,” Anthony Crispino, deputy director for the District of Columbia Department of Public Works, said of Washington residents (about 65 percent of Washington’s collection happens in alleys, for one).
“I would never ever ever ever even think to try to have an opinion on what New York does,” Cole Stallard, Chicago’s streets and sanitation commissioner, said of his New York counterparts (alleys host about 90 percent of his trash collection). “They’re up against tough odds with people literally taking garbage — raw garbage, dog feces that they cleaned up — and they’re putting it in a bag and putting it out on the curb.”
No wonder New York has a rat problem (the dog feces, Mr. Stallard adds, are more delicious to rats than even the finest steak scraps).
To be fair to New York, it’s unlike other cities in some crucial ways beyond its sheer size. Many big-city sanitation departments serve only single-family houses and small multifamily buildings, requiring bigger apartment buildings to pay for private trash service. In New York, commercial businesses rely on private service. But for residences, the city collects free of charge from everyone: houses, midrises, huge apartment buildings, public housing complexes.
That’s more than 800,000 residential buildings, producing about 24 million pounds of waste a day. Commercial businesses produce another 20 million pounds daily.
History has also been unkind to New York on the trash front. If we freeze that scene from above, all the constituent parts — the bags, the street collection, the parked cars — can be traced to decisions people made decades or even centuries ago:
Let’s start with the men who drew up the iconic 1811 plan for Manhattan’s street grid north of Houston Street. They didn’t include any alleys — for no particular reason historians have discerned.
This foundational 1811 map, zoomed in to what’s now the Chelsea neighborhood, didn’t bother to include alleys.
New York Public Library
The map’s three authors left few notes about their thinking. But two of them also happened to be working under deadline on the plans for the future Erie Canal (and they produced a voluminous report for that one).
So it’s entirely possible Manhattan has no alleys for trash collection today because the men who drew the street grid in 1811 were preoccupied by what seemed at the time like a bigger assignment.
“It isn’t because they said alleys were bad,” the historian Gerard Koeppe said. “It’s because they were thinking about the Erie Canal.”
In 1954, New York made another momentous decision that wasn’t particularly related to trash but that now looms over the city’s possible solutions. That’s when New York conceded its streets to free overnight parking for private cars. Until that point, the streets typically looked like this, with cars allowed to park for no more than an hour during the day and three hours after midnight:
This residential block in the Chelsea neighborhood, seen in 1940, is framed today by tightly parked cars. New York City Municipal Archives
Now New York’s streets are lined with about three million parking spaces.
Today the only plausible place to put large, sturdy, rat-proof trash containers is in the street, as many European cities do. But to do that, New York will have to claw back street space from cars. And the city will also have to do that at a time when competition for curb space is soaring from entirely new sources: bike lanes, bikeshare docks, dining sheds, rideshare pickups, Amazon deliveries, electric car charging stations, cargo bike loading zones and more.
To take one last step through history, we must also revisit the New York sanitation worker strike of 1968. Before the strike, New Yorkers were required to put their trash straight into metal cans — picture the kind Oscar the Grouch might occupy.
Sanitation Department guidance from 1949.
New York City Municipal Archives
But those cans overflowed to horrifying effect during the 10-day strike:
When New York streets resembled landfills. Neal Boenzi/The New York Times
Garbage was just loose in the street.
By the end of the strike, 100,000 tons of garbage sat on the street.
Larry C. Morris/The New York Times
At the time, the chemicals industry offered to come to the city’s rescue with a new product — the durable plastic trash bag. The industry even donated 200,000 of them to City Hall in its hour of crisis.
Plastic bags also meant no one had to hose out grimy trash cans.
Meyer Liebowitz/The New York Times
New Yorkers were relieved to be rid of the racket that metal cans made. They believed bags might better contain the smell that attracted rats. And sanitation workers preferred slinging bags into a truck over wrestling with cans. As the city moved in 1971 to formally wipe out the rule requiring cans, a city official declared the plastic bag the most significant advance in garbage collection since trash trucks replaced the horse and wagon.
