New York
One Last Job? 60-Somethings With Mob Ties Charged in Jewel Heists
When four men were charged this week in the brazen armed robberies of two Manhattan jewelers, their ages suggested it might not be their first encounter with the criminal justice system.
It wasn’t.
Among them, according to officials and court documents, the men have ties to the Genovese, Lucchese and Kansas City, Mo., crime families; a history of bank robberies, racketeering and killings; and a jailbreak reminiscent of a Hollywood movie.
The defendants are Vincent Cerchio, 69; Michael Sellick, 67; Frank DiPietro, 65; and Vincent Spagnuolo, 65. If convicted of the most serious charge, each faces the prospect of returning to prison for as long as 20 years for failing to do what many people their age have done: retire.
The U.S. attorney’s office for the Southern District of New York charged the four with stealing $2 million in diamonds and other gems at gunpoint while dressed as construction workers to blend in on busy streets. A fifth man, Samuel Sorce, 25, of Florham Park, N.J., is charged with being a getaway driver in one of the heists.
“The professional planning and execution of the robberies” reflect the older men’s “long histories of serious violent crime,” prosecutors said in a court filing. As evidence, the filing cites surveillance footage, call records, license plate readers, eyewitnesses and cellphone transmission data.
Mr. DiPietro’s lawyer, Mathew J. Mari, said his client was not guilty. Mr. DiPietro did work in construction, Mr. Mari said, had led an “exemplary life” in recent years and believed that he and the others had been arrested because of their résumés.
“He said, ‘They’re just trying to pin it on us because we’re career criminals,’” Mr. Mari said.
Organized crime has long been the province of older men. And with some activities that were traditional mob rackets, like sports betting, becoming legal, there may be fewer opportunities for young, would-be gangsters to commit the entry-level crimes that might make their reputations.
Elie Honig, a former top federal organized-crime prosecutor in Manhattan, cited several reasons for what he called the “perpetual graying” of the Mafia. For one thing, it takes years to climb the ranks; rarely is a member inducted, or “made,” before he is in his 50s. For another, Mr. Honig said: “There’s no such thing as retirement from the mob. They don’t have a pension plan.”
The advanced age of many gangsters often becomes a factor at sentencing hearings, when bids for leniency tend to rely heavily on litanies of medications, impairments, illnesses and other ravages of time.
When Mr. Honig prosecuted his first organized crime case in the early 2000s — the reputed Genovese boss Matthew Ianniello and a score of other defendants — the average age of those charged was well over 70. The scene at their booking featured walkers, wheelchairs and oxygen machines, he said.
Mr. DiPietro — born when “Gunsmoke” was the most popular show on television — and his fellow defendants made initial appearances on Tuesday in federal court in Manhattan, where a judge ordered that they be detained. They are scheduled to return to court next month.
The first robbery was on Madison Avenue, in a building where a jeweler operating from the penthouse stocks a street-level display case with pricey items each day, according to a criminal complaint.
On Jan. 3, Mr. Cerchio, Mr. DiPietro, Mr. Sellick and Mr. Spagnuolo traveled to the area of the building, the complaint says; several of them had scouted the site the day before.
Just before 10:30 a.m., the complaint says, Mr. DiPietro and Mr. Sellick, in masks, hats, jeans, sneakers and brightly colored, construction-style jackets, entered the lobby and confronted a worker who had just opened a safe.
“Give it to me,” Mr. DiPietro, brandishing a gun, ordered before grabbing a 73-carat necklace, a 17-carat pair of earrings and a six-carat ring and running off, the complaint says. Mr. Sellick told the worker to “get in the closet” and fled as well.
The second robbery, on May 20, involved a jewelry store on Elizabeth Street in Chinatown, according to a second complaint.
Mr. DiPietro and Mr. Sellick, wearing similar outfits, stormed into the shop soon after it opened, prosecutors say. This time, Mr. Sellick had the gun and ordered workers to the floor while Mr. DiPietro snatched up jewelry, prosecutors say.
The two fled first in a vehicle driven by the relatively fresh-faced Mr. Sorce, then in one driven by Mr. Spagnuolo, who prosecutors say was also a getaway driver in the first robbery.
Mr. Spagnuolo, of Monmouth Beach, N.J., is the only one of the four older men without a federal conviction, according to prosecutors. He pleaded guilty to manslaughter in state court in 1979 and was sentenced to 10 years in prison, records show. Later came two convictions on robbery-related charges.
Mr. DiPietro, of Red Bank, N.J., is also an admitted killer. In 1999, he pleaded guilty to fatally shooting a grand jury witness who had testified about a Lucchese-related drug conspiracy, court records show. The victim was found in a car in a remote area of Staten Island after being shot four times in the head. Mr. DiPietro was sentenced to 19 years in federal prison and released in 2016.
