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A Montauk Fisherman Faces Prison Over 200,000 Pounds of Fluke

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A Montauk Fisherman Faces Prison Over 200,000 Pounds of Fluke

It was just before dawn when Chris Winkler, a fisherman in Montauk, N.Y., set off on his trawler, the New Age.

A longhaired surfer who looks far younger than his 63 years, Mr. Winkler was in flip-flops and shorts, trailed by Murphy, a good-natured Irish water spaniel who is usually his only company.

But on that July day, he had others aboard: members of his legal team and a reporter. He was gearing up for a federal trial that began this week in Central Islip, N.Y., before Judge Joan M. Azrack on charges of taking more fish from the sea than the law allows.

Prosecutors say that in past years Mr. Winkler exceeded the limit on fluke, a spotted flat fish also known as summer flounder, by at least 200,000 pounds, and caught more black sea bass than was allowed.

He is accused of making hundreds of thousands of dollars in illicit deals with of one of Montauk’s most venerable seafood institutions, Gosman’s. The two men originally charged with him, Bryan and Asa Gosman, cut deals with the government and are expected to testify against him.

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Gosman’s Dock boasts sprawling restaurants and retail stores in addition to its wholesale business. For decades, it has been one of Long Island’s largest suppliers of fresh fish, and has been a mainstay in Montauk, even as the fishing-village soul of the town has been overshadowed by big-spending tourists in something of a Hamptonification. That could change soon: Gosman’s Dock is up for sale, priced at $45 million.

Mr. Winkler’s boat is still docked just behind the Gosman’s complex. He runs a shoestring operation, working by himself on his 45-foot trawler as his legal bills mount. He has been out on a $100,000 bail bond for the past two years. His lawyers barred him from discussing the particulars of the case, or his motivations for fighting the government.

Prosecutors have accused Mr. Winkler of conspiracy to “defraud the United States” by falsifying records and obstructing efforts to collect fishing data. If convicted on five counts of conspiracy, mail fraud and obstruction, he could face years in prison and have to forfeit what the government says are ill-gotten gains.

“This was all done for money,” Kenneth Nelson, a federal prosecutor, said Wednesday in opening statements at Mr. Winkler’s trial. He displayed a blown-up image of a fluke, a flat, speckled fish with both eyes on its left side, and said that Mr. Winkler had caught 10 or 15 times the amount allowed on some days.

The case is one of at least two dozen related to the seafood trade brought by the Justice Department’s Environment and Natural Resources Division over the past 15 years. Those included prosecutions of four other Long Island trawler operators charged with overfishing fluke, two of whom received prison time.

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But one fisherman had the charges against him dismissed, and Mr. Winkler has hired the lawyers from that case: Richard W. Levitt and Peter S. Smith, the latter of whom spent the day on the boat sorting through piles of slimy fish and separating large and small squid into bins to be packed on ice and trucked to the New Fulton Fish Market in the Bronx. He was joined by the team’s investigator, Tom Brennan, who worked in clamming and oystering before going into law enforcement.

The rules require fishermen to throw back fish from sought-after species that exceed the daily limit, even though they often perish in the process. Mr. Smith warned his client to steer clear of the discussion about the rules, but did not hold back his own opinions.

“It’s a waste of good edible fish,” Mr. Smith said, struggling not to lose his footing on the slippery deck.

Mr. Winkler was born 75 miles west of Montauk, in Bay Shore, N.Y., in 1960, the son of two salespeople. He went fishing and clamming recreationally, and began surfing in his teens. He traveled and did odd jobs as a young man, spending time in the punk scene of the Bay Area and sailing to Europe and Africa. Montauk called him back, and soon he was on a trawler, being mentored by a third-generation fisherman.

“He taught me everything,” Mr. Winkler said as he checked his navigation systems inside the cabin at the start of the day. “I learned the business, how to do nets. I decided, I can do this for myself, and that’s what I did.”

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For sustenance on the high seas, he eats bread from Night Owl Baker, which specializes in tangy sourdough and is run by his partner, Tracy Stoloff. The food magazine Edible East End once described the couple’s “fairy tale life.”

Just after daybreak, Mr. Winkler cast his first net, letting it skim under the surface before he hauled it up, dripping and full of catch. As waves lapped the boat, Mr. Winkler and his pro bono deckhands set about sorting through the pile, throwing back the sea robins, dogfish and porgies as flocks of sea gulls squawked overhead, eager for the castoffs.

