New York
2025 NYC Mayoral Race: Where Democratic Candidates Stand on the Issues
This year’s race for New York City mayor has been anything but predictable.
Mayor Eric Adams, the incumbent Democrat, has seen his political fortunes decline so sharply that he is no longer competing in the Democratic primary, set for June 24. Instead, he will run as an independent in the general election in November.
Nine other major candidates are vying to win the Democratic primary, which, in New York, typically decides who will become mayor.
This year, the general election promises to hold a bit more intrigue, with the Democratic victor likely to face Mr. Adams; Curtis Sliwa, a Republican; and Jim Walden, an independent. The Working Families Party may also put a left-leaning candidate on its ballot line.
The New York Times asked the leading Democrats in the race to answer a list of policy questions, and their answers are below. Responses were edited for length and clarity.
Adrienne Adams
City Council speaker
We need more housing and direct support to help economically diverse families stay in our city. As speaker, I led where the mayor couldn’t and wouldn’t: passing “City of Yes” and other housing proposals to build 120,000 homes and defending our city’s early childhood education system from the mayor’s budget cuts. As mayor, I’ll expand on both.
Andrew Cuomo
Former governor
I’d increase the supply of housing by 500,000 units over 10 years while preserving existing affordable housing and protecting rent-controlled tenants. And I’d make targeted tax cuts for New York City homeowners by enacting a 2 percent property tax cap and eliminating city income tax for households with incomes at 200 percent of the federal poverty level.
Brad Lander
City comptroller
I will declare a housing affordability “state of emergency” to speed up housing production and protect tenants. My housing plan will build 500,000 homes over the next decade. I’ll also fulfill the promise of universal pre-K and 3-K, expand the program to 2-K and offer free, high-quality after-school programs for all elementary and middle-school students.
Zohran Mamdani
State assemblyman
The cost of housing is the leading reason working-class New Yorkers are leaving our city. I would freeze the rent for the more than two million tenants in rent-stabilized apartments. I would also set us on a path to triple the city’s annual production of new permanently affordable, union-built, rent-stabilized housing.
Zellnor Myrie
State senator
My Rebuild N.Y.C. plan will create the affordable housing our city desperately needs with a mandate to build 1 million homes, reimagine preservation and create 50,000 permanent housing units to address homelessness. We need to make the city affordable for working parents. My plan for free after-school for all will keep kids safe and productive and extend 3-K and pre-K until 6 p.m.
Jessica Ramos
State senator
I want to deliver universal child care and work-force housing. By the end of my first term, I would set a benchmark for full, high quality child care for all New Yorkers starting at age 2. I would then work backward to cover newborns by the end of my second term. I’d also revive a housing model that was the precursor to Mitchell-Lama, leveraging public land, union pension funds and our own capital budget to develop permanently affordable rental units and modest-equity homeownership opportunities.
Scott Stringer
Former city comptroller
The affordability crisis requires serious solutions. With my Tri-Share child care program, combined with my commitment to extending public school hours, we can ensure that every family has access to affordable, high-quality child care and education.
Whitney Tilson
Former hedge-fund executive
I will build on the “City of Yes” legislation to significantly ease the city’s onerous zoning restrictions and slash the time required for permitting new projects. We need to dramatically increase the construction of all types of housing across the city to build at least 100,000 units annually. This will require effective management, legislative changes and investment by the city, but also billions in capital from private developers. They want to invest, but many tell me that the city “treats us like the enemy.”
Adrienne Adams
City Council speaker
New Yorkers deserve to be and feel safe. Tough talk without competent management doesn’t work. If it did, people would feel safe today. Calls to grow N.Y.P.D. head count sound nice but ignore the real issue: the department already has over 2,400 vacant positions and attrition is rising. I’ll focus on smarter policing: filling vacancies, improving retention, increasing trust and refocusing officers on core duties instead of handling all problems.
Michael Blake
Former state assemblyman
We will hire more officers for community policing with body cameras on for accountability and work with Albany to hold repeat offenders accountable, as we reduce the overall budget by addressing excessive overtime and the Strategic Response Group. We will have mental health professionals addressing the crisis on subways and in our streets, while increasing walking street patrol for officers.
