New York
Here Are the Charges Eric Adams Faces, Annotated
Federal prosecutors in Manhattan on Thursday unveiled a five-count indictment against Mayor Eric L. Adams of New York, charging him with bribery conspiracy, fraud and soliciting illegal foreign campaign donations.
Related to accusations that Adams illegally accepted travel and gifts through the Turkish government, solicited the illegal foreign contributions into his campaign from Turkish businessmen and improperly influenced the approval of the Turkish Consulate in New York City.
Related to accusations that Adams fraudulently accepted public matching funds for his campaign by improperly certifying contributions that were made via “straw donors,” concealing the true sources of the donations.
Related to accusations that Adams solicited and received improper campaign contributions through foreign citizens.
Related to accusations that Adams solicited free and heavily discounted foreign luxury travel in exchange for helping to obtain approval by Fire Department officials of a new Turkish Consulate.
The 5 Charges in the Indictment
1 count
Conspiracy to commit wire fraud, solicit foreign contributions and accept bribes
1 count
Wire fraud
2 counts
Solicitation of a contribution by a foreign national
1 count
Bribery
Mr. Adams, who is up for re-election in 2025, insisted he was innocent in the case, which is led by U.S. Attorney Damian Williams of the Southern District of New York. At least three other federal investigations have reached people in the mayor’s orbit.
The New York Times annotated this indictment.
Download the original PDF.
New York Times Analysis
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1
This is a historic and remarkable case title, naming Eric Adams as the first mayor in modern New York City history to be criminally charged while in office, only three years after he was elected to lead City Hall.
2
The scope of the accusations are stunning. Prosecutors say that for almost a decade, Adams abused his power as Brooklyn borough president and later as mayor in order to receive illegal campaign donations and luxury travel benefits — including free flight upgrades, hotel stays and high-end meals.
3
Often, a criminal indictment is written like a story. Here, federal prosecutors describe the main character, in this case Adams, and start to set a scene before describing the specifics of a criminal conspiracy of which he was a member.
New York Times Analysis
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4
Federal prosecutors accuse Adams and his campaign of illegally taking advantage of New York City’s generous public matching program by using so-called straw donors — people who make campaign donations with someone else’s money — to inflate the amount to which he was entitled. However, the number they use here — $10,000,000 — is the total amount of matching funds he received, rather than what he might have obtained illegally.
5
The indictment accuses Adams of concealing at least $123,000 worth of flight upgrades and tickets that were gifts from a Turkish official and other Turkish nationals. He did not report any of these gifts on his annual disclosure forms.
New York Times Analysis
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6
Adams’s love of travel is well known, and he has often spoken of all the international destinations he has visited — going back to his time as a state senator. Reporters have often questioned how these trips were paid for, and now prosecutors are saying some of them, along with free meals and hotel rooms, were given to him as bribes.
7
For prosecutors, an important part of proving a defendant’s guilt is providing evidence that he knew what he was doing was wrong. That is why they have included this section accusing Adams of trying to cover up his crimes with phony paper trails, token payments and deleted messages.
8
This answers a big question raised by the investigation: How did Turkish officials and other Turkish nationals benefit from having a close relationship with the New York City mayor? This is one of many examples cited throughout the indictment.
New York Times Analysis
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9
This introduction explains how the city’s public matching program for campaigns works. The indictment then describes how Adams is accused of abusing it.
New York Times Analysis
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10
Adams went to Turkey twice in four months during his first year as Brooklyn borough president. The second trip was arranged by a Turkish entrepreneur, with ties to celebrities, according to the indictment. The New York Times has identified the person who arranged the trip as Arda Sayiner.
New York Times Analysis
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11
“The Turkish official,” described throughout the indictment as a main player in this conspiracy, is Reyhan Özgür, who until recently was the Turkish consul general in New York. Before August 2020, he was the deputy consul general. In those roles, Özgür interacted with Adams in his capacities both as Brooklyn borough president and as mayor.
12
This appears to be a reference to Enver Yücel, a wealthy Turkish businessman who founded Bahcesehir University in Istanbul and Bay Atlantic University in Washington, D.C. While he was borough president, Adams weighed in to support a charter school that Yücel tried to open in New York without success.