Mr. Cerchio’s federal record, prosecutors say, includes a 1997 indictment stemming from the murder of a fashion designer in his Upper West Side apartment in a “Lucchese armed robbery spree gone awry.” He pleaded guilty to a stolen goods charge and was sentenced to 27 months.
A sweeping set of federal indictments targeting New Jersey’s DeCavalcante crime family in 1999 named Mr. Cerchio as a Lucchese associate. The next year, he was sentenced to 51 months in prison after pleading guilty in a racketeering case involving DeCavalcante gangsters, prosecutors say. Later, in 2014, he pleaded guilty in a scheme to rob trucks of counterfeit cigarettes. Sentenced to 27 months, he was released in 2016, records show.
A lawyer for Mr. Cerchio, of Howard Beach, Queens, declined to comment on the latest allegations, as did a lawyer for Mr. Spagnuolo.
Mr. Sellick, of Franklin Square, N.Y., was first sentenced to federal prison in 1980 after pleading guilty to bank robbery, prosecutors say. In 1998, he pleaded guilty to five counts of armed bank robbery and was sentenced to another 19 years, records show. He was released in 2015.
Since then, his lawyer, Gerald J. McMahon, said, Mr. Sellick had worked steadily at a union job painting bridges and now earns $55 an hour. Mr. McMahon said Mr. Sellick was not guilty and that the case against him was one of “mistaken identity.”
Mr. Sellick has displayed a flair for drama in the past: Twice during a state prison stint sandwiched between his federal sentences he escaped from an upstate jail.
The first jailbreak, in 1979, resembled the plot of the film “Escape From Alcatraz,” which had just been released and was based on actual events at the famous island prison in San Francisco Bay.
In Mr. Sellick’s version, he and several others tore a light fixture from a cell wall, enlarged the resulting hole, crawled onto a catwalk, tore up a floor grating and slithered through 300 feet of plumbing pipes and electrical conduits to a gap in a wall left by construction work.
The Alcatraz fugitives were never found, dead or alive. Mr. Sellick, obviously, was.
Chelsia Rose Marcius and William K. Rashbaum contributed reporting. Kitty Bennett contributed research.
New York
New Yorkers Have Little Data but Big Feelings About Congestion Pricing
It’s too soon to know whether New York City’s new congestion pricing plan has succeeded in reducing traffic in Manhattan. And it will be a while before we know if the new fees will raise the billions of dollars proponents have promised. But even before the hard data arrives, New Yorkers (and those who commute to New York) have had lot to say.
Some public transit commuters report buses miraculously arriving on time or (gasp) early. Drivers are either steaming mad — or agog at traffic-free bridges. Many pedestrians say they are suddenly less anxious about crossing the street. And some former congestion pricing haters are startled to find themselves reconsidering.
The first-in-the-nation plan took effect this week after years of contentious debate. Most drivers now pay $9 to enter Manhattan below 60th Street. Money collected from the toll is supposed to be used to improve public transportation.
Congestion pricing arrived at the same time as a stretch of brutally cold weather in New York, so it’s still unclear what has been keeping people out of their cars and off the streets.
But Ilena Robbins, 37, believes congestion pricing has already been transformative.
It is not hyperbole to say that crossing Canal Street, a notoriously clogged east-west thoroughfare with four — and in some places six — lanes, used to make her fear for her life.
Ms. Robbins, who grew up in Manhattan but now lives in Queens, compared navigating the intersection where she works, at Canal and Lafayette Streets, to a game of Frogger — at least in the old days.
“It would stress me out just getting lunch,” she said. Thursday was her first day there post-congestion pricing. “I couldn’t believe it,” she said. “I was able to cross safely, and cars weren’t honking. It was like a whole other world.”
Asad Dandia owns and operates a walking tour company, New York Narratives, and conducted his first post-congestion pricing walking tour at noon on Thursday, leading 20 students through Lower Manhattan.
“It was much easier to cross the street,” said Mr. Dandia, a 32-year-old native of Brighton Beach, Brooklyn. “Definitely quieter. Definitely calmer.”
Mr. Dandia, who also teaches a New York City history course at CUNY Guttman Community College, added that he saw great potential in congestion pricing. “I think it could lead to a renaissance — a street renaissance.”
Even people who don’t study the streets for a living were swept up in the excitement.
Annie Kaur usually posts videos about fashion on her TikTok account. But from her apartment on the 32nd floor of a building that overlooks Third Avenue, Ms. Kaur, a 27-year-old management consultant, noticed how few cars were on the road during rush hour on Tuesday.
At 5:04 p.m., she filmed a video from her window and posted the clip with the caption, “There’s usually so much traffic during this time of the day!”
By Friday, the video had over three million views — more than any of her other posts.
“It definitely did surprise me,” she said. “This is not my usual content.”