Andrew Cuomo
Former governor
I’d hire 5,000 N.Y.P.D. officers to bring the force up to the functional 1990s levels, with the cost offset by reducing the $1 billion spent in overtime. I’d deploy 4,000 officers to N.Y.P.D. Transit to improve subway safety. I’d use precision policing to focus on the recidivist population responsible for a disproportionate amount of crime and utilize “co-response” police and mental health teams to get individuals with serious mental illness off the streets. And I’d expand employment and training opportunities for 18- to 24-year-old at-risk youth.
Brad Lander
City comptroller
Ending street homelessness for people with serious mental illness is my No. 1 campaign priority. My plan uses a “Housing First” model with a continuum of care, and mandates where necessary, to get the 2,000 people with serious mental illness into supportive housing. I’ll retain Jessica Tisch as police commissioner and implement comprehensive recruitment and retention strategies to hire 1,500 officers and bring us to the budgeted head count of 35,000.
Zohran Mamdani
State assemblyman
My Department of Community Safety would implement approaches proven successful nationwide. It would provide mental health services, especially in our subway system, address hate crimes, reduce gun violence and tackle homelessness. Mental health crisis response and traffic enforcement would be moved to appropriate agencies, freeing up police resources to increase clearance rates for major crimes. A specific N.Y.P.D. budget number or head count is not the goal: public safety is.
Zellnor Myrie
State senator
My plan to make the city safer starts with hiring 3,100 police officers to return the force to 2018 levels, pairing officers with mental health professionals to ensure subway order and safety and expanding proven crime-prevention measures. My belief that a robust, professional, accountable police force is critical to fighting crime and public safety has never wavered.
Jessica Ramos
State senator
I want to achieve a balance of justice and accountability by professionalizing the police department, raising base pay and redesigning deployment so we can use the number of officers we have more effectively. To make that possible, we need to relieve the N.Y.P.D. of certain responsibilities, up-skilling E.M.T. and E.M.S. workers and expanding the number of social workers and clinicians across the city who can respond to mental health calls.
Scott Stringer
Former city comptroller
Too many New Yorkers feel uneasy walking down the street, riding the train and enjoying our parks. The city’s complex public safety challenges demand a unified, proactive approach that goes beyond crisis management. I am committed to hiring 3,000 more police officers and tackling retention and recruitment. I am also creating QualitySTAT and a new deputy mayor for quality of life for a more effective approach to addressing crime, serious mental health issues and quality-of-life issues.
Whitney Tilson
Former hedge-fund executive
I will hire 5,000 more officers and fight anti-police bias that hurts morale and makes officers afraid to engage in proactive policing. To address the root causes of crime, I will focus the city’s resources — schools, after-school programs, parks, housing and health care — in the fewer than 4 percent of the city’s 120,000 blocks that account for more than half of violent crime.
Adrienne Adams
City Council speaker
I’m not afraid of Trump. If he tries to defund or destabilize us, I’ll fight back with the same grit — even take him to court — and I’ll win. My greatest concern is his attacks on the rights and resources of New Yorkers. If there’s common ground, it will be on infrastructure, but I’m not holding my breath.
Michael Blake
Former state assemblyman
I will check this bully and his unconstitutional attacks. We reject the administration’s hate and divisive actions. If Trump cuts our funding and services, we will withhold tax dollars from the federal government. We could possibly find common ground on improving our infrastructure.
Andrew Cuomo
Former governor
New York needs meaningful partnership with the federal government, but I will not allow our city to be bullied or abused. I have known President Trump for decades and interacted with him during his first term, most frequently during Covid-19. I will work with any partner who will work with me for the good of New Yorkers, but make no mistake, I will always stand up for the rights and values that New York City represents. My greatest concern is preservation of democracy.
Brad Lander
City comptroller
The Trump presidency presents grave risks: from defunding education, housing, health care and transit, to an inflation spike caused by tariffs, to the mass deportation of our immigrant neighbors. As mayor, I will fight like hell for every New Yorker so we can stand up for our values.
Zohran Mamdani
State assemblyman
While Eric Adams is collaborating with the Trump administration and Andrew Cuomo is cozying up to Trump’s donors, I will stand up for every New Yorker. I fear that Trump will continue to tear our families apart while cutting the social safety net. I’ve proposed a network of city-owned supermarkets that guarantee cheaper groceries. If Trump decides to live up to his campaign promises to lower costs, we invite him to work with us on this.