13
This matches the description of Rana Abbasova, who served as the mayor’s longtime liaison to the Turkish community. Her home was searched by federal agents, and she later cooperated with the Adams investigation.
New York Times Analysis
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14
Adams has talked publicly about his love of Turkish Airlines, calling the airline “my way of flying” in a 2017 interview. He praised the airline for accommodating his vegan dietary needs.
15
Winnie Greco, whose name does not appear in the indictment, was Adams’s Asian affairs liaison. She is now a special adviser to the mayor and his director of Asian affairs. Greco’s home was raided by the F.B.I. in February in a case that is being investigated by a different jurisdiction, the Eastern District of New York in Brooklyn.
New York Times Analysis
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16
The indictment describes how Adams went out of his way to use Turkish Airlines so he could travel for free.
17
This appears to describe Demet Sabancı Çetindoğan, a businesswoman from a wealthy family and owner of the St. Regis hotel in Istanbul. Records from the Brooklyn borough president’s office show that before this 2017 trip, Adams had dinner with her at a restaurant called Spago during a trip to Turkey in December 2015.
New York Times Analysis
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18
The Turkish Airlines manager in New York was Cenk Öcal, whose home was searched by the F.B.I. late last year. Adams named Öcal to his 2021 mayoral transition committee.
19
Adams’s 2021 mayoral campaign didn’t disclose this June 22, 2018, fund-raising event to the city’s Campaign Finance Board. But that day, the campaign reported gathering $21,100 from 20 donors without connecting them to that event.
New York Times Analysis
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20
This paragraph seems particularly problematic for Adams. It shows that prosecutors have text messages in which a promoter who arranged Adams’s trips (Sayiner) discussed illegally funneling foreign contributions to Adams in a conversation with his aide (Abbasova). Abbasova, who is now cooperating with prosecutors, has apparently told them that Adams approved this illegal scheme and that she would testify to that. His lawyers would certainly challenge her testimony if the case ever goes to trial.
New York Times Analysis
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21
The assertions about Adams’s failure to report some of his free foreign travel on his annual disclosure forms raise questions about the efficacy of the Conflicts of Interest Board.
New York Times Analysis
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22
It is remarkable, if true as prosecutors say, that Adams was discouraged by Özgür, the deputy Turkish consul general, from meeting with a Turkish businessman who was in legal trouble about possible donations, and Adams did it anyway.
New York Times Analysis
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23
This echoes the mindset that we have seen with other foreign nationals who have tried to curry favor with American municipal officials. Their hope is to gain leverage over these lower-level officials who may eventually rise in national politics.
New York Times Analysis
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24
Based on campaign records, this description matches Tolib Mansurov, an Uzbek businessman who runs a company called United Elite Group. The records show that Mansurov and four other company employees donated $2,000 to Adams’s campaign on Dec. 17, 2020.
New York Times Analysis
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25
After arranging straw contributions, Mansurov sought help from Adams, including with problems he was having with the Department of Buildings, according to the indictment. Later, prosecutors say, Mansurov thanked Adams, who had promised to look into his issues, after they were partially resolved.
New York Times Analysis
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26
A fund-raiser organized by Erden Arkan, the owner of KSK Construction, was held on May 7, 2021. The event brought in $69,720 for Adams’s mayoral campaign from 84 donors. The campaign then used those donations to seek an additional $63,760 in public matching funds, according to campaign documents obtained by The Times.
New York Times Analysis
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27
Campaign finance records show that the Adams campaign received five $2,000 donations on Sept. 27, 2021, from people listed as employees of Bay Atlantic University, the small Turkish-owned institution based in Washington, D.C. Those gifts came from a fund-raiser held on Sept. 18, 2021, and were refunded the following month, according to information submitted to the Campaign Finance Board.
New York Times Analysis
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28
The Adams campaign raised over $8.9 million for his 2021 mayoral election, and received over $10 million in public funds, more than any other citywide candidate received that year. In August, the Campaign Finance Board, in a 900-page preliminary audit of Adams’s 2021 mayoral campaign, chronicled numerous missing payments, sham donations and the potential misallocation of up to $2.3 million in taxpayer money.