Tackling the ‘black bag problem’
Or, how the city will try to put trash in containers, which sounds easy but actually is not.
It’s hard to say why, over the last half-century, New York never seriously rethought the plastic bag until now. Critics blame inertia. And the Sanitation Department had other things to worry about, like budget cuts, route planning, run-down equipment and where to put all the trash once Mayor Rudy Giuliani promised to close Fresh Kills landfill on Staten Island.
“In my day and then in subsequent years, I don’t think it was ever thought about from the point of view of: ‘What’s the container? Is this the best container?’” said Norman Steisel, who was the sanitation commissioner from 1979 to 1986 (his big project was moving from a three-man truck to one that required only two workers).
Enter Mayor Eric Adams, who hates rats. And a new sanitation commissioner, Jessica Tisch, who had no particular background in trash and who has been prone to asking an outsider’s questions about it, like, “What if people put it out later in the day?”
“I think tackling the black bag problem,” she said, “is the single biggest thing you can do to make the city cleaner and restore dignity and order.”
In February, Ms. Tisch and the mayor unveiled their revised plan for “containerizing” trash; recycling, which is not so enticing to rats, will remain on the sidewalk for now. Their plan calls for one strategy for smaller residences, another for big apartment buildings, and a third for the midsize buildings in between, which actually wind up being some of the hardest.
Any plan to deal with all these bags must solve for three things: the right kind of container for each building, where to store that container, and what kind of truck can pick it up. The city’s proposal also assumes that it will continue collecting trash two or three days per week from every residence in the city.
For buildings with fewer than 10 units, including single-family homes across the outer boroughs, the city has proposed to use standard wheelie bins, as some residents already do. Residents would store them against their buildings or in front yards and wheel them to the curb on collection days. New York’s existing trash trucks, retrofitted with a lifting arm, would pick them up and empty them.
Apartments of 31 units or more would need large, stationary containers parked on the street. They would look something like this:
Two possible examples of the kind of street container coming to New York. Hiroko Masuike/The New York Times
Two containers, each fitting four cubic yards of trash, would take up the space of one parked car. A specially designed side-loading trash truck would then lift those containers for dumping.
No sanitation workers were strained in the lifting of this trash container.
Hiroko Masuike/The New York Times
The middle-density buildings — those with 10 to 30 units — are tricky because they may produce too much trash for wheelie bins, but not enough to fill a container. These buildings also tend not to have full-time superintendents or trash compactors. The Sanitation Department wants to let the managers of each midsize building decide whether to use wheelie bins or on-street containers.
For every property, the answer will probably depend on the particular dimensions of their trash rooms, elevators, front yards and sidewalk space.
To understand how this will play out in real life, let’s look at a stretch of West 21st Street in the Chelsea neighborhood of Manhattan — the same block shown in the photo above from 1940.
An overhead satellite photograph of two Manhattan blocks, bordered by Seventh Avenue, Eighth Avenue, West 20th Street and West 22nd Street, with West 21st Street running down the middle. Upon scroll, the image is color-coded to show the sizes of the buildings on the block, and shows that there are no alleys in these blocks.
About 2,000 people live — and generate trash — on these two blocks between Seventh and Eighth Avenues.
Each type of building the Sanitation Department is planning for exists here.
These blocks have no interior alleys. There is little space between the buildings and the street. And the buildings form a solid mass that leaves few gaps to stash trash before collection day.
On a recent Friday morning before collection, there were 373 bags of trash and recycling sitting on this block-long stretch of West 21st Street.
The sidewalks looked like this …
… with trash bags erected in sculptural heaps …
… and lined up like little expectant soldiers.
There was a mattress. There is always a mattress.