Zellnor Myrie
State senator
The only way to protect New Yorkers and deal with a bully like Donald Trump is to stand up to them aggressively, never appease and fight back. As mayor, I’ll use every means to fight for our schools, our subways and our immigrant neighbors. Right now, it’s hard to be hopeful about finding common ground on any issue with the autocrat in the White House.
Jessica Ramos
State senator
New Yorkers are expecting their leaders to do more than react to the deluge of chaos coming from the Trump administration. We should be ready, as Governor Hochul is now, to defend our successes and secure the support we need for transit, education, climate infrastructure and health care, but we should also arm ourselves with tools to defend ourselves. I introduced a bill called the “Recourse Act” in the New York State Senate, which establishes mechanisms to fight back if Trump illegally withholds federal funds from New York.
Scott Stringer
Former city comptroller
We have every reason to believe that Trump will gut funding for transit, housing and social services while attacking our communities. The best way to fight back is to run the city effectively. When Trump tried to cut funding for essential programs in our city, I fought back as comptroller and we won. I’ve proven I know how to stand up to his chaos and protect New Yorkers from harm.
Whitney Tilson
Former hedge-fund executive
I will use every tool at my disposal as mayor to protect New Yorkers from the arbitrary, capricious and misguided actions of the Trump administration. I agree with Trump’s general view that at the city, state and national levels, we need to re-examine a range of regulations that have stifled growth.
Adrienne Adams
City Council speaker
Moving people accomplishes nothing if they aren’t connected to care. Involuntary commitment may be an option in extreme cases, but the focus needs to be on successfully getting people continued treatment. Our largest mental health facility is Rikers — a moral and policy failure. As mayor, I’ll expand residential treatment, mobile teams and community-based care for New Yorkers with serious mental illness, so they’re no longer left to fall into crisis without true access to care.
Michael Blake
Former state assemblyman
My family overcame homelessness in Jamaica, so it’s personal how we address this challenge. Street homelessness and severe mental illness require compassionate, clinical solutions, not criminalization. We’ll expand mobile care teams, increase overdose prevention centers, secure more funding from opioid settlements and establish permanent supportive housing.
Andrew Cuomo
Former governor
I believe in utilizing proven strategies for addressing street homeless with serious mental illness, like Safe Haven shelters and “Housing First” strategies, but they alone are not a silver bullet. We must increase coordination among street homeless outreach teams in addition to increasing access to community-based care and inpatient psychiatric care when needed.
Brad Lander
City comptroller
I support increased flexibility for involuntary hospitalization when individuals are a danger to themselves or others. But we must connect people to housing with services, or they will simply wind up right back on the streets. That’s why the heart of my plan is a “Housing First” approach, which will connect the approximately 2,000 people currently cycling between the city’s streets, subways, hospitals and jails with supportive housing.
Zohran Mamdani
State assemblyman
Housing is the key: strengthening rental assistance, increasing transitional and supportive housing, expanding respite residences, tripling city-produced affordable housing and fully funding eviction-prevention services. We will make unprecedented investments in mental health: prioritizing voluntary, community- and peer-led programs that are proven to create long-term stability, engaging people into treatment and decreasing hospitalization.
Zellnor Myrie
State senator
As mayor, I’ll work to address street homelessness with a “Housing First” approach that invests in permanent, supportive housing — not shelters. I’ll create stabilization centers in each borough to help make medical and psychiatric diagnoses and get people who are homeless and in mental distress on the right path. For some homeless people with severe mental illness — for their own well-being and for public safety — involuntary commitment may be the right first step to treatment.
Jessica Ramos
State senator
On Day 1, I will declare a mental health state of emergency. My mental health plan, Harmony N.Y.C., lays out a vision to integrate mental health services into every aspect of public life. It has three planks: developing a skilled mental health work force, building and refurbishing appropriate treatment facilities and developing the mental health emergency response infrastructure we need.
Scott Stringer
Former city comptroller
New York has failed people with severe mental illness. I’ll create and expand initiatives to ensure mental health professionals respond to crises involving people suffering from serious mental illness. I will expand our supportive housing network to place homeless New Yorkers in housing that is married with the care management necessary to bring them back on their feet. In extreme cases, I support court-ordered care for those who pose a danger to themselves or others, but only with strong safeguards, oversight and real, comprehensive treatment.