That day’s voyage would ultimately be cut short at the request of Mr. Smith, who by midday was covered in fish gunk.

The total haul weighed in at 1,150 pounds of squid and about 30 pounds of fluke, well under the limit of 420 pounds.

The world’s oceans are under punishing stress. Humans have dumped so much plastic into the water that they have created a gyre of pollution known as the Great Pacific Garbage Patch. Climate change driven by carbon emissions is bleaching vibrant coral reefs to dead, colorless hulks. Fisheries that feed millions of people are becoming depleted as sea creatures are harvested faster than they can replace themselves.

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The United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization says that only 64.6 percent of fishery stocks around the world were at biologically sustainable levels in 2019, compared with 90 percent in 1974.

These days, most of the seafood consumed in the United States is imported, and the government estimates that more than half of it is farmed. On Long Island, commercial fishermen and their allies say a flawed quota system for seafood caught in the wild is hastening the demise of the domestic industry as it struggles to compete against cheaper imports of questionable provenance.

Bonnie Brady, executive director of the Long Island Commercial Fishing Association, argues that regulators have at times used incomplete data to set the quotas, resulting in an unfair system that undercuts American fishermen.

“The issue is boots versus suits; what takes place in the ivory tower versus what fishermen live and breathe every day,” she said.

“You know where your fish is coming from if it’s caught by a New York State or U.S. commercial fisherman,” she said. “When you deal with outside this country, there’s no guarantee they adhere to any regulation at all.”

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The quotas date to the 1970s, and were originally aimed at limiting foreign fishing vessels in the waters off the United States. In the decades since, as ecological awareness has grown, amendments to the federal law have focused on protecting the environment and ensuring that fishing grounds remain booming with catch.

Carl Safina, an author and ecologist who teaches at Stony Brook University on Long Island, helped establish the limits on fluke fishing as a member of the Mid-Atlantic Fishery Management Council in the 1990s and credited them with helping to revive a severely depleted stock.

“The fish definitely need these rules,” he said. “There’s just a lot of people fishing and a lot of pressure on them.”

But the limits on fluke, in particular, have come under fire. Senator Chuck Schumer has pushed a bill called the “Fluke Fairness Act” to force the government to change the quota system, and in 2019, New York State sued the federal government over the rules.

The lawsuit argued that fluke populations have bounced back since the 1980s — and that fluke have moved north toward New York as the oceans have grown warmer because of climate change. A judge sided with the federal government; New York officials have appealed.

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For now, the limits stand and every trawler captain must abide by them.

Dr. Safina said he recognizes that fishermen have long chafed at the rules. After all, they are solo entrepreneurs at the mercy of the elements, the fish stock — and the law.

“I don’t relish seeing people prosecuted,” Dr. Safina said. As for the rules: “I think these things are necessary, but I think it’s unfortunate that they’re necessary.”

Gosman’s opened as a humble chowder stand in 1943, run by Robert and Mary Gosman, who were fish packers for the Fulton Fish Market, according to its website. They started buying property in the 1950s, laying the groundwork for a mini-empire as they raised six children. Today, the 11.6-acre complex feels a bit like a theme park version of a New England waterfront town.

Visitors go for drinks and lobster tacos at the Topside bar, savor clams and ice cream or grab a meal at the restaurant, which features enviable views and framed photos chronicling Montauk’s history. Inside Gosman’s Fish Market, people getting ready to grill at their summer homes buy fresh fish and artisanal chocolates.

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But behind the retail and restaurants is the dock itself, where trawlers bob in the water in front of a cold-storage facility. As boxes and bins come in, they’re packed on ice for truck transport to New York City and beyond.

When prosecutors announced the case against Mr. Winkler in 2021, they said it was part of a conspiracy with Bryan and Asa Gosman and Bob Gosman Inc., a wholesale company they managed. They were all charged with conspiracy to commit mail and wire fraud.

The indictment said that between 2014 and 2016 Mr. Winkler caught over-quota fluke or black sea bass, frequently offloading his catch at the Gosmans’ facility, which would collect a fee for each box. Then, the Gosmans’ trucks would transport the catch to the Bronx for sale, according to the indictment. On several occasions, Bryan Gosman was said to have received a “commission on illegal fluke.”

