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He Was Handcuffed and Hospitalized. Now He’s on Track for Housing.

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He Was Handcuffed and Hospitalized. Now He’s on Track for Housing.

On the coldest night of the winter, Mazou Mounkaila was sleeping under an overpass in the Bronx when the ambulance crew arrived.

The wind chill was minus 4 degrees. Paramedics and homeless-outreach workers told Mr. Mounkaila he had to go either to a shelter or a hospital. Mr. Mounkaila, a courtly former warehouse manager from the West African nation of Niger who has been homeless for about a decade, declined to do either.

But he had no choice. The police showed up. “To my surprise,” Mr. Mounkaila said, “they handcuff me.” He spent the next 104 days at Jacobi Medical Center in the Bronx being treated for schizophrenia.

The mayor’s directive calls for the police, paramedics and groups that work with homeless New Yorkers to send people to hospitals when mental illness leaves them unable to “meet basic living needs,” even if they’re not threatening to hurt themselves or others.

It has met with criticism and a legal challenge. But one social-service agency in the Bronx that has been sending people to hospitals says the policy is yielding encouraging results, thanks largely to more diligent and longer-term hospital treatment.

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As American cities struggle to turn back a rising tide of homelessness, New York is part of a broader movement to reconsider longer psychiatric hospital stays, half a century after mental institutions that had become brutal warehouses of humanity were emptied but never replaced with a coherent system of care.

Alex V. Barnard, a New York University sociologist who studies psychiatric hospitalization, said that Mr. Adams was one of several prominent Democrats, including leaders in California and Oregon, seeking to “sort of reframe coercion as compassion.”

Relatively few people in New York have been hospitalized under the “basic needs” standard, though the city declined to say how many.

But BronxWorks, the agency with the city outreach contract in the Bronx, has sent nine clients to hospitals, including Mr. Mounkaila. Most have either moved into permanent housing or are on track to do so.

One woman who was hospitalized was in her late 70s and had been homeless for so long that her campsite on White Plains Road shows up in Google Street View images going back to 2016.

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BronxWorks said that city hospitals, which have been criticized for quickly discharging homeless psychiatric patients without helping them, now often keep people long enough to give them meaningful treatment and get them ready for housing.

“These are severely mentally ill people we’ve been chasing after for years,” said Scott Auwarter, BronxWorks’s assistant executive director. “Something’s changed out there. It’s working.”

The people sent to hospitals under Mr. Adams’s directive have typically not been those whom many New Yorkers are most worried about: people who are violent. But city officials say the directive is aimed at getting help for those who fall through the cracks over and over, whether or not they are a threat.

“This is really about focusing on a fairly small population of people that we know,” said Brian Stettin, the mayor’s senior adviser for severe mental illness, “because they’re kind of stuck in the revolving door of the system.” People threatening violence are still subject to hospitalization or arrest if the police happen to be on the scene.

Mr. Mounkaila was one of six hospitalized BronxWorks clients who were on a so-called Top 50 watch list of chronically homeless people with mental illness whom the city considers particularly resistant to intervention. Being on the list does not mean someone is targeted for involuntary hospitalization, but it means that the system keeps an eye on them — at least in theory.

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Last month, Mr. Adams seized on the death of Jordan Neely, a man on the Top 50 list who was acting erratically when he was fatally choked by a subway passenger, to re-emphasize the case for forced hospitalization.

“We must look at involuntary removal of those who cannot take care of their basic needs and are in danger to themselves,” he said. “It breaks my heart how Jordan lost his life.”

Some families of patients hospitalized by BronxWorks had helplessly watched loved ones deteriorate.

“I begged for help, I asked God to help me with my brother,” said Orlando Solano, who said his 67-year-old brother, a onetime doctor, started living in the streets, chased by paranoid delusions, about 15 years ago. “I even looked for some paramedics and told them the situation, but they told me that they couldn’t do anything unless my brother had a very serious crisis.”

His brother is at a nursing home where his mental and physical health are so improved he’s like “another person,” Mr. Solano said.

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While a shortage of hospital psychiatric beds persists in New York, the state and city have recently opened about 80 beds where patients can get extended care for months.

“Nothing about a seven-to-14-day hospitalization is going to change the arc of the life of somebody who’s homeless and has schizophrenia,” said Mitchell Katz, head of the city’s public hospitals.

Outreach groups have seldom invoked the power to have clients removed, because their work — a delicate dance of getting someone to accept help and move indoors — relies on trust. If the hospital would not help the patient, damaging that trust did not seem worth it.

“If you’re going to forcibly take away somebody’s rights and take them to the hospital against their will, you want to make sure you’re not making the situation worse,” Mr. Auwarter said.