Whitney Tilson
Former hedge-fund executive
I support changing the law to allow qualified clinicians to involuntarily commit those who aren’t able to meet their own basic needs. Allowing more than 4,000 people to sleep overnight in our public parks, streets and subways is severely impacting the quality of life for all New Yorkers. But we must lead with compassion to help, not criminalize, the street homeless.
Adrienne Adams
City Council speaker
As mayor, I’ll fight federal attempts to destructively interfere in our transit system. The best way to support public transit and ensure congestion pricing succeeds is to ensure its revenues are utilized to improve our transit system. Trump’s transportation secretary criticizes New York City’s subways while trying to undermine the very program that is providing the most funding to improve them. As mayor, I won’t let him succeed and will stand firm.
Michael Blake
Former state assemblyman
I support the intent of congestion pricing to reduce traffic, improve our environment and lower emissions. But we must lower the cost for New Yorkers.
Andrew Cuomo
Former governor
Congestion pricing is ultimately the right policy, which is why I fought and succeeded in passing it. The goal is to get people out of their cars and onto mass transit, which requires the government to provide straphangers a reliable, safe subway. Given the fragile state of the city’s recovery, the question is whether now is the right time to implement it. The results thus far have been positive, but the economic impact must continue to be monitored.
Brad Lander
City comptroller
Yes. I’m for less traffic, cleaner air, modernized subway signals so trains run on time and new elevators so everyone can access them. When Governor Hochul paused congestion pricing last year, I spearheaded the formation of a coalition of advocates and attorneys that successfully initiated two lawsuits that helped ensure the program got started before Trump assumed office.
Zohran Mamdani
State assemblyman
Yes. In just a few months, congestion pricing has unclogged our streets, lifted smog from the air and started to deliver revenue to improve public transit. I have been a supporter of the program since I was elected and helped lead the fight to keep it alive after Gov. Kathy Hochul’s last-minute pause in June 2024.
Zellnor Myrie
State senator
I’m a big proponent of congestion pricing, I voted for it as a state senator and I will do everything in my power as mayor to make sure Donald Trump fails to stop it. Since it took effect in January, congestion pricing has done exactly as promised: reduced traffic, improved air quality and generated tens of millions of dollars monthly to improve our subways and buses.
Jessica Ramos
State senator
I do not have a driver’s license, and my children and I rely on public transportation. I voted for congestion pricing, defended congestion pricing, and am thrilled to see that it is already delivering much-needed revenue, faster buses and quality-of-life improvements. Congestion pricing will win people over if people can tangibly feel that public transit is a convenient, reliable, accessible alternative to sitting in traffic or looking for parking.
Scott Stringer
Former city comptroller
My support for congestion pricing is longstanding and unwavering. It’s delivered exactly what proponents have been promising: reducing traffic, increasing bus speeds, reducing the cost of delivery services, reducing air and sound pollution and providing funding for public transit. We must hold the state accountable to make sure every single dollar is tracked for initiatives like subway signal upgrades, express buses and better outer-borough transit.
Whitney Tilson
Former hedge-fund executive
I not only support congestion pricing, but want to expand it to ensure that traffic flows smoothly at all times everywhere in the city. Singapore and other cities do it, so why can’t we? Pricing should be dynamic, varying by the hour, and free at off-peak times.
Adrienne Adams
City Council speaker
Donald Trump is using every lever of power to punish New Yorkers — terrorizing families and communities, even green-card holders and legal residents. Our sanctuary laws are sound policy that benefit the health and safety of all New Yorkers. I defended them as speaker because they make our city safer and stronger economically, and I will continue to support them. The laws already allow collaboration with ICE for those convicted of serious crimes, consistent with the U.S. Constitution.
Michael Blake
Former state assemblyman
As a son of Jamaican immigrants from a union family, the city will keep and strengthen its sanctuary status while embracing diversity and holding people accountable. I will not allow ICE in schools, churches, or clinics. I support codifying these protections into city law.
Andrew Cuomo
Former governor
As governor, I worked to ensure that New York’s policies were consistent with ICE’s legal mission while also shielding all residents from any ICE enforcement actions that are either illegal or discriminatory. That said, due process and rule of law are paramount, and we do not harbor criminals: If an individual is convicted of a serious crime, they should be subject to deportation.