The city’s plan, in theory, would take most of this trash (OK, not the mattress) and move it into a container. If we zoom in on the corner at West 21st Street and Seventh Avenue, the result might look like this:
A line illustration showing three buildings along a short stretch of West 21st Street, and their garbage. Upon scrolling, the illustration also highlights parked cars and space for a fire hydrant; three on-street trash containers replace one car and shift others down the street; wheelie bins sit in front of the two smaller buildings; and an additional on-street container replaces another car. A truck appears at the end to collect the garbage.
Trash and recycling are typically piled up like this now.
Like many residential blocks in Manhattan, the street is lined with parked cars. There are fire hydrants, streetlights, tree pits and a bike lane to keep in mind, too.
The 130-unit building on the corner will need three on-street trash containers, probably next to the space reserved for a fire hydrant. That takes up the space of one and a half cars.
This six-unit building needs just three wheelie bins out front. They don’t block the street, but they do block the windows of the ground-floor apartment.
This 20-unit building has a choice: either eight wheelie bins, which would line the entire front of the building … … or one on-street container, which would preferably not be right next to the garden box.
One truck will come down this block collecting from wheelie bins. Another will lift and empty the street containers. Recycling, meanwhile, will still be collected from piles on the sidewalk.
If we continue down the full block, the city’s plan could mean placing about 80 wheelie bins on the sidewalk, and 20 containers in the street, replacing 10 parking spaces. That’s the middle range of the possible scenarios.
There’s a clear trade-off between the wheelie bins and the on-street containers: Strategies that clear more of the sidewalk take up more of the street.
The most efficient plan — taking up the least total space — would have multiple buildings share street containers. That would solve for midsize properties that have too many wheelie bins but not enough trash to justify their own street container. But the city is worried about another problem here: Shared containers would attract illegal dumping, particularly by businesses that are supposed to pay a private hauler for trash collection. So instead the city plans to assign locked street containers to specific addresses, to be unlocked by the building super.
Citywide, this plan would require at least 800,000 wheelie bins, to be purchased by individual residents and building managers (any bin will do at first, but by 2026, the city will require a standardized one).
And the Sanitation Department estimates that this plan would take up 22,000 to 34,000 parking spaces — about 1 percent of the city’s total on-street parking — depending on what the medium-size buildings opt to do. That’s significantly less than the 150,000 parking spaces the city first estimated last year. The department has cut that number by removing recycling from the program and shifting more buildings to wheelie bins.
The apartment-dense Upper East and West Sides of Manhattan would probably lose the most parking.
Source: Sanitation Department
Every design choice has trade-offs. The on-street containers clear the sidewalks, but they may also complicate street sweeping and plowing. The wheelie bins require no street space, but too many of them may also be a nuisance. The city’s preferred side-loading trucks lift only from one side, so the city will need two fleets of right- and left-loading vehicles. Alternative hoist trucks that lift containers 20 feet off the ground can dump from either side, but they risk whacking trees and light posts. Even overhead, New York is crowded.
“This whole program,” Ms. Tisch said, “is one big balancing act.”
Commercial businesses offer a glimpse of these trade-offs to come. Last summer the city began to require restaurants, and then chain stores, and now all businesses to keep their trash in containers before private haulers collect it. There’s already less waste on the ground than existed one year ago, but there’s also a growing number of bins chained to bike racks and sewer grates to prevent people from stealing them.
Scaling up to the whole city
What happens when ideas that make sense in other cities run into the particulars of New York.
Eventually, the city envisions deploying a fleet of bespoke trash trucks — a European truck body on an American chassis, costing about $500,000 per truck — that would mechanically do the work of two people tossing trash bags.
“It’s a great idea,” Harry Nespoli, the head of the New York sanitation workers’ union, said (the trucks will still require two sanitation workers). “But over the years,” he added, “I’ve seen ideas come into New York City and come out of this city, and some of them just don’t work.”
