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How George Santos Used Political Connections to Fuel Get-Rich Schemes

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How George Santos Used Political Connections to Fuel Get-Rich Schemes

About a year before George Santos was elected to Congress, he and three other men approached a loyal campaign donor with a potentially lucrative opportunity.

A wealthy Polish citizen wanted to buy cryptocurrency, they said, but for reasons unclear, his fortune was frozen in a bank account. They asked the donor, a wealthy investor in his own right, for help.

The donor was immediately skeptical. He was not told the Polish citizen’s name. The men’s plan — having the donor create a limited liability company to gain access to the funds — made no sense to him.

And while they hadn’t yet asked for money, he was struck by how much their pitch resembled the classic Nigerian prince email scheme, in which a rich, potentially fictitious, foreigner asks an outsider to help free up frozen assets.

In the years since Mr. Santos first ran for the House in 2020, he has become adept at finding ways to extract money from politics. He founded a political consulting group that he marketed to other Republicans. He sought to profit from the Covid crisis, using campaign connections. And he solicited investments for and from political donors, raising ethical questions.

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Mr. Santos has been charged with 13 felonies for misrepresenting his earnings, collecting $24,000 in unemployment while employed, and pocketing $50,000 he solicited from political supporters through what he claimed was a super PAC.

Mr. Santos, who has pleaded not guilty, has not been charged with personal use of campaign funds. But a review of his political career found several previously unreported examples of how he sought to use the connections he made as a candidate for public office to enrich himself.

The proposition involving the wealthy Polish national is a prime example, as Mr. Santos partnered with a former Republican state assemblyman, Michael LiPetri; and Bryant Park Associates, a company run by a Republican donor, Dominick Sartorio, according to the investor, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because he said his business interests would be harmed if he was publicly associated with Mr. Santos.

The interaction was so strange that the donor said he was uncertain if Mr. Santos and his partners were themselves being conned. He asked for more information, but was told to first sign a nondisclosure agreement. Three of their names appeared on the agreement, which was reviewed by The Times. When the investor asked for changes to the nondisclosure form, the talks ended.

Mr. LiPetri, now a lobbyist at the firm Park Strategies, sought to minimize his role in the venture, saying that while he was aware of Mr. Santos’s efforts, he was not involved “in detail,” and suggested that no deals ultimately materialized.

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The congressman’s lawyer, Joseph Murray, said that Mr. LiPetri had connected Mr. Santos to Bryant Park Associates, which represented the Polish citizen. “Mr. Santos only made the introductions. End of story,” Mr. Murray said, adding that he had “no information” about the Polish man’s identity.

Mr. Sartorio, a businessman whose ventures repeatedly forced him into bankruptcy, did not return repeated requests for comment.

Mr. Santos’s actions have been scrutinized ever since The Times revealed last year that the high-powered finance career and fabulous wealth he bragged about on the campaign trail were fictional.

But sometime between his first ill-fated congressional run and the present, Mr. Santos’s grandiose stories began to come to life. He started driving a Mercedes and wearing Cartier, and made large loans to his campaign. Mr. Santos has claimed that his company, the Devolder Organization, paid him $750,000 a year, plus dividends of more than a million dollars. Prosecutors have called those numbers inflated.

Mr. Santos has consistently rejected allegations of impropriety.

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“I had the relationships and I started making a lot of money, I fundamentally started building wealth,” he told City and State in December, several months before his indictment. “And I decided to invest in my race for Congress. There’s nothing wrong with that — no criminal conduct, no anything of the sort.”

One of the earliest, previously unreported instances of Mr. Santos blurring his political and business interests came in July 2020, against the backdrop of Covid-driven shortages of personal protection equipment, and just six months into his first and unsuccessful bid for a House seat.

A campaign contact connected Mr. Santos to Blue Flame Medical, a new company run by Michael Gula, a Republican fund-raiser from Washington, D.C., and a California-based political consultant, John Thomas. The pair had recently pivoted from politics into procurement, recognizing the tremendous market for testing kits, masks and ventilators.

Blue Flame, which claimed to have access to supplies from a partner company owned by the Chinese government, soon ran into troubles of its own, after several clients said they had not received the materials promised. Blue Flame was investigated by federal authorities, but no charges were ever brought.

A referral agreement obtained by The Times shows that Mr. Santos was signed on as a consultant with the potential to receive 10 percent of any deal he brought in.

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Mr. Santos separated from the company shortly afterward without arranging any deals, he said through his lawyer. Blue Flame had no comment.