Brad Lander
City comptroller
We must maintain our status as a sanctuary city. Our laws were carefully drafted: where immigrants who are not citizens have been convicted of serious or violent crimes, we cooperate with ICE on their deportation. But city workers must not be commandeered into doing the work of immigration enforcement. We must protect due process rights and ensure that immigrant families feel safe sending their kids to school or going to the hospital.
Zohran Mamdani
State assemblyman
We should strengthen our sanctuary laws through greater enforcement and compliance. They’ve had bipartisan support over decades and have reduced crime. Despite Eric Adams’s fear mongering, our sanctuary city laws allow the city to share information regarding immigrants who have been convicted of 170 serious crimes. Trump’s ICE has adopted a policy of guilty until proven innocent with immigrant New Yorkers, disappearing New Yorkers from their homes without charge. Our city should fight for their release while defending the First Amendment and due process rights.
Zellnor Myrie
State senator
Our sanctuary policies were put in place to relieve the very real fear immigrants had around reporting crimes, showing up to court, or even seeking medical care. For decades, they were largely uncontroversial and recognized for making New York safer. Deporting undocumented immigrants who’ve been convicted of crimes is one thing. Ignoring due process and turning immigrants over to Trump’s ICE just on the basis of a charge or accusation is something I will oppose with every fiber in my body as mayor.
Jessica Ramos
State senator
Our sanctuary city laws already have built-in accountability for those convicted of crimes. I will not think twice about enforcing the law as it exists, but I am not going to sacrifice due process or succumb to baseless fear mongering to appease anti-immigrant hysteria. As far as I am concerned, when you choose to build a life in New York City, you are a New Yorker, and I will defend your rights to due process and to live in dignity.
Scott Stringer
Former city comptroller
I will work with any administration to keep New Yorkers safe, but make no mistake: New York City sets its own policies, not Washington. My administration will work with law enforcement to arrest criminals who threaten public safety, but I will not allow our police force to be co-opted into a political immigration crackdown. We can be smart on crime while being fair and just on immigration — those are not competing values.
Whitney Tilson
Former hedge-fund executive
I support the city’s original sanctuary city law dating back to 1989 and will ensure that our city stands strong against the Trump administration’s campaign of terror against immigrant communities. But the additional sanctuary city legislation passed in 2011, 2014 and 2018, which effectively precluded all cooperation between city and federal authorities, went too far in protecting criminals.
Adrienne Adams
City Council speaker
As speaker, I stood up to the mayor’s attempts to roll back 3-K, securing critical funding and reforms for it in last year’s budget because every child deserves a strong start. Early childhood education will be a top priority for me again this year and as mayor. I support universal 3-K and will expand child care support for more families with younger children.
Michael Blake
Former state assemblyman
As a public school K-12 graduate, I support expanding 3-K into full, universal child care, from birth through age five. Child care is essential, not a privilege.
Andrew Cuomo
Former governor
I funded universal pre-K. As mayor, I will work to make free 3-K a reality: I’d restore Adams’s budget cuts for 3-K, and the city must analyze application data to pinpoint “3-K deserts” and allocate resources accordingly. Districts with wait lists could see new 3-K classrooms open in underutilized spaces.
Brad Lander
City comptroller
As the son of a public school guidance counselor, a public school graduate myself, and the father of two New York City public school graduates, I know our public schools are central to our future. I will restore Mayor Adams’s cuts to early childhood education, deliver on his unmet commitment to 3-K and pre-K for all, and ambitiously expand child care to 2K for all.
Zohran Mamdani
State assemblyman
We should provide universal child care for children from six weeks to five years. Parents are driven out of the city by child care costs. We can establish a universal system with living wages for providers, eased administrative burdens and simplified applications.
Zellnor Myrie
State senator
Yes and I plan to extend 3-K until 6 p.m. to give working parents relief. 3-K is critical; we know how important the early years are to childhood development and opportunity, and it helps make our city more affordable for working parents.
Jessica Ramos
State senator
As part of the team that implemented universal pre-K and started rolling out 3-K, it has been devastating to see the Adams administration let it fall apart. I have a plan to rebuild 3-K and work backward until every parent with children aged newborn to pre-K has access to high-quality child care in their own neighborhood.