BronxWorks sent its first person to the hospital under the mayor’s directive on Christmas night, when the wind chill was 12 degrees. Outreach workers at an elevated subway station approached a woman in her 60s who had refused to talk to them for five years. Her legs were covered with ulcers and so swollen she could not get socks on, and one foot was bare. She screamed when the police arrived, but she got in the ambulance.

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At Jacobi, as treatment and medication took hold, the woman warmed, said Olivia Cooley, BronxWorks’s clinical coordinator for outreach: “She went to saying, ‘When are you going to visit again and see me next?’” After five months in a new state-run bed at Manhattan Psychiatric Center, the woman was accepted into permanent supportive housing this month.

Five clients BronxWorks removed are in or headed for permanent housing. Three remain in hospitals or nursing homes. The last is on the street, because, BronxWorks said, a city hospital, Lincoln Medical Center, discharged him the same day, without notifying BronxWorks.

Juan Rivera, BronxWorks’s outreach director, said he was seeing “more collaboration and more buy-in” from hospital staff who in the past sometimes failed to consider patients’ psychiatric histories when discharging them.

Mr. Stettin said that a push led by the Adams administration had “made a difference in how we’re handling these cases on the ground.”

The pending legal challenge to the mayor’s directive argues against having the police make decisions about whom to send to the hospital. The lawsuit does not address hospitalizations like those initiated by BronxWorks.

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Matt Kudish, chief executive of the National Alliance on Mental Illness of New York City, a plaintiff in the case, said that while forced short hospital stays typically do not have good outcomes, it was “great to hear” from a reporter that BronxWorks had seen clients move from the street to housing under the directive.

Mr. Rivera said involuntary hospitalization was always a last resort, but sometimes essential.

It’s our job to keep people safe,” he said. “We can leave someone with wounds that clearly look infected and is sitting in feces and urine. Do you think they have a right to stay there? Maybe. But do we have a responsibility as social service providers, and social workers, and ultimately as human beings to look out for this person, because if we don’t, who’s going to do it?”

He added that, too often, they are called to identify clients who died. According to the city, exposure to cold killed 12 unsheltered people from mid-2021 to mid-2022 — the second leading “external” cause of death after overdoses.

While most people BronxWorks sent to hospitals were not violent, one woman had brandished a makeshift weapon at outreach workers. She responded quickly to medication and has moved into supportive housing.

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While Mr. Mounkaila was at Jacobi, a city-run hospital, his younger brother, a nurse practitioner, visited him. For years, the brother said, Mr. Mounkaila had angrily accused him of spying for the F.B.I. and C.I.A. At the hospital, Mr. Mounkaila said, “We embrace each other.”

Mr. Mounkaila had mixed feelings about his hospital stint. He liked getting three meals a day. He took his first shower in 10 months. He reunited with a daughter he hadn’t seen in eight years. But he was being medicated against his will, and he was not free.

“I’m like in prison,” he said one April afternoon in a bright visiting room decorated with art by patients, including a menagerie of African animals he drew.

On May 18, he moved into an apartment-style shelter run by BronxWorks, which is working to find him supportive housing. He takes his antipsychotic medication — not because he thinks he needs it, but because he says BronxWorks would be upset if he stopped.

“Life is good,” Mr. Mounkaila said outside his shelter. “This place is better than living in the streets.”

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Joseph Goldstein and Raúl Vilchis contributed reporting.

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Large Blaze Ravages Bronx Apartment Building, Leaving Many Displaced

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Large Blaze Ravages Bronx Apartment Building, Leaving Many Displaced

Dozens of families were looking for shelter after a large fire broke out at an apartment building in the Bronx early Friday, injuring at least seven people, the Fire Department said. There were no fatalities or life-threatening injuries, according to officials.

About 250 firefighters and emergency medical responders rushed to a six-story residential building on Wallace Avenue near Arnow Avenue after a fire was reported there just before 2 a.m., the Fire Department said. The blaze on the top floor was elevated to a five-alarm fire about an hour later, it said.

Several dozen firefighters were still gathered outside the building at around 10 a.m. Many windows on the top floor were blown out and some had shards of glass hanging in place that resembled jagged teeth. Smoke continued to climb from the building as a firefighter on a ladder hosed the roof.

The fire was brought under control shortly before 2 p.m., according to fire officials.

The seven people who were injured included five firefighters, the department said in an email. One person was treated at the scene but declined to be taken to a hospital.

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A spokeswoman for the Police Department said earlier that some people had suffered smoke inhalation injuries.

Robert S. Tucker, the fire commissioner, said during a news conference that it was a miracle that there had been no serious injuries or fatalities. Officials said that all of the apartments on the building’s top floor were destroyed.