Nearly a year later, Mr. Santos was again looking for business opportunities after his employer, Harbor City Capital, a Florida-based investment firm, was shut down amid accusations from the Securities and Exchange Commission that it was operating as a Ponzi scheme.

Mr. Santos opened a political consulting firm with his campaign treasurer, Nancy Marks, and some Harbor City colleagues. Called Red Strategies USA, it aimed to be a one-stop shop for Republican candidates and would handle everything from bookkeeping to ad production.

One of its first clients was Tina Forte, a far-right firebrand who had developed an online following after criticizing coronavirus mandates. Mr. Santos encouraged her to run against Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, a Democrat who represents part of the Bronx and Queens, according to Ms. Forte’s former campaign manager, Jen Remauro.

Mr. Santos told Ms. Forte that he knew of a great political consulting firm, Ms. Remauro recalled, and steered her to Red Strategies — failing to note that he was an owner of the company, as reported by The Daily Beast.

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In a video call between Red Strategies and Ms. Forte, Mr. Santos acted as though he was purely an intermediary who had never before met his business partners at Red Strategies, Ms. Remauro said.

“George introduced himself to them and he was like, ‘pleased to meet you, blah, blah, blah,’” Ms. Remauro said. “Meanwhile, fast forward, they all worked at that company that went under!” she added, referring to Harbor City.

Over the next few months, Ms. Remauro said she grew suspicious of some of Red Strategies’s practices.

Despite numerous requests to Ms. Marks, Ms. Forte was not able to get copies of monthly account or bank statements, Ms. Remauro wrote in one email, and her own paychecks were several months late.

Even more troubling, Ms. Remauro said, was the unusual way that Red Strategies appeared to be paying itself.

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Under the terms of the company’s agreement with Ms. Forte, Red Strategies was entitled to keep 80 percent of whatever it raised on her behalf, according to campaign documents reviewed by The Times. But Red Strategies obscured its earnings through inflated expenditures to other vendors.

In its July 2021 quarterly filing, the Forte campaign reported raising $42,000 — an amount nearly nullified in a solitary $35,000 payment for “credit card fees” to WinRed, a fund-raising platform favored by conservatives.

But that made little sense to Ms. Remauro, who knew that WinRed typically charges clients closer to 4 percent of their fund-raising haul. Indeed, Ms. Forte would have needed to raise 20 times more than she had to merit a $35,000 processing fee.

The next filing showed the same pattern: $51,000 in “credit card fees” to WinRed, even though Ms. Forte only raised $86,000.

Ms. Forte, who is once again running for Congress, declined to comment.

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After Ms. Remauro complained in October 2021 emails to Red Strategies, the company’s filings were amended: In six months, WinRed had collected $6,200 in fees; Red Strategies took home more than $100,000.

It would not be the only time that Mr. Santos has been tied to discrepancies in WinRed fees.

Mr. Santos’s own campaign reported raising $796,238.26 using the WinRed platform, which ought to have resulted in roughly $33,000 in fees, according to a Times analysis. But Mr. Santos’s filings show he paid more than $200,000 — a seeming overpayment of $173,000.

Mr. Murray said that Ms. Marks was to blame for the irregularities in Mr. Santos’s and Ms. Forte’s campaigns, adding that Mr. Santos was “unaware of her negligence and, in hindsight, regrets having worked, hired and partnered with Ms. Marks in every capacity.”

Neither Ms. Marks nor WinRed officials returned a request seeking comment.

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Red Strategies was dissolved in September 2022 for failing to file an annual report. By then Mr. Santos had moved on to another venture — coordinating the sale of a 141-foot yacht between two of his political donors, Mayra Ruiz and Raymond Tantillo. Mr. Santos, in an interview with Semafor in December, said that he made his money by bringing interested parties together.

Although Mr. Santos has declined to comment on his involvement in the yacht sale, his lawyer on Tuesday asserted for the first time that Mr. Santos “did not act as a broker for this or any transaction.”

Yet in the Semafor interview, Mr. Santos specifically mentioned a hypothetical yacht sale. “If you’re looking at a $20 million yacht, my referral fee there can be anywhere between $200,000 and $400,000,” he said. The sale of the 141-foot yacht closed in the final weeks of his winning congressional campaign.

It was around then that prosecutors said he approached Mr. Tantillo and another large donor, Andrew Intrater, with yet another opportunity.