There were also over 3,000 comments, some cranky: “If u have this view u can afford the tolls,” one viewer wrote.
Ms. Kaur said congestion pricing doesn’t really affect her much, except if she takes a cab or Uber at night, when that feels safer than riding the subway.
But her perch gives her an interesting perspective. “I’ve seen a lot of traffic,” she said. “I’ve seen gridlock — just, crazy, stopped.”
On the day that she filmed, she said, the traffic seemed about 25 percent lighter. But, she hedged: “It could just be because it was after the holidays. And it was less than 20 degrees. It was freezing, you know?”
Regardless, down on the streets, some people were ecstatic.
Ramit Sethi, an author and entrepreneur, posted in all caps on social media that his ride on Thursday was “the fastest trip I’ve ever taken to the airport from NYC!!! Thank you congestion pricing!!!”
In an email, Mr. Sethi, 42, reported that his Lyft driver got him from downtown Manhattan to Newark Liberty International Airport in just 23 minutes. “No honking, zero congestion around the Holland Tunnel, no need to leave an extra half-hour early to account for traffic,” he said.
And some drivers admitted they have been forced to change their tune.
On Tuesday, a social media user named Ali Lyles posted a video on TikTok in which he compared being charged a toll as he crossed a bridge to “being robbed without a gun.”
Just a short time later, he posted another video, acknowledging that he had saved half an hour from his commute. “There wasn’t no traffic, bruh,” he said. “I might actually like congestion pricing!”
Marc Jacoby, 64, had a similar experience. He drives from the West Village to the Bronx or Westchester four to five times a week to teach music to people with special needs. He drives instead of taking public transportation because, he said, he carries so much equipment: “Guitars. Puppets. Percussion instruments. Flutes. Whistles. Sometimes toys.”
Before now, Mr. Jacoby had only negative impressions of congestion pricing.
“If someone asked me, two weeks ago, I would say this is going to be a disaster,” he said. “But I was wrong about that. And I’m happy to admit that I was wrong.”
At 42nd Street and the West Side Highway on Thursday at 1 p.m., the consistently clogged streets near the Intrepid Museum and Circle Line Cruises were clear. Mr. Jacoby described the scene as “actually unbelievable.”
There are discounts for low-income vehicle owners, but Mr. Jacoby believes the fee should be set on a sliding scale.
“When Big Brother scans your license plate, they should tie it to your state tax return,” he said. A driver making a half-million dollars a year, he suggested, should pay $50. “And when they see me, maybe I should pay $5 or $9.”
Some people don’t want to pay at all.
On Wednesday, Scott LoBaido, a Staten Island-based artist and activist, posted a video to social media showing himself using duct tape to cover up his license plate and suggesting others do the same, as a way to avoid the toll.
Later in the day, Mr. LoBaido, whose work includes paintings of Donald Trump hugging the Empire State Building in front of an American flag, was arrested after he staged a one-man protest near Columbus Circle.
Still, there was so much congestion pricing buzz — positive, negative or neutral — that even brands and people in other cities were chiming in.
Shake Shack announced a temporary “Congestion Pricing Combo” starting Jan. 13: a burger and fries for $9 — “toll not included.”
And Lauren Walker, a resident of Washington, D.C., wondered if cities should go even further: “My opinion on congestion pricing,” she joked on the social media site Bluesky, “is that it should cost 10,000 dollars to honk your car horn.”
New York
Large Blaze Ravages Bronx Apartment Building, Leaving Many Displaced
Dozens of families were looking for shelter after a large fire broke out at an apartment building in the Bronx early Friday, injuring at least seven people, the Fire Department said. There were no fatalities or life-threatening injuries, according to officials.
About 250 firefighters and emergency medical responders rushed to a six-story residential building on Wallace Avenue near Arnow Avenue after a fire was reported there just before 2 a.m., the Fire Department said. The blaze on the top floor was elevated to a five-alarm fire about an hour later, it said.
Several dozen firefighters were still gathered outside the building at around 10 a.m. Many windows on the top floor were blown out and some had shards of glass hanging in place that resembled jagged teeth. Smoke continued to climb from the building as a firefighter on a ladder hosed the roof.
The fire was brought under control shortly before 2 p.m., according to fire officials.
The seven people who were injured included five firefighters, the department said in an email. One person was treated at the scene but declined to be taken to a hospital.
A spokeswoman for the Police Department said earlier that some people had suffered smoke inhalation injuries.
Robert S. Tucker, the fire commissioner, said during a news conference that it was a miracle that there had been no serious injuries or fatalities. Officials said that all of the apartments on the building’s top floor were destroyed.
Firefighters blasted water at the smoke and flames pouring out of the upper floors and roof, according to videos posted online by the Fire Department and television news outlets. Heavy winds had fueled the blaze, the department said.
The cause of the fire was under investigation, officials said.