The Gosmans pleaded guilty that year, and the business had to pay a $50,000 fine. Bryan and Asa Gosman are awaiting sentencing, and their lawyers declined to comment.

A superseding indictment in 2022 named only Mr. Winkler, and expanded the accusations, citing 220 fishing trips that had netted illegal fish worth about $888,000 on the wholesale market.

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He was accused of having caught black sea bass out of season, and throwing fluke overboard when the Coast Guard approached the New Age. At least once, prosecutors said, Mr. Winkler texted Bryan Gosman to ask him to serve as a lookout for law enforcement before he docked.

On Wednesday, the defense attorney Mr. Levitt said that Mr. Winkler felt a calling for his traditional trade, and was being steamrollered by the government and the wealthy Gosmans.

“The Gosmans are up here,” he said, gesticulating as he paced the courtroom. “Chris Winkler is down here, and if the Gosmans step on Chris Winkler, they’re going to walk.”

At the end of that July day, Mr. Winkler steered the New Age toward the dock behind Gosman’s, where he strapped the boxes to a pulley to bring them ashore, still wearing his galoshes as he chatted with the workers in the packing facility. He had spent the day darting around the boat, tossing squid from plastic bins into boxes with ice, running up and down from the hold, hosing everything down between hauls.

A couple of weeks later, he cut a different figure at a procedural hearing before Judge Azrack. He had swapped out his squid-ink-stained T-shirt for a button-down tucked into gray jeans, and the easygoing smile from the boat was gone. He seemed pensive — perhaps resigned.

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The judge said she expected the trial to be “fascinating.”

Mr. Winkler asked to be excused from the only remaining pretrial hearing, so that he could spend the day fishing instead. Judge Azrack granted his request.

“I’m going to see it through,” Mr. Winkler said when the hearing concluded. “It’s all I can do.”

Audio produced by Parin Behrooz.

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Video: New York City Mayor Charged in Bribery and Fraud Scheme

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Video: New York City Mayor Charged in Bribery and Fraud Scheme

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New York City Mayor Charged in Bribery and Fraud Scheme

Federal prosecutors say Mayor Eric Adams of New York took illegal campaign contributions and luxury travel benefits from foreign actors and used his power to help Turkey.

“Mayor Adams engaged in a long-running conspiracy in which he solicited, and knowingly accepted, illegal campaign contributions from foreign donors and corporations. As we allege, Mayor Adams took these contributions even though he knew they were illegal, and even though he knew these contributions were attempts by a Turkish government official and Turkish businessmen to buy influence with him. We also alleged that the mayor sought and accepted well over $100,000 in luxury travel benefits. He told the public he received no gifts, even though he was secretly being showered with them.” “This did not surprise us that we reached this day. And I ask New Yorkers to wait to hear our defense before making any judgments. From here, my attorneys will take care of the case, so I can take care of the city. My day to day will not change. I will continue to do the job for 8.3 million New Yorkers that I was elected to do.” “Amen.” Protester: “You’re an embarrassment — you’re an embarrassment to Black people. You’re an embarrassment.” Crowd: “Resign, resign, resign, resign. resign, resign, resign.”

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Here Are the Charges Eric Adams Faces, Annotated

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Here Are the Charges Eric Adams Faces, Annotated

Federal prosecutors in Manhattan on Thursday unveiled a five-count indictment against Mayor Eric L. Adams of New York, charging him with bribery conspiracy, fraud and soliciting illegal foreign campaign donations.

The 5 Charges in the Indictment

  • 1 count

    Conspiracy to commit wire fraud, solicit foreign contributions and accept bribes

    Related to accusations that Adams illegally accepted travel and gifts through the Turkish government, solicited the illegal foreign contributions into his campaign from Turkish businessmen and improperly influenced the approval of the Turkish Consulate in New York City.

  • 1 count

    Wire fraud

    Related to accusations that Adams fraudulently accepted public matching funds for his campaign by improperly certifying contributions that were made via “straw donors,” concealing the true sources of the donations.

  • 2 counts

    Solicitation of a contribution by a foreign national

    Related to accusations that Adams solicited and received improper campaign contributions through foreign citizens.

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  • 1 count

    Bribery

    Related to accusations that Adams solicited free and heavily discounted foreign luxury travel in exchange for helping to obtain approval by Fire Department officials of a new Turkish Consulate.