New York Times Analysis
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29
When Adams sought last-minute tickets to Istanbul in 2021, his aide called the Turkish Airlines manager, who said they would be very expensive — then discounted them to $50, the indictment says.
The aide, however, rejected such a cheap price — “No, dear. $50? ” she said — to avoid suspicion, according to the indictment, and Adams ended up paying $2,200 for business-class tickets that would have cost $15,000 on the open market.
New York Times Analysis
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30
The Turkish government also paid for Adams’s chief fundraiser at the time, Brianna Suggs, to travel to Istanbul, and then gave her a fake bill for her hotel stay, the indictment says.
New York Times Analysis
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31
The Turkish House was erected at the cost of nearly $300 million, a sum that drew criticism in Turkey in 2021, when students protested the high cost of housing.
New York Times Analysis
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32
Here begins the narrative of how prosecutors say Adams influenced the Fire Department to allow the Turkish Consulate to open in time for a visit by President Recep Tayyip Erdogan despite safety concerns. In exchange, prosecutors say, Adams received travel perks and other gifts.
New York Times Analysis
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33
At this point, Adams had won the Democratic primary for mayor and was likely to be the next occupant of City Hall, so his outreach to the fire commissioner carried weight.
New York Times Analysis
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34
In this email message included in the indictment, a Fire Department official made clear the Turkish consulate project had too many safety issues to approve. But after Adams exerted pressure, officials later signed off on it anyway, the indictment says.
New York Times Analysis
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35
Adams reported back to the Turkish consul general, Reyhan Ozgur,, that the building would be approved. Ozgur wrote back: “You are a true friend of Turkey.” Adams replied: “Yes even more a true friend of yours. You are my brother. I am hear (sic) to help.”
New York Times Analysis
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36
After he was elected mayor, Adams and his partner took a highly publicized trip to Ghana. At the time, Adams’s campaign spokesman told reporters that Adams had paid for the trip himself. But, according to the indictment, Adams purchased two tickets to Pakistan on Turkish Airlines for a total of $1,436, then had the airline manager upgrade the tickets to business class and change the destination to Ghana — tickets that would have cost $14,000 — meaning that Adams is accused of receiving $12,000 in airline tickets for free.
New York Times Analysis
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37
Before he went to Ghana, the indictment says, Adams had a nine-hour layover in Istanbul during which he was treated by the Turkish government to a luxury car, a driver and a high-end dinner. An important side note here: The Turkish consul general, Ozgur, messaged Adams’s aide to make sure Adams understood where the gifts were coming from. “We are the state,” prosecutors quote Ozgur as saying.
New York Times Analysis
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38
Adams named Cenk Ocal, the Turkish Airlines manager who arranged for his free and discounted travel, to his mayoral transition committee.
New York Times Analysis
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39
A catalog of travel benefits Adams is accused of receiving begins here.
New York Times Analysis
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40
In the month Adams took office, he met in a private restaurant space with Arda Sayiner, the entrepreneur who had earlier offered to secure illegal contributions, the indictment says, adding that when Sayiner offered more help, Adams accepted.
New York Times Analysis
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41
The indictment now moves into the heart of Adams’s first term as mayor, accusing him of continuing to do favors for his Turkish benefactors and continuing to solicit illegal funds, now for his re-election campaign.
New York Times Analysis
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42
In September 2023, Abbasova, Sayiner and Suggs arranged a fundraiser for foreign donors — and disguised it as a meeting to discuss sustainability issues with a PowerPoint presentation and a cost of $5,000 to attend, according to the indictment.
New York Times Analysis
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43
On Oct. 9th 2023, the Adams campaign raised $16,700 from the Turkish-American community, according to campaign records. The indictment mentions one of the organizers as as a publisher of a magazine aimed at Turkish Americans, which appears to describe Cemil Ozyurt, owner of the Turk of America magazine. Ozyurt donated $1,000 that day to the campaign, records show.
44
“Are they going to make the limit?”
There are repeated references in the indictment to Adams’s refusal to show up at fundraisers unless his campaign received at least $25,000.
New York Times Analysis
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45
When the investigation that led to this indictment became public in November 2023, prosecutors said, Adams scheduled yet another dinner with a businessman who was going to illegally contribute to his campaign through straw donors. But when news of the inquiry emerged, that dinner was canceled, the indictment said.