Scott Stringer
Former city comptroller
I have been rewriting the rules with transformative solutions that make child care affordable, accessible and fair citywide. As mayor, I’ll bring back the competence and experience required to get families off of wait lists, make programs available in every neighborhood and fully fund 3-K expansion.
Whitney Tilson
Former hedge-fund executive
I support the 3-K program and will seek to expand it as cost savings are identified.
Adrienne Adams
City Council speaker
Guaranteed Income. New York City’s first municipally funded guaranteed-income program was created under my leadership as speaker. It supports pregnant women experiencing housing instability. As mayor, I’ll expand these programs to more vulnerable New Yorkers and families. Real help, no red tape. These investments won’t just help people, they’ll save the city money by reducing shelter costs and easing pressure on our overwhelmed social safety net.
Michael Blake
Former state assemblyman
If the federal government cuts services to New York, we will withhold the equivalent in New York City tax dollars, dollar for dollar. We won’t have taxation without representation. We also need to stop using credit scores for rent and homeownership applications as it is a major reason why so many communities of color are unable to realize a dream of an affordable home.
Andrew Cuomo
Former governor
Experienced leadership and competent government. The best idea is a government that actually functions effectively and efficiently, and delivers real change for the people of the city. I know that addressing the challenges facing New York City is not a function of a single “big idea,” but rather rests on the day-in-day-out managerial skill, experience and knowledge needed to ensure effective execution of the priorities of New Yorkers.
Brad Lander
City comptroller
As mayor, I will end street homelessness for people with serious mental illness. Eric Adams’s housing sweeps have failed to connect anyone to stable housing and just cycle people from subway to street to hospital to jail, and back again. Through mayoral leadership, better coordination, more flexibility to require hospitalization when necessary, and especially a “Housing First” approach, my plan will get people off our streets and subways and into stable housing with wraparound services, delivering a city that is safer for all.
Zohran Mamdani
State assemblyman
Free buses. I helped secure a year-long trailblazing fare-free bus pilot program that began in September 2023. The program was designed to bring economic relief to New Yorkers and create a high-quality public transit system that is safe, reliable and universally accessible. It did just that: increasing ridership, moving riders out of cars and decreasing assaults on bus drivers.
Zellnor Myrie
State senator
The city’s biggest challenge is building the housing we need to bring costs down so that working New Yorkers can afford to stay here. I have an ambitious plan for 1 million homes that meets the scale of the crisis. It includes opening up midtown and public land to mixed-income housing, revitalizing NYCHA, reimagining preservation and investing in permanent housing — not shelters — to tackle homelessness.
Jessica Ramos
State senator
Beyond my proposals for universal child care and mental health, I am proposing a Youth Jobs Guarantee. By 2030, the city will achieve 100 percent employment or education participation for youth aged 16 to 24. I will guarantee year-round, paid opportunities for youth to build skills, gain experience, and secure a pathway into good-paying careers.
Scott Stringer
Former city comptroller
Mitchell-Lama 2.0. It’s a bold yet practical strategy that builds on the historic success of the original program to tackle New York City’s housing crisis. By unlocking public land, holding bad landlords accountable and empowering communities to lead, my plan is a serious path to creating affordable housing at scale. Together, we can build a city where every family has a safe, stable home and where neighborhoods thrive.
Whitney Tilson
Former hedge-fund executive
We need to grow our economy by 50 percent in the next decade to create more jobs and rising wages — and provide the tax base to hire more police, help the homeless and mentally ill and fully fund programs like 3-K. The city has stifling bureaucracy, regulations and taxes. My team and I will attack these obstacles and champion businesses, entrepreneurship, investment and growth.
New York
Gotti Grandson Is Sentenced to 15 Months for Covid Relief Fraud
The grandson of an infamous mob boss was sentenced to prison on Monday after pleading guilty to defrauding the federal government out of more than $1 million in Covid relief funds, some of which he invested in cryptocurrency.
Carmine G. Agnello Jr., the grandson of John J. Gotti, the former leader of the Gambino crime family, was sentenced to 15 months in prison by Judge Nusrat J. Choudhury in Federal District Court in Central Islip, N.Y. She also ordered Mr. Agnello to pay $1.3 million in restitution to the Small Business Administration.
Mr. Agnello, 39, fidgeted in court on Monday. Some of his family members were in attendance, including mob figures previously convicted of federal crimes: his father Carmine (the Bull) Agnello and his uncle John A. Gotti.