Mr. Adams, who is up for re-election in 2025, insisted he was innocent in the case, which is led by U.S. Attorney Damian Williams of the Southern District of New York. At least three other federal investigations have reached people in the mayor’s orbit.

The New York Times annotated this indictment.

Download the original PDF.

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New York Times Analysis

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1

This is a historic and remarkable case title, naming Eric Adams as the first mayor in modern New York City history to be criminally charged while in office, only three years after he was elected to lead City Hall.

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2

The scope of the accusations are stunning. Prosecutors say that for almost a decade, Adams abused his power as Brooklyn borough president and later as mayor in order to receive illegal campaign donations and luxury travel benefits — including free flight upgrades, hotel stays and high-end meals.

3

Often, a criminal indictment is written like a story. Here, federal prosecutors describe the main character, in this case Adams, and start to set a scene before describing the specifics of a criminal conspiracy of which he was a member.

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4

Federal prosecutors accuse Adams and his campaign of illegally taking advantage of New York City’s generous public matching program by using so-called straw donors — people who make campaign donations with someone else’s money — to inflate the amount to which he was entitled. However, the number they use here — $10,000,000 — is the total amount of matching funds he received, rather than what he might have obtained illegally.

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5

The indictment accuses Adams of concealing at least $123,000 worth of flight upgrades and tickets that were gifts from a Turkish official and other Turkish nationals. He did not report any of these gifts on his annual disclosure forms.

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6

Adams’s love of travel is well known, and he has often spoken of all the international destinations he has visited — going back to his time as a state senator. Reporters have often questioned how these trips were paid for, and now prosecutors are saying some of them, along with free meals and hotel rooms, were given to him as bribes.

7

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For prosecutors, an important part of proving a defendant’s guilt is providing evidence that he knew what he was doing was wrong. That is why they have included this section accusing Adams of trying to cover up his crimes with phony paper trails, token payments and deleted messages.

8

This answers a big question raised by the investigation: How did Turkish officials and other Turkish nationals benefit from having a close relationship with the New York City mayor? This is one of many examples cited throughout the indictment.

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9

This introduction explains how the city’s public matching program for campaigns works. The indictment then describes how Adams is accused of abusing it.

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10

Adams went to Turkey twice in four months during his first year as Brooklyn borough president. The second trip was arranged by a Turkish entrepreneur, with ties to celebrities, according to the indictment. The New York Times has identified the person who arranged the trip as Arda Sayiner.

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11

“The Turkish official,” described throughout the indictment as a main player in this conspiracy, is Reyhan Özgür, who until recently was the Turkish consul general in New York. Before August 2020, he was the deputy consul general. In those roles, Özgür interacted with Adams in his capacities both as Brooklyn borough president and as mayor.

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12

This appears to be a reference to Enver Yücel, a wealthy Turkish businessman who founded Bahcesehir University in Istanbul and Bay Atlantic University in Washington, D.C. While he was borough president, Adams weighed in to support a charter school that Yücel tried to open in New York without success.

13

This matches the description of Rana Abbasova, who served as the mayor’s longtime liaison to the Turkish community. Her home was searched by federal agents, and she later cooperated with the Adams investigation.

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14

Adams has talked publicly about his love of Turkish Airlines, calling the airline “my way of flying” in a 2017 interview. He praised the airline for accommodating his vegan dietary needs.

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15

Winnie Greco, whose name does not appear in the indictment, was Adams’s Asian affairs liaison. She is now a special adviser to the mayor and his director of Asian affairs. Greco’s home was raided by the F.B.I. in February in a case that is being investigated by a different jurisdiction, the Eastern District of New York in Brooklyn.

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16

The indictment describes how Adams went out of his way to use Turkish Airlines so he could travel for free.

17

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This appears to describe Demet Sabancı Çetindoğan, a businesswoman from a wealthy family and owner of the St. Regis hotel in Istanbul. Records from the Brooklyn borough president’s office show that before this 2017 trip, Adams had dinner with her at a restaurant called Spago during a trip to Turkey in December 2015.

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18

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The Turkish Airlines manager in New York was Cenk Öcal, whose home was searched by the F.B.I. late last year. Adams named Öcal to his 2021 mayoral transition committee.

19

Adams’s 2021 mayoral campaign didn’t disclose this June 22, 2018, fund-raising event to the city’s Campaign Finance Board. But that day, the campaign reported gathering $21,100 from 20 donors without connecting them to that event.