Mr. Santos said he was raising money for a last-minute advertising blitz. But unlike previous solicitations for his campaign, this one was free of federal contribution limits because it went through a nonprofit called RedStone Strategies.

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Mr. Tantillo and Mr. Intrater agreed to contribute $25,000 each. But prosecutors say that rather than using the money for ads, Mr. Santos spent it on credit card payments and designer clothes.

Reporting was contributed by Alexandra Berzon, Nicholas Fandos, Ken Bensinger and Michael Gold. Kirsten Noyes contributed research.

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Read Eric Adams’s Legal Filing

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Read Eric Adams’s Legal Filing

Case 1:24-cr-00556-DEH Document 19 Filed 10/01/24
Page 5 of 29
Nicholas Fandos, Ocasio-Cortez Says Adams Should Resign ‘for the Good of the
City,’ N.Y. Times (Sept. 25, 2024),
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/09/25/nyregion/aoc-eric-adams-resign.html .
John Miller, Investigation into NYC Mayor Adams Focused on Campaign Money
and Possible Foreign Influence, CNN (Nov. 14, 2023),
https://www.cnn.com/2023/11/14/politics/mayor-eric-adams-investigation-
campaign-money-foreign-influence/index.html.
17
.5, 12
Gloria Pazmino et al., FBI Investigation of NYC Mayor Eric Adams Fundraiser
Centers on Illegal Contributions from Foreign Nationals, CNN (Nov. 4, 2023),
https://www.cnn.com/2023/11/02/politics/fbi-search-fundraiser-adams-
campaign-new-york/index.html ……….
.4, 14
.21
Grand Jury Secrecy, 1 FED. PRAC. & PROC. CRIM. § 107 (5th ed. 2024).
William K. Rashbaum et al., City Hall Aide Is Cooperating with Corruption
Investigation into Adams, N.Y. Times (May 20, 2024),
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/20/nyregion/adams-fbi-corruption-
investigation-aide.html……
William K. Rashbaum et al., Eric Adams and His Campaign Receive Subpoenas
in Federal Investigation, N.Y. Times (Aug. 15, 2024),
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/15/nyregion/eric-adams-fbi-
investigation.html …..
William K. Rashbaum et al., Eric Adams Is Indicted After Federal Corruption
Investigation, N.Y. Times (Sept. 25, 2024),
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/09/25/nyregion/eric-adams-indicted.html .
William K. Rashbaum et al., F.B.I. Examining Free Airfare Upgrades Received
by Adams, N.Y. Times (Apr. 5, 2024),
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/05/nyregion/eric-adams-turkish-airlines-
upgrades.html..
William K. Rashbaum et al., F.B.I. Examining Whether Adams Cleared Red Tape
for Turkish Government, N.Y. Times (Nov. 12, 2023),
. 6, 13, 16
.7, 13
..1, 7, 15
..6, 13
https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/12/nyregion/eric-adams-investigation-
turkey-consulate.html..
.5, 12
William K. Rashbaum et al., F.B.I. Raided Homes of Second Adams Aide and
Ex-Turkish Airline Official, N.Y. Times (Nov. 16, 2023),
https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/16/nyregion/nyc-adams-turkey-raid-
aide.html…
iv
.5, 17

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Video: New York City Mayor Charged in Bribery and Fraud Scheme

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Video: New York City Mayor Charged in Bribery and Fraud Scheme

new video loaded: New York City Mayor Charged in Bribery and Fraud Scheme

transcript

transcript

New York City Mayor Charged in Bribery and Fraud Scheme

Federal prosecutors say Mayor Eric Adams of New York took illegal campaign contributions and luxury travel benefits from foreign actors and used his power to help Turkey.

“Mayor Adams engaged in a long-running conspiracy in which he solicited, and knowingly accepted, illegal campaign contributions from foreign donors and corporations. As we allege, Mayor Adams took these contributions even though he knew they were illegal, and even though he knew these contributions were attempts by a Turkish government official and Turkish businessmen to buy influence with him. We also alleged that the mayor sought and accepted well over $100,000 in luxury travel benefits. He told the public he received no gifts, even though he was secretly being showered with them.” “This did not surprise us that we reached this day. And I ask New Yorkers to wait to hear our defense before making any judgments. From here, my attorneys will take care of the case, so I can take care of the city. My day to day will not change. I will continue to do the job for 8.3 million New Yorkers that I was elected to do.” “Amen.” Protester: “You’re an embarrassment — you’re an embarrassment to Black people. You’re an embarrassment.” Crowd: “Resign, resign, resign, resign. resign, resign, resign.”