The city is planning to pilot its strategy in Harlem starting in the spring of 2025, and any kinks and workarounds will no doubt become clear then. For example: What happens when snow piles up around the street containers? Can they withstand drivers smashing into them? What if sanitation workers can’t fit the wheelie bins between tightly parked cars?
Can such an ambitious project, which could run citywide to hundreds of millions of dollars, also stay on track at a time of city budget cuts?
The biggest logistical challenge will be the city’s enormous variability — that it contains our depicted Chelsea block and the suburban-style streets of Staten Island and the extreme density of the Financial District.
“It’s the central issue — creating some kind of uniformity in a place that doesn’t have uniformity,” said Martin Melosi, an environmental historian who has chronicled the history of waste in New York.
New York must also consider really big apartment buildings: A thousand-unit complex would need about two-dozen on-street containers. And the city has many neighborhood main streets, where ground-floor stores and cafes may not welcome a wall of wheelie bins out front serving the apartments upstairs. Then add dining sheds to these scenes. They use the same street space trash containers would. But the details of how the city contains trash on the street may also affect how appealing it is to eat there.
Imagine the view from the dining shed.
Clare Miflin, an architect and the executive director of the Center for Zero Waste Design, argues that a different scheme would better address these harder cases. In denser parts of the city, she suggests all small and midsize buildings use shared on-street containers, clearing the sidewalks of wheelie bins. (With the right design choices, like a smaller opening to throw trash, Ms. Miflin says the city could still discourage illegal dumping.)
That would take up more parking, and require more frequent collection in the densest parts of the city. But Ms. Miflin suggests the biggest apartment buildings don’t need their own permanent street containers. They could use four-wheeled bins that would be stored inside, filled from trash compactors, and pushed to designated on-street spots on collection days. That same street space could then be used for recycling bins on other days, and for delivery trucks and rideshare drop-offs at other hours.
Ms. Miflin worries the city is too focused on rats and not enough on how the challenge of trash containerization could also serve much larger goals in rethinking the city’s streetscape and reducing overall waste in the process.
“You should make the best use of space,” she said, suggesting that the sidewalk in front of a cafe or a ground-floor apartment isn’t best spent on wheelie bins. “Things should be on the street. But don’t consider the street something we can take as much of as we like.”
The city concedes that its plan won’t solve for every building or block. Neither wheelie bins nor street containers will work on about 4 percent of residential blocks, places where the buildings are just too big or the streets too small (or both, in the Financial District). The city would have to offer waivers or specialized trash plans to the residents there.
Relatedly, the sanitation workers’ union used to keep two chiropractors on call in the union hall.
Considering the scenes of trash in the city today, the bar is set remarkably low, said Benjamin Miller, a former director of policy planning at the Sanitation Department and author of another history of New York trash (the word “remarkably” is ours; he used a synonym we can’t print).
“Almost anything we do would be good,” he said. “And getting rid of bags is the first sort of ‘duh!’ The benefits follow from there.”
The streets would be cleaner. The trash trucks wouldn’t idle as long. The sanitation workers would be healthier (half of their line-of-duty injuries now are sprains and strains).
Containers also make it easier to reduce waste. Some cities do that by billing more to the buildings that produce more trash. And research has suggested that if cities charge for the actual cost of garbage services, they wind up with less trash. But if you wanted to price trash, first you’d need to put it in containers for easier monitoring and measuring. (In New York, this would require a change from a service that’s nominally free.)
Then there are the building supers who’d surely be happier.
All this trash — “I go to sleep thinking about it,” said Martin Robertson, the super for a 303-unit building in Brooklyn.
Trash is the bulk of his job: figuring out where to store it, how to squish it, how to keep ahead of the ever-growing mound of cardboard.
Mr. Robertson’s cardboard …
… and his recycling. The more his residents recycle, the worse his storage problem gets.
His trash room is 163 square feet in size. But with the trash compactor, the sink and a bit of space to move around, he counts less than 42 square feet for storing the actual bags until he can take them outside on collection day.