New York Times Analysis
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46
According to the indictment, Adams’s chief fundraiser, Brianna Suggs, called Adams five times before allowing F.B.I. agents who showed up at her door in Brooklyn last year to enter. She then refused to say who had paid for her trip to Turkey, prosecutors say.
New York Times Analysis
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47
Prosecutors say that Adams’s aide, Rana Abbasova, tried to delete incriminating messages in a bathroom when the F.B.I. showed up at her house, which later led to her suspension from City Hall.
48
This is just a jaw-dropping section of the indictment.
(There appears to be a typo when prosecutors refer to Adams’s claims that he changed his password on Nov. 5, 2024. F.B.I. agents took his phone in 2023, and presumably said he had changed his password then. )
New York Times Analysis
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49
The formal counts against Adams are described here, along with the “overt acts” — specific incidents — that prosecutors say support the charges. These are typically laid out near the end of an indictment.
New York Times Analysis
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50
If Mr. Adams is convicted of all five counts in the indictment, the maximum penalty under law would be 45 years in prison. But under the federal sentencing guidelines, he would most likely receive a much shorter prison term.
New York Times Analysis
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51
The indictment is signed by the foreperson of the grand jury that voted to approve it, whose name is redacted, and by U.S. Attorney Damian Williams, whose name is not.
New York
Video: Protesters Clash with Federal Agents Outside ICE Detention Center in New Jersey
new video loaded: Protesters Clash with Federal Agents Outside ICE Detention Center in New Jersey
transcript
transcript
Protesters Clash with Federal Agents Outside ICE Detention Center in New Jersey
Protesters and immigration agents clashed outside Delaney Hall detention center in Newark, where activists have gathered for days to denounce conditions inside.
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“Get back!” “Get back, get back, get back, get back, get back!” [chanting] “ICE, ICE has got to go. Hey, hey, ho, ho.” “We’ve heard repeatedly about these horror stories of pregnant women not getting access to care, of people with injuries not being treated. People shouldn’t have to starve themselves to make their dignity known.” “Down, down with the degradation.” “Down, down with the degradation.”
By Christina Kelso
May 28, 2026
New York
How a Family of 4 Lives on $225,000 a Year in Washington Heights
How can people possibly afford to live in one of the most expensive cities on the planet? It’s a question New Yorkers hear a lot, often delivered with a mix of awe, pity and confusion.
We surveyed hundreds of New Yorkers about how they spend, splurge and save. We found that many people — rich, poor or somewhere in between — live life as a series of small calculations that add up to one big question: What makes living in New York worth it?
Ellen Hagan grew up in a small town in Kentucky, and moved to New York City as quickly as she could after she graduated from college. She arrived a few weeks before Sept. 11, and tried to get her bearings in a city turned upside down.
She found a group of fellow young artists and writers who wanted to take advantage of everything they could in the city, on very limited budgets. They went to poetry readings and dance parties, and rented tiny apartments in the East Village.
All the while, Ms. Hagan was diligent about saving money, even when she had very little of it.
“I didn’t know what I was saving for, but I knew I wasn’t going to have a job that would give me a pension,” she said. “I wanted to make enough money to live the New York existence I was dreaming of.”
Twenty-five years later, Ms. Hagan and her husband, David Flores, whom she started dating in her early years in New York, have much more money than they used to. Still, they feel more anxious about money than they hoped they would at this point in their lives.
The couple both work at DreamYard, a Bronx arts nonprofit. Last year, they made $178,135 there collectively, with Ms. Hagan, 47, directing the poetry and theater programs, and Mr. Flores, also 47, serving as the head of visual art and design.
They typically bring in another $40,000 to $60,000 a year through their freelance work. Mr. Flores is an adjunct professor, a photographer and a filmmaker, and Ms. Hagan teaches at a graduate writing program and writes books and poetry. They try to set aside about 15 percent of their income each year to grow their savings.
The couple live in Washington Heights in Upper Manhattan with their two daughters, who are 12 and 15.