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20

This paragraph seems particularly problematic for Adams. It shows that prosecutors have text messages in which a promoter who arranged Adams’s trips (Sayiner) discussed illegally funneling foreign contributions to Adams in a conversation with his aide (Abbasova). Abbasova, who is now cooperating with prosecutors, has apparently told them that Adams approved this illegal scheme and that she would testify to that. His lawyers would certainly challenge her testimony if the case ever goes to trial.

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21

The assertions about Adams’s failure to report some of his free foreign travel on his annual disclosure forms raise questions about the efficacy of the Conflicts of Interest Board.

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22

It is remarkable, if true as prosecutors say, that Adams was discouraged by Özgür, the deputy Turkish consul general, from meeting with a Turkish businessman who was in legal trouble about possible donations, and Adams did it anyway.

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23

This echoes the mindset that we have seen with other foreign nationals who have tried to curry favor with American municipal officials. Their hope is to gain leverage over these lower-level officials who may eventually rise in national politics.

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24

Based on campaign records, this description matches Tolib Mansurov, an Uzbek businessman who runs a company called United Elite Group. The records show that Mansurov and four other company employees donated $2,000 to Adams’s campaign on Dec. 17, 2020.

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25

After arranging straw contributions, Mansurov sought help from Adams, including with problems he was having with the Department of Buildings, according to the indictment. Later, prosecutors say, Mansurov thanked Adams, who had promised to look into his issues, after they were partially resolved.

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26

A fund-raiser organized by Erden Arkan, the owner of KSK Construction, was held on May 7, 2021. The event brought in $69,720 for Adams’s mayoral campaign from 84 donors. The campaign then used those donations to seek an additional $63,760 in public matching funds, according to campaign documents obtained by The Times.

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27

Campaign finance records show that the Adams campaign received five $2,000 donations on Sept. 27, 2021, from people listed as employees of Bay Atlantic University, the small Turkish-owned institution based in Washington, D.C. Those gifts came from a fund-raiser held on Sept. 18, 2021, and were refunded the following month, according to information submitted to the Campaign Finance Board.

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28

The Adams campaign raised over $8.9 million for his 2021 mayoral election, and received over $10 million in public funds, more than any other citywide candidate received that year. In August, the Campaign Finance Board, in a 900-page preliminary audit of Adams’s 2021 mayoral campaign, chronicled numerous missing payments, sham donations and the potential misallocation of up to $2.3 million in taxpayer money.

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29

When Adams sought last-minute tickets to Istanbul in 2021, his aide called the Turkish Airlines manager, who said they would be very expensive — then discounted them to $50, the indictment says.

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The aide, however, rejected such a cheap price — “No, dear. $50? ” she said — to avoid suspicion, according to the indictment, and Adams ended up paying $2,200 for business-class tickets that would have cost $15,000 on the open market.

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30

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The Turkish government also paid for Adams’s chief fundraiser at the time, Brianna Suggs, to travel to Istanbul, and then gave her a fake bill for her hotel stay, the indictment says.

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31

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The Turkish House was erected at the cost of nearly $300 million, a sum that drew criticism in Turkey in 2021, when students protested the high cost of housing.

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32

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Here begins the narrative of how prosecutors say Adams influenced the Fire Department to allow the Turkish Consulate to open in time for a visit by President Recep Tayyip Erdogan despite safety concerns. In exchange, prosecutors say, Adams received travel perks and other gifts.

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33

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At this point, Adams had won the Democratic primary for mayor and was likely to be the next occupant of City Hall, so his outreach to the fire commissioner carried weight.

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34

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In this email message included in the indictment, a Fire Department official made clear the Turkish consulate project had too many safety issues to approve. But after Adams exerted pressure, officials later signed off on it anyway, the indictment says.

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35

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Adams reported back to the Turkish consul general, Reyhan Ozgur,, that the building would be approved. Ozgur wrote back: “You are a true friend of Turkey.” Adams replied: “Yes even more a true friend of yours. You are my brother. I am hear (sic) to help.”

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36

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After he was elected mayor, Adams and his partner took a highly publicized trip to Ghana. At the time, Adams’s campaign spokesman told reporters that Adams had paid for the trip himself. But, according to the indictment, Adams purchased two tickets to Pakistan on Turkish Airlines for a total of $1,436, then had the airline manager upgrade the tickets to business class and change the destination to Ghana — tickets that would have cost $14,000 — meaning that Adams is accused of receiving $12,000 in airline tickets for free.