The compactor squishes trash. But it also takes up space.
“Literally every inch is a fight,” Mr. Robertson said. “And every system to save and reduce those inches is a fight.”
Out of space and out of better ideas, Mr. Robertson has taken to piling up his trash bags in a parking space he has claimed in front of the building with his own traffic barriers.
He has basically arrived on his own at the conclusion the city is reaching now, too: There’s nowhere left to put the trash but in the street.
At the dawn of a new day in New York trash collection.
New York
Video: Protesters Clash with Federal Agents Outside ICE Detention Center in New Jersey
new video loaded: Protesters Clash with Federal Agents Outside ICE Detention Center in New Jersey
transcript
transcript
Protesters Clash with Federal Agents Outside ICE Detention Center in New Jersey
Protesters and immigration agents clashed outside Delaney Hall detention center in Newark, where activists have gathered for days to denounce conditions inside.
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“Get back!” “Get back, get back, get back, get back, get back!” [chanting] “ICE, ICE has got to go. Hey, hey, ho, ho.” “We’ve heard repeatedly about these horror stories of pregnant women not getting access to care, of people with injuries not being treated. People shouldn’t have to starve themselves to make their dignity known.” “Down, down with the degradation.” “Down, down with the degradation.”
By Christina Kelso
May 28, 2026
New York
How a Family of 4 Lives on $225,000 a Year in Washington Heights
How can people possibly afford to live in one of the most expensive cities on the planet? It’s a question New Yorkers hear a lot, often delivered with a mix of awe, pity and confusion.
We surveyed hundreds of New Yorkers about how they spend, splurge and save. We found that many people — rich, poor or somewhere in between — live life as a series of small calculations that add up to one big question: What makes living in New York worth it?
Ellen Hagan grew up in a small town in Kentucky, and moved to New York City as quickly as she could after she graduated from college. She arrived a few weeks before Sept. 11, and tried to get her bearings in a city turned upside down.
She found a group of fellow young artists and writers who wanted to take advantage of everything they could in the city, on very limited budgets. They went to poetry readings and dance parties, and rented tiny apartments in the East Village.
All the while, Ms. Hagan was diligent about saving money, even when she had very little of it.
“I didn’t know what I was saving for, but I knew I wasn’t going to have a job that would give me a pension,” she said. “I wanted to make enough money to live the New York existence I was dreaming of.”
Twenty-five years later, Ms. Hagan and her husband, David Flores, whom she started dating in her early years in New York, have much more money than they used to. Still, they feel more anxious about money than they hoped they would at this point in their lives.
The couple both work at DreamYard, a Bronx arts nonprofit. Last year, they made $178,135 there collectively, with Ms. Hagan, 47, directing the poetry and theater programs, and Mr. Flores, also 47, serving as the head of visual art and design.
They typically bring in another $40,000 to $60,000 a year through their freelance work. Mr. Flores is an adjunct professor, a photographer and a filmmaker, and Ms. Hagan teaches at a graduate writing program and writes books and poetry. They try to set aside about 15 percent of their income each year to grow their savings.
The couple live in Washington Heights in Upper Manhattan with their two daughters, who are 12 and 15.
Homeownership Doesn’t Solve Everything
As a young couple, Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores lived in a 400-square-foot East Village rental. When their rent started to tick up, Ms. Hagan began looking for a place to buy, seeing homeownership as a buoy that would all but guarantee a secure financial life in New York.
Sixteen years ago, the couple found a perfect apartment in Washington Heights and scrambled to cobble together a down payment. They pooled their savings to put a 15 percent down payment on the $335,000 home. Once they closed, they were left with only a few hundred dollars in savings, but were thrilled and relieved.
“I had this sense that when you buy, you’re set in New York City,” Ms. Hagan said.
The reality, she has found, is more complicated.