Homeownership Doesn’t Solve Everything
As a young couple, Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores lived in a 400-square-foot East Village rental. When their rent started to tick up, Ms. Hagan began looking for a place to buy, seeing homeownership as a buoy that would all but guarantee a secure financial life in New York.
Sixteen years ago, the couple found a perfect apartment in Washington Heights and scrambled to cobble together a down payment. They pooled their savings to put a 15 percent down payment on the $335,000 home. Once they closed, they were left with only a few hundred dollars in savings, but were thrilled and relieved.
“I had this sense that when you buy, you’re set in New York City,” Ms. Hagan said.
The reality, she has found, is more complicated.
The couple’s mortgage payment is $1,300 a month, and their maintenance fees keep rising, partially as a result of a new local law that requires increased inspections and repairs for buildings. Local Law 11 boosted their maintenance by $462 a month, at least temporarily, to about $1,900 total. And when the building’s management installed a new security system, each unit had to chip in $95 a month for three months.
Ms. Hagan loves the apartment, but she worries that they may eventually be priced out of their neighborhood.
“This building isn’t going to be for us at some point,” she said. “This feels like, uh oh, they’re imagining people who have much higher incomes than we do.”
Keeping the Kids Busy
Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores, who each maintain packed calendars, have encouraged their daughters to adopt the same approach to city living.
“I’m definitely a proponent of, let’s fill your schedule and see what you love,” Ms. Hagan said.
The girls’ public school offers free debate and band classes before and after school, and they’ll appear this spring in the school’s productions of “Annie” and “The Addams Family.”
The girls are also enrolled in a free theater academy at the People’s Theatre and writing workshops at Uptown Stories, which has a pay-what-you-can system. Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores typically pay the full tuition, which is $800 for each 12-week session, and donate about $2,500 a year to the organizations their daughters are part of.
The couple’s older daughter, Araceli, who wants to be both a writer and a doctor, is enrolled in a medical training program for middle and high school students. She made $2,500 for completing an internship at a cardiothoracic intensive care unit last summer.
Their younger daughter, Miriam, is going to a Y.M.C.A. camp this summer, which costs $2,600 for two weeks.
Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores spent about $500 total on holiday gifts for both girls, and the couple doles out their daughters’ weekly allowances in two installments: $25 on Mondays and $25 on Fridays.
They shook their heads when Miriam, who is known as the most stylish member of the family, came home one day wearing a Dr Pepper T-shirt she’d bought at Target.
“We were like, ‘What are you doing with your money?’” Ms. Hagan said.
The Fun Stuff
The extra income from the couple’s freelance work allows the family to splurge on theater, vacations, books and memberships at the Museum of Modern Art and the Whitney Museum of American Art.
Sometimes, Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores work together. A few years ago, they sold a young adult novel called “Tell Me Every Lie” they had co-written for a $35,000 advance, some of which went to their agent.
Every little bit helps. The family is spending a weekend on Long Beach Island in New Jersey this summer, which will cost about $3,500. That price tag includes a hotel room big enough for four.
The family typically travels twice a year to Kentucky, where both Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores are from, and where the couple co-owns a home in Louisville with Mr. Flores’s parents. They put $40,000 down and spend about $12,000 annually on expenses related to the home.
The family was hoping to travel to the Philippines this year, where Mr. Flores’s father is from, but they realized it could cost as much as $15,000. The trip is now on hold indefinitely.
They spend about $700 a month on groceries from nearby supermarkets, and occasionally order grocery deliveries from FreshDirect.
Every Wednesday, when the girls come home late from theater class, someone picks up dinner at the nearby halal truck or the Dominican restaurant Malecon, which usually runs about $60.
Dinner out as a family of four can easily cost $200, so Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores typically eat at restaurants just once or twice a month. The other night, the whole family was hungry and craved Italian food from a favorite upscale spot nearby.
They balked, and walked around the corner to a diner instead. The meal was $120, all in.
We are talking to New Yorkers about how they spend, splurge and save.
New York
Gov. Sherrill Demands Access to ICE Facility as Hunger Strike Widens
Gov. Mikie Sherrill of New Jersey, a Democrat who has clashed with the Trump administration over immigration policies, joined protests outside a detention center in Newark on Monday in support of detainees participating in a hunger strike.