The Red Cross was at the scene helping residents that were displaced by the fire, and a temporary shelter had been set up at the Bennington School on Adee Avenue nearby. Doreen Thomann-Howe, the chief executive of the American Red Cross Greater New York Region, said during the news conference that 66 families had already registered to receive assistance, including lodging. She said she expected that number to increase.
Juan Cabrera and his family were among those seeking help at the Bennington School. Mr. Cabrera said that he and his family had not heard a fire alarm but had instead heard glass breaking as residents climbed out of windows. He said he had also heard people race across the hall one flight above him while others screamed “Get out!”
Mr. Cabrera, 47, said he had smelled smoke and woke up his daughter, Rose, 13. He and his wife, Aurora Tavera, grabbed their IDs, passports and cellphones, and the family left the building.
“I felt desperate,” Ms. Taverna, 32, said.
“Thank God we are still alive,” said Mr. Cabrera, who works as a school aide and custodian and has lived in the building for five years. “The material stuff you can get back, but we have our family,” he said.
Louis Montalvo, 55, was also among those seeking help. He said firefighters banged on his door at around 3 a.m. and that he had smelled smoke.
“I am grateful to be around,” Mr. Montalvo said, as he stood outside of the temporary shelter. He was still wearing his felt pajama pants, which had snowmen printed on them.
Vanessa L. Gibson, the Bronx borough president, said she was “so grateful” there had been no fatalities from the fire.
The last major apartment fire in the Bronx occurred in 2022, and resulted in 17 deaths, which experts said were entirely preventable. Self-closing doors in the building did not work properly, allowing smoke to escape the apartment where the fire started and rapidly fill the structure’s 19 stories.
New York
New York’s Chinese Dissidents Thought He Was an Ally. He Was a Spy.
The Chinese government’s paranoia about overseas dissidents can seem strange, considering the enormous differences in power between exiled protesters who organize marches in America and their mighty homeland, a geopolitical and economic superpower whose citizens they have almost no ability to mobilize. But to those familiar with the Chinese Communist Party, the government’s obsession with dissidents, no matter where in the world they are, is unsurprising. “Regardless of how the overseas dissident community is dismissed outside of China, its very existence represents a symbol of hope for many within China,” Wang Dan, a leader of the Tiananmen Square protests who spent years in prison before being exiled to the United States in 1998, told me. “For the Chinese Communist Party, the hope for change among the people is itself a threat. Therefore, they spare no effort in suppressing and discrediting the overseas dissident community — to extinguish this hope in the hearts of people at home.”
To understand the party’s fears about the risks posed by dissidents abroad, it helps to know the history of revolutions in China. “Historically, the groups that have overthrown the incumbent government or regime in China have often spent a lot of time overseas and organized there,” says Jessica Chen Weiss, a professor of China studies at Johns Hopkins University. The leader Sun Yat-sen, who played an important role in the 1911 revolution that dethroned the Qing dynasty and led eventually to the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, spent several periods of his life abroad, during which he engaged in effective fund-raising and political coordination. The Communist Party’s own rise to power in 1949 was partly advanced by contributions from leaders who were living overseas. “They are very sensitive to that potential,” Weiss says.
“What the Chinese government and the circle of elites that are running China right now fear the most is not the United States, with all of its military power, but elements of unrest within their own society that could potentially topple the Chinese Communist Party,” says Adam Kozy, a cybersecurity consultant who worked on Chinese cyberespionage cases when he was at the F.B.I. Specifically, Chinese authorities worry about a list of threats — collectively referred to as the “five poisons” — that pose a risk to the stability of Communist rule: the Uyghurs, the Tibetans, followers of the Falun Gong movement, supporters of Taiwanese independence and those who advocate for democracy in China. As a result, the Chinese government invests great effort in combating these threats, which involves collecting intelligence about overseas dissident groups and dampening their influence both within China and on the international stage.
Controlling dissidents, regardless of where they are, is essential to China’s goal of projecting power to its own citizens and to the world, according to Charles Kable, who served as an assistant director in the F.B.I.’s national security branch before retiring from the bureau at the end of 2022. “If you have a dissident out there who is looking back at China and pointing out problems that make the entire Chinese political apparatus look bad, it will not stand,” Kable says.
The leadership’s worries about such individuals were evident to the F.B.I. right before the 2008 Beijing Olympics, Kable told me, describing how the Chinese worked to ensure that the running of the Olympic flame through San Francisco would not be disrupted by protesters. “And so, you had the M.S.S. and its collaborators deployed in San Francisco just to make sure that the five poisons didn’t get in there and disrupt the optic of what was to be the best Olympics in history,” Kable says. During the run, whose route was changed at the last minute to avoid protesters, Chinese authorities “had their proxies in the community line the streets and also stand back from the streets, looking around to see who might be looking to cause trouble.”
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