Firefighters blasted water at the smoke and flames pouring out of the upper floors and roof, according to videos posted online by the Fire Department and television news outlets. Heavy winds had fueled the blaze, the department said.

The cause of the fire was under investigation, officials said.

The Red Cross was at the scene helping residents that were displaced by the fire, and a temporary shelter had been set up at the Bennington School on Adee Avenue nearby. Doreen Thomann-Howe, the chief executive of the American Red Cross Greater New York Region, said during the news conference that 66 families had already registered to receive assistance, including lodging. She said she expected that number to increase.

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Juan Cabrera and his family were among those seeking help at the Bennington School. Mr. Cabrera said that he and his family had not heard a fire alarm but had instead heard glass breaking as residents climbed out of windows. He said he had also heard people race across the hall one flight above him while others screamed “Get out!”

Mr. Cabrera, 47, said he had smelled smoke and woke up his daughter, Rose, 13. He and his wife, Aurora Tavera, grabbed their IDs, passports and cellphones, and the family left the building.

“I felt desperate,” Ms. Taverna, 32, said.

“Thank God we are still alive,” said Mr. Cabrera, who works as a school aide and custodian and has lived in the building for five years. “The material stuff you can get back, but we have our family,” he said.

Louis Montalvo, 55, was also among those seeking help. He said firefighters banged on his door at around 3 a.m. and that he had smelled smoke.

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“I am grateful to be around,” Mr. Montalvo said, as he stood outside of the temporary shelter. He was still wearing his felt pajama pants, which had snowmen printed on them.

Vanessa L. Gibson, the Bronx borough president, said she was “so grateful” there had been no fatalities from the fire.

The last major apartment fire in the Bronx occurred in 2022, and resulted in 17 deaths, which experts said were entirely preventable. Self-closing doors in the building did not work properly, allowing smoke to escape the apartment where the fire started and rapidly fill the structure’s 19 stories.

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New York’s Chinese Dissidents Thought He Was an Ally. He Was a Spy.

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New York’s Chinese Dissidents Thought He Was an Ally. He Was a Spy.

The Chinese government’s paranoia about overseas dissidents can seem strange, considering the enormous differences in power between exiled protesters who organize marches in America and their mighty homeland, a geopolitical and economic superpower whose citizens they have almost no ability to mobilize. But to those familiar with the Chinese Communist Party, the government’s obsession with dissidents, no matter where in the world they are, is unsurprising. “Regardless of how the overseas dissident community is dismissed outside of China, its very existence represents a symbol of hope for many within China,” Wang Dan, a leader of the Tiananmen Square protests who spent years in prison before being exiled to the United States in 1998, told me. “For the Chinese Communist Party, the hope for change among the people is itself a threat. Therefore, they spare no effort in suppressing and discrediting the overseas dissident community — to extinguish this hope in the hearts of people at home.”

To understand the party’s fears about the risks posed by dissidents abroad, it helps to know the history of revolutions in China. “Historically, the groups that have overthrown the incumbent government or regime in China have often spent a lot of time overseas and organized there,” says Jessica Chen Weiss, a professor of China studies at Johns Hopkins University. The leader Sun Yat-sen, who played an important role in the 1911 revolution that dethroned the Qing dynasty and led eventually to the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, spent several periods of his life abroad, during which he engaged in effective fund-raising and political coordination. The Communist Party’s own rise to power in 1949 was partly advanced by contributions from leaders who were living overseas. “They are very sensitive to that potential,” Weiss says.

“What the Chinese government and the circle of elites that are running China right now fear the most is not the United States, with all of its military power, but elements of unrest within their own society that could potentially topple the Chinese Communist Party,” says Adam Kozy, a cybersecurity consultant who worked on Chinese cyberespionage cases when he was at the F.B.I. Specifically, Chinese authorities worry about a list of threats — collectively referred to as the “five poisons” — that pose a risk to the stability of Communist rule: the Uyghurs, the Tibetans, followers of the Falun Gong movement, supporters of Taiwanese independence and those who advocate for democracy in China. As a result, the Chinese government invests great effort in combating these threats, which involves collecting intelligence about overseas dissident groups and dampening their influence both within China and on the international stage.

Controlling dissidents, regardless of where they are, is essential to China’s goal of projecting power to its own citizens and to the world, according to Charles Kable, who served as an assistant director in the F.B.I.’s national security branch before retiring from the bureau at the end of 2022. “If you have a dissident out there who is looking back at China and pointing out problems that make the entire Chinese political apparatus look bad, it will not stand,” Kable says.