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Here Are the Charges Eric Adams Faces, Annotated

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Here Are the Charges Eric Adams Faces, Annotated

Federal prosecutors in Manhattan on Thursday unveiled a five-count indictment against Mayor Eric L. Adams of New York, charging him with bribery conspiracy, fraud and soliciting illegal foreign campaign donations.

The 5 Charges in the Indictment

  • 1 count

    Conspiracy to commit wire fraud, solicit foreign contributions and accept bribes

    Related to accusations that Adams illegally accepted travel and gifts through the Turkish government, solicited the illegal foreign contributions into his campaign from Turkish businessmen and improperly influenced the approval of the Turkish Consulate in New York City.

  • 1 count

    Wire fraud

    Related to accusations that Adams fraudulently accepted public matching funds for his campaign by improperly certifying contributions that were made via “straw donors,” concealing the true sources of the donations.

  • 2 counts

    Solicitation of a contribution by a foreign national

    Related to accusations that Adams solicited and received improper campaign contributions through foreign citizens.

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  • 1 count

    Bribery

    Related to accusations that Adams solicited free and heavily discounted foreign luxury travel in exchange for helping to obtain approval by Fire Department officials of a new Turkish Consulate.

Mr. Adams, who is up for re-election in 2025, insisted he was innocent in the case, which is led by U.S. Attorney Damian Williams of the Southern District of New York. At least three other federal investigations have reached people in the mayor’s orbit.

The New York Times annotated this indictment.

Download the original PDF.

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New York Times Analysis

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1

This is a historic and remarkable case title, naming Eric Adams as the first mayor in modern New York City history to be criminally charged while in office, only three years after he was elected to lead City Hall.

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2

The scope of the accusations are stunning. Prosecutors say that for almost a decade, Adams abused his power as Brooklyn borough president and later as mayor in order to receive illegal campaign donations and luxury travel benefits — including free flight upgrades, hotel stays and high-end meals.

3

Often, a criminal indictment is written like a story. Here, federal prosecutors describe the main character, in this case Adams, and start to set a scene before describing the specifics of a criminal conspiracy of which he was a member.

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4

Federal prosecutors accuse Adams and his campaign of illegally taking advantage of New York City’s generous public matching program by using so-called straw donors — people who make campaign donations with someone else’s money — to inflate the amount to which he was entitled. However, the number they use here — $10,000,000 — is the total amount of matching funds he received, rather than what he might have obtained illegally.

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5

The indictment accuses Adams of concealing at least $123,000 worth of flight upgrades and tickets that were gifts from a Turkish official and other Turkish nationals. He did not report any of these gifts on his annual disclosure forms.

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6

Adams’s love of travel is well known, and he has often spoken of all the international destinations he has visited — going back to his time as a state senator. Reporters have often questioned how these trips were paid for, and now prosecutors are saying some of them, along with free meals and hotel rooms, were given to him as bribes.

7

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For prosecutors, an important part of proving a defendant’s guilt is providing evidence that he knew what he was doing was wrong. That is why they have included this section accusing Adams of trying to cover up his crimes with phony paper trails, token payments and deleted messages.

8

This answers a big question raised by the investigation: How did Turkish officials and other Turkish nationals benefit from having a close relationship with the New York City mayor? This is one of many examples cited throughout the indictment.

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9

This introduction explains how the city’s public matching program for campaigns works. The indictment then describes how Adams is accused of abusing it.

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10

Adams went to Turkey twice in four months during his first year as Brooklyn borough president. The second trip was arranged by a Turkish entrepreneur, with ties to celebrities, according to the indictment. The New York Times has identified the person who arranged the trip as Arda Sayiner.

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11

“The Turkish official,” described throughout the indictment as a main player in this conspiracy, is Reyhan Özgür, who until recently was the Turkish consul general in New York. Before August 2020, he was the deputy consul general. In those roles, Özgür interacted with Adams in his capacities both as Brooklyn borough president and as mayor.

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12

This appears to be a reference to Enver Yücel, a wealthy Turkish businessman who founded Bahcesehir University in Istanbul and Bay Atlantic University in Washington, D.C. While he was borough president, Adams weighed in to support a charter school that Yücel tried to open in New York without success.

13

This matches the description of Rana Abbasova, who served as the mayor’s longtime liaison to the Turkish community. Her home was searched by federal agents, and she later cooperated with the Adams investigation.