The couple’s mortgage payment is $1,300 a month, and their maintenance fees keep rising, partially as a result of a new local law that requires increased inspections and repairs for buildings. Local Law 11 boosted their maintenance by $462 a month, at least temporarily, to about $1,900 total. And when the building’s management installed a new security system, each unit had to chip in $95 a month for three months.
Ms. Hagan loves the apartment, but she worries that they may eventually be priced out of their neighborhood.
“This building isn’t going to be for us at some point,” she said. “This feels like, uh oh, they’re imagining people who have much higher incomes than we do.”
Keeping the Kids Busy
Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores, who each maintain packed calendars, have encouraged their daughters to adopt the same approach to city living.
“I’m definitely a proponent of, let’s fill your schedule and see what you love,” Ms. Hagan said.
The girls’ public school offers free debate and band classes before and after school, and they’ll appear this spring in the school’s productions of “Annie” and “The Addams Family.”
The girls are also enrolled in a free theater academy at the People’s Theatre and writing workshops at Uptown Stories, which has a pay-what-you-can system. Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores typically pay the full tuition, which is $800 for each 12-week session, and donate about $2,500 a year to the organizations their daughters are part of.
The couple’s older daughter, Araceli, who wants to be both a writer and a doctor, is enrolled in a medical training program for middle and high school students. She made $2,500 for completing an internship at a cardiothoracic intensive care unit last summer.
Their younger daughter, Miriam, is going to a Y.M.C.A. camp this summer, which costs $2,600 for two weeks.
Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores spent about $500 total on holiday gifts for both girls, and the couple doles out their daughters’ weekly allowances in two installments: $25 on Mondays and $25 on Fridays.
They shook their heads when Miriam, who is known as the most stylish member of the family, came home one day wearing a Dr Pepper T-shirt she’d bought at Target.
“We were like, ‘What are you doing with your money?’” Ms. Hagan said.
The Fun Stuff
The extra income from the couple’s freelance work allows the family to splurge on theater, vacations, books and memberships at the Museum of Modern Art and the Whitney Museum of American Art.
Sometimes, Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores work together. A few years ago, they sold a young adult novel called “Tell Me Every Lie” they had co-written for a $35,000 advance, some of which went to their agent.
Every little bit helps. The family is spending a weekend on Long Beach Island in New Jersey this summer, which will cost about $3,500. That price tag includes a hotel room big enough for four.
The family typically travels twice a year to Kentucky, where both Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores are from, and where the couple co-owns a home in Louisville with Mr. Flores’s parents. They put $40,000 down and spend about $12,000 annually on expenses related to the home.
The family was hoping to travel to the Philippines this year, where Mr. Flores’s father is from, but they realized it could cost as much as $15,000. The trip is now on hold indefinitely.
They spend about $700 a month on groceries from nearby supermarkets, and occasionally order grocery deliveries from FreshDirect.
Every Wednesday, when the girls come home late from theater class, someone picks up dinner at the nearby halal truck or the Dominican restaurant Malecon, which usually runs about $60.
Dinner out as a family of four can easily cost $200, so Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores typically eat at restaurants just once or twice a month. The other night, the whole family was hungry and craved Italian food from a favorite upscale spot nearby.
They balked, and walked around the corner to a diner instead. The meal was $120, all in.
We are talking to New Yorkers about how they spend, splurge and save.
New York
Gov. Sherrill Demands Access to ICE Facility as Hunger Strike Widens
Gov. Mikie Sherrill of New Jersey, a Democrat who has clashed with the Trump administration over immigration policies, joined protests outside a detention center in Newark on Monday in support of detainees participating in a hunger strike.
Ms. Sherrill heard from family members of detainees, who have complained about rotten and spoiled food and inadequate medical care at Delaney Hall. Dozens of protesters waved signs, banged on drums, and chanted “Free Them All!” The governor told the crowd she had requested access but was denied.