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37

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Before he went to Ghana, the indictment says, Adams had a nine-hour layover in Istanbul during which he was treated by the Turkish government to a luxury car, a driver and a high-end dinner. An important side note here: The Turkish consul general, Ozgur, messaged Adams’s aide to make sure Adams understood where the gifts were coming from. “We are the state,” prosecutors quote Ozgur as saying.

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Adams named Cenk Ocal, the Turkish Airlines manager who arranged for his free and discounted travel, to his mayoral transition committee.

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39

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A catalog of travel benefits Adams is accused of receiving begins here.

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40

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In the month Adams took office, he met in a private restaurant space with Arda Sayiner, the entrepreneur who had earlier offered to secure illegal contributions, the indictment says, adding that when Sayiner offered more help, Adams accepted.

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41

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The indictment now moves into the heart of Adams’s first term as mayor, accusing him of continuing to do favors for his Turkish benefactors and continuing to solicit illegal funds, now for his re-election campaign.

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42

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In September 2023, Abbasova, Sayiner and Suggs arranged a fundraiser for foreign donors — and disguised it as a meeting to discuss sustainability issues with a PowerPoint presentation and a cost of $5,000 to attend, according to the indictment.

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43

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On Oct. 9th 2023, the Adams campaign raised $16,700 from the Turkish-American community, according to campaign records. The indictment mentions one of the organizers as as a publisher of a magazine aimed at Turkish Americans, which appears to describe Cemil Ozyurt, owner of the Turk of America magazine. Ozyurt donated $1,000 that day to the campaign, records show.

44

“Are they going to make the limit?”

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There are repeated references in the indictment to Adams’s refusal to show up at fundraisers unless his campaign received at least $25,000.

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45

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When the investigation that led to this indictment became public in November 2023, prosecutors said, Adams scheduled yet another dinner with a businessman who was going to illegally contribute to his campaign through straw donors. But when news of the inquiry emerged, that dinner was canceled, the indictment said.

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According to the indictment, Adams’s chief fundraiser, Brianna Suggs, called Adams five times before allowing F.B.I. agents who showed up at her door in Brooklyn last year to enter. She then refused to say who had paid for her trip to Turkey, prosecutors say.

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Prosecutors say that Adams’s aide, Rana Abbasova, tried to delete incriminating messages in a bathroom when the F.B.I. showed up at her house, which later led to her suspension from City Hall.

48

This is just a jaw-dropping section of the indictment.

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(There appears to be a typo when prosecutors refer to Adams’s claims that he changed his password on Nov. 5, 2024. F.B.I. agents took his phone in 2023, and presumably said he had changed his password then. )

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The formal counts against Adams are described here, along with the “overt acts” — specific incidents — that prosecutors say support the charges. These are typically laid out near the end of an indictment.

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If Mr. Adams is convicted of all five counts in the indictment, the maximum penalty under law would be 45 years in prison. But under the federal sentencing guidelines, he would most likely receive a much shorter prison term.

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The indictment is signed by the foreperson of the grand jury that voted to approve it, whose name is redacted, and by U.S. Attorney Damian Williams, whose name is not.

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Video: Mayor Eric Adams Vows to Fight Federal Indictment Against Him

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Video: Mayor Eric Adams Vows to Fight Federal Indictment Against Him

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Mayor Eric Adams Vows to Fight Federal Indictment Against Him

In a videotaped speech, Mr. Adams said any charges against him would be “false” and said that he will continue to lead as mayor of the city.

My fellow New Yorkers. It is now my belief that the federal government intends to charge me with crimes. If so, these charges would be entirely false based on lies. But they would not be surprising. I always knew that if I stood my ground for all of you, that I would be a target. And a target I became. I will fight these injustices with every ounce of my strength and my spirit. If I’m charged, I know I’m innocent. I will request an immediate trial so that New Yorkers can hear the truth. I have been facing these lies for months since I began to speak out for all of you and their investigation started. Yet the city has continued to improve. Make no mistake. You elected me to lead this city. And lead it I will. I humbly ask for your prayers and your patience as we see this through. God bless you and God bless the City of New York. Thank you.

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