The leadership’s worries about such individuals were evident to the F.B.I. right before the 2008 Beijing Olympics, Kable told me, describing how the Chinese worked to ensure that the running of the Olympic flame through San Francisco would not be disrupted by protesters. “And so, you had the M.S.S. and its collaborators deployed in San Francisco just to make sure that the five poisons didn’t get in there and disrupt the optic of what was to be the best Olympics in history,” Kable says. During the run, whose route was changed at the last minute to avoid protesters, Chinese authorities “had their proxies in the community line the streets and also stand back from the streets, looking around to see who might be looking to cause trouble.”

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Hochul Seeks to Limit Private-Equity Ownership of Homes in New York

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Hochul Seeks to Limit Private-Equity Ownership of Homes in New York

Gov. Kathy Hochul of New York on Thursday proposed several measures that would restrict hedge funds and private-equity firms from buying up large numbers of single-family homes, the latest in a string of populist proposals she intends to include in her State of the State address next week.

The governor wants to prevent institutional investors from bidding on properties in the first 75 days that they are on the market. Her plan would also remove certain tax benefits, such as interest deductions, when the homes are purchased.

The proposals reflect a nationwide effort by mostly Democratic lawmakers to discourage large firms from crowding out individuals or families from the housing market by paying far above market rate and in cash, and then leasing the homes or turning them into short-term rentals.

Activists and some politicians have argued that this trend has played a role in soaring prices and low vacancy rates — though low housing production is widely viewed as the main driver of those problems.

If Ms. Hochul was inviting a fight with the real estate interests who have backed her in the past, she did not seem concerned. She even borrowed a line from Jimmy McMillan, who ran long-shot candidacies for governor and mayor as the founder of the Rent Is Too Damn High Party.

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“The cost of living is just too damn high — especially when it comes to the sky-high rents and mortgages New Yorkers pay every month,” Ms. Hochul said in a written statement.

James Whelan, president of the Real Estate Board of New York, said his team would review the proposal, but characterized it as “another example of policy that will stifle investment in housing in New York.”

The plan — the specifics of which will be negotiated with the Legislature — is one of several recent proposals the governor has made with the goal of addressing the state’s affordability crisis. Voters have expressed frustration about the high costs of housing and basic goods in the state. This discontent has led to political challenges for Ms. Hochul, who is likely to face rivals in the 2026 Democratic primary and in the general election.

In 2022, five of the largest investors in the United States owned 2 percent of the country’s single-family rental homes, most of them in Sun Belt and Southern states, according to a recent report from the federal Government Accountability Office. The report stated that it was “unclear how these investors affected homeownership opportunities or tenants because many related factors affect homeownership — e.g., market conditions, demographic factors and lending conditions.”

Researchers at Harvard University found that “a growing share of rental properties are owned by business entities and medium- and large-scale rental operators.”

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State officials were not able to offer a complete picture of how widespread the practice was in New York. They said local officials in several upstate cities had told them about investors buying up dozens of homes at a time and turning them into rentals.

The New York Times reported in 2023 that investment firms were buying smaller buildings in places like Brooklyn and Queens from families and smaller landlords.

Ms. Hochul’s concern is that these purchases make it harder for first-time home buyers to gain a foothold in the market and can lead to more rental price gouging.

“Shadowy private-equity giants are buying up the housing supply in communities across New York, leaving everyday homeowners with nowhere to turn,” she said in a statement on Thursday. “I’m proposing new laws and policy changes to put the American dream of owning a home within reach for more New Yorkers than ever before.”

Cracking down on corporate landlords became a prominent talking point in last year’s presidential election. On the campaign trail, Vice President Kamala Harris called on Congress to pass previously introduced legislation eliminating tax benefits for large investors that purchase large numbers of homes.

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“It can make it impossible then for regular people to be able to buy or even rent a home,” Ms. Harris said last summer.

In August, Representative Pat Ryan, Democrat of New York, called on the Federal Trade Commission to investigate price gouging by private-equity firms in the housing market. He cited a study that estimated that private-equity firms “are expected to control 40 percent of the U.S. single-family rental market by 2030.”

Statehouses across the country have recently looked at ways to tackle corporate homeownership. One effort in Nevada, which passed the Legislature but was vetoed by Gov. Joe Lombardo, proposed capping the number of units a corporation could buy in a calendar year. It was opposed by local chambers of commerce and the state’s homebuilders association.

A bill was introduced in the Minnesota State Legislature that would ban the conversion of homes owned by corporations into rentals. It has yet to come up for a vote.

At the federal level, Senator Jeff Merkley, Democrat of Oregon, and Representative Adam Smith, Democrat of Washington, introduced joint legislation that would force hedge funds to sell all the single-family homes they own over 10 years.

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