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14

Adams has talked publicly about his love of Turkish Airlines, calling the airline “my way of flying” in a 2017 interview. He praised the airline for accommodating his vegan dietary needs.

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15

Winnie Greco, whose name does not appear in the indictment, was Adams’s Asian affairs liaison. She is now a special adviser to the mayor and his director of Asian affairs. Greco’s home was raided by the F.B.I. in February in a case that is being investigated by a different jurisdiction, the Eastern District of New York in Brooklyn.

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16

The indictment describes how Adams went out of his way to use Turkish Airlines so he could travel for free.

17

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This appears to describe Demet Sabancı Çetindoğan, a businesswoman from a wealthy family and owner of the St. Regis hotel in Istanbul. Records from the Brooklyn borough president’s office show that before this 2017 trip, Adams had dinner with her at a restaurant called Spago during a trip to Turkey in December 2015.

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The Turkish Airlines manager in New York was Cenk Öcal, whose home was searched by the F.B.I. late last year. Adams named Öcal to his 2021 mayoral transition committee.

19

Adams’s 2021 mayoral campaign didn’t disclose this June 22, 2018, fund-raising event to the city’s Campaign Finance Board. But that day, the campaign reported gathering $21,100 from 20 donors without connecting them to that event.

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20

This paragraph seems particularly problematic for Adams. It shows that prosecutors have text messages in which a promoter who arranged Adams’s trips (Sayiner) discussed illegally funneling foreign contributions to Adams in a conversation with his aide (Abbasova). Abbasova, who is now cooperating with prosecutors, has apparently told them that Adams approved this illegal scheme and that she would testify to that. His lawyers would certainly challenge her testimony if the case ever goes to trial.

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21

The assertions about Adams’s failure to report some of his free foreign travel on his annual disclosure forms raise questions about the efficacy of the Conflicts of Interest Board.

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It is remarkable, if true as prosecutors say, that Adams was discouraged by Özgür, the deputy Turkish consul general, from meeting with a Turkish businessman who was in legal trouble about possible donations, and Adams did it anyway.

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23

This echoes the mindset that we have seen with other foreign nationals who have tried to curry favor with American municipal officials. Their hope is to gain leverage over these lower-level officials who may eventually rise in national politics.

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24

Based on campaign records, this description matches Tolib Mansurov, an Uzbek businessman who runs a company called United Elite Group. The records show that Mansurov and four other company employees donated $2,000 to Adams’s campaign on Dec. 17, 2020.

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25

After arranging straw contributions, Mansurov sought help from Adams, including with problems he was having with the Department of Buildings, according to the indictment. Later, prosecutors say, Mansurov thanked Adams, who had promised to look into his issues, after they were partially resolved.

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26

A fund-raiser organized by Erden Arkan, the owner of KSK Construction, was held on May 7, 2021. The event brought in $69,720 for Adams’s mayoral campaign from 84 donors. The campaign then used those donations to seek an additional $63,760 in public matching funds, according to campaign documents obtained by The Times.

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27

Campaign finance records show that the Adams campaign received five $2,000 donations on Sept. 27, 2021, from people listed as employees of Bay Atlantic University, the small Turkish-owned institution based in Washington, D.C. Those gifts came from a fund-raiser held on Sept. 18, 2021, and were refunded the following month, according to information submitted to the Campaign Finance Board.

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28

The Adams campaign raised over $8.9 million for his 2021 mayoral election, and received over $10 million in public funds, more than any other citywide candidate received that year. In August, the Campaign Finance Board, in a 900-page preliminary audit of Adams’s 2021 mayoral campaign, chronicled numerous missing payments, sham donations and the potential misallocation of up to $2.3 million in taxpayer money.

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29

When Adams sought last-minute tickets to Istanbul in 2021, his aide called the Turkish Airlines manager, who said they would be very expensive — then discounted them to $50, the indictment says.

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The aide, however, rejected such a cheap price — “No, dear. $50? ” she said — to avoid suspicion, according to the indictment, and Adams ended up paying $2,200 for business-class tickets that would have cost $15,000 on the open market.

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30

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The Turkish government also paid for Adams’s chief fundraiser at the time, Brianna Suggs, to travel to Istanbul, and then gave her a fake bill for her hotel stay, the indictment says.

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31

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The Turkish House was erected at the cost of nearly $300 million, a sum that drew criticism in Turkey in 2021, when students protested the high cost of housing.