Ms. Sherrill heard from family members of detainees, who have complained about rotten and spoiled food and inadequate medical care at Delaney Hall. Dozens of protesters waved signs, banged on drums, and chanted “Free Them All!” The governor told the crowd she had requested access but was denied.
“No matter what your immigration status is, you shouldn’t be treated with anything less than dignity in this country,” said Ms. Sherrill, who was dressed in a T-shirt, jeans, and blue-gray jacket on the Memorial Day holiday. At one point, she rested her hand on the shoulder of a crying relative and smoothed the hair of an upset child.
After the governor left, the scene worsened outside the detention facility. A tense standoff erupted between Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents and protesters who blocked an entrance; the agents responded by firing pepper balls and spray at the protesters. Senator Andy Kim, who was trying to de-escalate the situation, was among those affected.
On Monday, the governor and other elected officials, including Mayor Ras J. Baraka of Newark, appeared outside Delaney Hall amid growing concerns over the hunger strike, which started on Friday inside the gray, cinder-block building enclosed by a high chain link fence topped with razor wire.
Immigration advocates have rallied outside Delaney Hall since Friday. Detainees said they would go on a hunger and labor strike while calling for an investigation of the detention center and its operations and for Ms. Sherrill to visit to discuss protections from ICE. Hundreds of detainees were participating, one protester told Ms. Sherrill.
The governor said in a statement on Sunday that she had contacted ICE to gain access to the detention center and was working to monitor the situation and “do what’s necessary to ensure humane conditions.”
At Monday’s protest, some protesters shouted in Ms. Sherrill’s face to criticize her for not showing up earlier in the weekend, like other elected officials had.
Representative Rob Menendez of New Jersey had arrived at 8 p.m. on Sunday and stayed all night until he was allowed into the center on Monday morning. Mr. Menendez said that he had spoken to some of the detainees inside Delaney Hall, including a young woman who just wanted to go to her high school graduation, a pregnant woman who was trying to get medical care, and a man who showed him a carton of milk that had gone rancid.
“I heard just desperation from so many people in there,” Mr. Menendez said afterward.
Angela Martinez told Ms. Sherrill that her cousin, Bolivar Bueno, 65, has diabetes and that she hasn’t been able to speak to him to make sure he is getting medication. “We don’t know what’s going on,” she told the governor.
Afterward, Ms. Martinez said, “I want for her to help me out.”
Ms. Sherrill left after about an hour, around 11:30 a.m., as some demonstrators jeered at her. Her security had to clear the road of a couple people who tried to stop her S.U.V. from leaving.
A few hours later, a convoy of ICE vehicles approached another entrance on the south side of Delaney Hall. Protesters, who had rallied at the north entrance in the morning, ran over to sit down in front of the vehicles. Many said they feared that the detainees on hunger strike inside would be transferred to other facilities.
ICE agents — most of whom were wearing face masks — pushed and shoved the protesters out of the way, even dragging one young man by a kaffiyeh around his neck. As the protesters chanted “Trump Has To Go,” they linked arms and faced the ICE agents.
The standoff prevented anyone from leaving through the south entrance. Soon after, a military-style vehicle moved toward that entrance, with a man on top holding a firearm pointed at demonstrators.
Senator Kim, Democrat of New Jersey, who had been allowed inside Delaney Hall, came out during the confrontation and walked over to support the protesters. Soon afterward, the ICE agents and military vehicles backed away from the entrance and slightly retreated toward to the detention center, but the standoff continued.
“They provoked it, they brought that tank over,” Mr. Kim said. “It’s getting worse and worse here.”
The senator said he was working to “de-escalate” the standoff through negotiations with federal officials and would push for families to be allowed to visit detainees as early as Tuesday. “I’m going to keep at it,” he said.
Not long after, the standoff escalated with ICE agents using pepper balls and mace on the crowd.
It’s not the first time Delaney Hall has faced protests. In June 2025, four men escaped from the detention center after days of unrest over meager and sporadic meals and overcrowding that forced some detainees to sleep on the floor. Detainees had smashed windows, doors and security cameras.
And Mr. Baraka, the Newark mayor, was arrested in May 2025 during a clash with federal agents outside its gates last year.
Dakota Santiago contributed reporting.
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