“No matter what your immigration status is, you shouldn’t be treated with anything less than dignity in this country,” said Ms. Sherrill, who was dressed in a T-shirt, jeans, and blue-gray jacket on the Memorial Day holiday. At one point, she rested her hand on the shoulder of a crying relative and smoothed the hair of an upset child.
After the governor left, the scene worsened outside the detention facility. A tense standoff erupted between Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents and protesters who blocked an entrance; the agents responded by firing pepper balls and spray at the protesters. Senator Andy Kim, who was trying to de-escalate the situation, was among those affected.
On Monday, the governor and other elected officials, including Mayor Ras J. Baraka of Newark, appeared outside Delaney Hall amid growing concerns over the hunger strike, which started on Friday inside the gray, cinder-block building enclosed by a high chain link fence topped with razor wire.
Immigration advocates have rallied outside Delaney Hall since Friday. Detainees said they would go on a hunger and labor strike while calling for an investigation of the detention center and its operations and for Ms. Sherrill to visit to discuss protections from ICE. Hundreds of detainees were participating, one protester told Ms. Sherrill.
The governor said in a statement on Sunday that she had contacted ICE to gain access to the detention center and was working to monitor the situation and “do what’s necessary to ensure humane conditions.”
At Monday’s protest, some protesters shouted in Ms. Sherrill’s face to criticize her for not showing up earlier in the weekend, like other elected officials had.
Representative Rob Menendez of New Jersey had arrived at 8 p.m. on Sunday and stayed all night until he was allowed into the center on Monday morning. Mr. Menendez said that he had spoken to some of the detainees inside Delaney Hall, including a young woman who just wanted to go to her high school graduation, a pregnant woman who was trying to get medical care, and a man who showed him a carton of milk that had gone rancid.
“I heard just desperation from so many people in there,” Mr. Menendez said afterward.
Angela Martinez told Ms. Sherrill that her cousin, Bolivar Bueno, 65, has diabetes and that she hasn’t been able to speak to him to make sure he is getting medication. “We don’t know what’s going on,” she told the governor.
Afterward, Ms. Martinez said, “I want for her to help me out.”
Ms. Sherrill left after about an hour, around 11:30 a.m., as some demonstrators jeered at her. Her security had to clear the road of a couple people who tried to stop her S.U.V. from leaving.
A few hours later, a convoy of ICE vehicles approached another entrance on the south side of Delaney Hall. Protesters, who had rallied at the north entrance in the morning, ran over to sit down in front of the vehicles. Many said they feared that the detainees on hunger strike inside would be transferred to other facilities.
ICE agents — most of whom were wearing face masks — pushed and shoved the protesters out of the way, even dragging one young man by a kaffiyeh around his neck. As the protesters chanted “Trump Has To Go,” they linked arms and faced the ICE agents.
The standoff prevented anyone from leaving through the south entrance. Soon after, a military-style vehicle moved toward that entrance, with a man on top holding a firearm pointed at demonstrators.
Senator Kim, Democrat of New Jersey, who had been allowed inside Delaney Hall, came out during the confrontation and walked over to support the protesters. Soon afterward, the ICE agents and military vehicles backed away from the entrance and slightly retreated toward to the detention center, but the standoff continued.
“They provoked it, they brought that tank over,” Mr. Kim said. “It’s getting worse and worse here.”
The senator said he was working to “de-escalate” the standoff through negotiations with federal officials and would push for families to be allowed to visit detainees as early as Tuesday. “I’m going to keep at it,” he said.
Not long after, the standoff escalated with ICE agents using pepper balls and mace on the crowd.
It’s not the first time Delaney Hall has faced protests. In June 2025, four men escaped from the detention center after days of unrest over meager and sporadic meals and overcrowding that forced some detainees to sleep on the floor. Detainees had smashed windows, doors and security cameras.
And Mr. Baraka, the Newark mayor, was arrested in May 2025 during a clash with federal agents outside its gates last year.
Dakota Santiago contributed reporting.
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