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32

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Here begins the narrative of how prosecutors say Adams influenced the Fire Department to allow the Turkish Consulate to open in time for a visit by President Recep Tayyip Erdogan despite safety concerns. In exchange, prosecutors say, Adams received travel perks and other gifts.

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33

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At this point, Adams had won the Democratic primary for mayor and was likely to be the next occupant of City Hall, so his outreach to the fire commissioner carried weight.

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34

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In this email message included in the indictment, a Fire Department official made clear the Turkish consulate project had too many safety issues to approve. But after Adams exerted pressure, officials later signed off on it anyway, the indictment says.

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35

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Adams reported back to the Turkish consul general, Reyhan Ozgur,, that the building would be approved. Ozgur wrote back: “You are a true friend of Turkey.” Adams replied: “Yes even more a true friend of yours. You are my brother. I am hear (sic) to help.”

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36

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After he was elected mayor, Adams and his partner took a highly publicized trip to Ghana. At the time, Adams’s campaign spokesman told reporters that Adams had paid for the trip himself. But, according to the indictment, Adams purchased two tickets to Pakistan on Turkish Airlines for a total of $1,436, then had the airline manager upgrade the tickets to business class and change the destination to Ghana — tickets that would have cost $14,000 — meaning that Adams is accused of receiving $12,000 in airline tickets for free.

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37

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Before he went to Ghana, the indictment says, Adams had a nine-hour layover in Istanbul during which he was treated by the Turkish government to a luxury car, a driver and a high-end dinner. An important side note here: The Turkish consul general, Ozgur, messaged Adams’s aide to make sure Adams understood where the gifts were coming from. “We are the state,” prosecutors quote Ozgur as saying.

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Adams named Cenk Ocal, the Turkish Airlines manager who arranged for his free and discounted travel, to his mayoral transition committee.

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39

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A catalog of travel benefits Adams is accused of receiving begins here.

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In the month Adams took office, he met in a private restaurant space with Arda Sayiner, the entrepreneur who had earlier offered to secure illegal contributions, the indictment says, adding that when Sayiner offered more help, Adams accepted.

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41

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The indictment now moves into the heart of Adams’s first term as mayor, accusing him of continuing to do favors for his Turkish benefactors and continuing to solicit illegal funds, now for his re-election campaign.

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42

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In September 2023, Abbasova, Sayiner and Suggs arranged a fundraiser for foreign donors — and disguised it as a meeting to discuss sustainability issues with a PowerPoint presentation and a cost of $5,000 to attend, according to the indictment.

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43

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On Oct. 9th 2023, the Adams campaign raised $16,700 from the Turkish-American community, according to campaign records. The indictment mentions one of the organizers as as a publisher of a magazine aimed at Turkish Americans, which appears to describe Cemil Ozyurt, owner of the Turk of America magazine. Ozyurt donated $1,000 that day to the campaign, records show.

44

“Are they going to make the limit?”

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There are repeated references in the indictment to Adams’s refusal to show up at fundraisers unless his campaign received at least $25,000.

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When the investigation that led to this indictment became public in November 2023, prosecutors said, Adams scheduled yet another dinner with a businessman who was going to illegally contribute to his campaign through straw donors. But when news of the inquiry emerged, that dinner was canceled, the indictment said.

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According to the indictment, Adams’s chief fundraiser, Brianna Suggs, called Adams five times before allowing F.B.I. agents who showed up at her door in Brooklyn last year to enter. She then refused to say who had paid for her trip to Turkey, prosecutors say.

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Prosecutors say that Adams’s aide, Rana Abbasova, tried to delete incriminating messages in a bathroom when the F.B.I. showed up at her house, which later led to her suspension from City Hall.

48

This is just a jaw-dropping section of the indictment.

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(There appears to be a typo when prosecutors refer to Adams’s claims that he changed his password on Nov. 5, 2024. F.B.I. agents took his phone in 2023, and presumably said he had changed his password then. )

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The formal counts against Adams are described here, along with the “overt acts” — specific incidents — that prosecutors say support the charges. These are typically laid out near the end of an indictment.

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If Mr. Adams is convicted of all five counts in the indictment, the maximum penalty under law would be 45 years in prison. But under the federal sentencing guidelines, he would most likely receive a much shorter prison term.

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New York Times Analysis

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The indictment is signed by the foreperson of the grand jury that voted to approve it, whose name is redacted, and by U.S. Attorney Damian Williams, whose name is not.

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