Wearing a gray, checkered suit, Mr. Agnello read a brief statement in court calling his crime “wrong, selfish and criminal.” He added that he never wanted to “find myself in prison” like so many of his relatives.
“I regret not only what I did, but the disappointment I caused my family,” he said.
Starting in April 2020, Mr. Agnello applied for at least three loans for his Queens-based company, Crown Auto Parts & Recycling L.L.C., through a program meant to support small businesses hurt by the pandemic.
He applied for the loans under false pretenses, claiming he did not have a criminal record when he in fact did have one, prosecutors said. He then used more than $400,000 of the borrowed money to invest in a crypto business.
Mr. Agnello pleaded guilty in September 2024 to a single count of wire fraud. Federal prosecutors with the Eastern District of New York had sought a sentence of around three years, as well as $1.3 million in restitution.
He “shamefully lined his own pockets with government and taxpayers’ dollars,” Joseph Nocella Jr., the U.S. attorney for the Eastern District of New York, said in a statement.
As a child, Mr. Agnello starred on the reality television show “Growing Up Gotti” alongside his mother, Victoria Gotti, and two brothers, Frank and John. The show, which ran on A&E for three seasons and was canceled in 2005, depicted a Long Island household in the milieu of “The Sopranos.”
At the time, Mr. Agnello’s father was in prison and had been divorced from Ms. Gotti, a former columnist for The New York Post, leaving her to raise three rowdy sons. The intense media focus on the Gottis gave the grandson “a distorted sense of reality,” wrote John A. Gotti, Mr. Agnello’s uncle and the leader of the crime family in the 1990s, in a letter to Judge Choudhury before the sentencing.
“Being part of the Gotti family meant growing up with too much attention, expectations and society’s judgment that most kids never have to deal with,” Mr. Gotti wrote. He added that his nephew faced pressure “to live up to the Gotti name.”
Mr. Agnello found his way into the family business, in a way. In 2018, he pleaded guilty to running an unregistered scrap business. That case echoed his father’s racketeering conviction after he firebombed a rival scrap company in Queens that was run by undercover police officers.
Mr. Agnello’s grandfather exercised power with unrelenting brutality and delighted in the spotlight. He seized control of the family by organizing the 1985 assassination of his predecessor, Paul Castellano, before running enterprises that investigators estimated earned about $500 million a year from ventures that included extorting unions, illegal gambling, loan-sharking and stock fraud.
After numerous acquittals in state and federal trials, aided by juries that had been tampered with, Mr. Gotti earned the nickname “Teflon Don” from New York City’s tabloids. He was ultimately convicted in 1992 on 13 criminal counts and died of cancer in 2002 at age 61 in a federal prison hospital.
Jeffrey Lichtman, a lawyer for Mr. Agnello, told Judge Choudhury that Mr. Agnello had grown up with no male role models in his life, as 15 of his family members had gone to prison, including his grandfather when he was 5 and his father when he was 14.
Mr. Lichtman, who also represented Mr. Agnello’s uncle, called his client’s crime “horrific behavior” but added that his conduct was inevitable.
Charles P. Kelly, a federal prosecutor, said in court on Monday that Mr. Agnello’s family history was no excuse for his fraud.
“This case is not about John Gotti; it’s about Carmine Agnello,” Mr. Kelly said.
This year, Steven Metcalf, another lawyer for Mr. Agnello, asked Judge Choudhury for a sentence with no prison time so that Mr. Agnello could donate a kidney to his mother, who has renal disease and also appeared in court on Monday. Without the transplant, Ms. Gotti could die during her son’s prison term, Mr. Metcalf said.
But in April, Mr. Agnello hired Mr. Lichtman, who apologized to the judge for Mr. Metcalf’s “voluminous argument” in support of Mr. Agnello, which stretched hundreds of pages.
As Judge Choudhury announced the sentence, Mr. Agnello kept his gaze forward and nodded. Judge Choudhury pushed back on the notion that his upbringing drove him to commit wire fraud.
“You were raised with access to opportunities. These are opportunities that many people in our society do not have,” she said.
After the sentence on Monday, Mr. Agnello embraced his family members in a hallway of the courthouse, one by one, kissing his uncle and his father on the cheek. He must surrender to the authorities to begin serving his prison term by July 20.
Outside the courthouse, his uncle John A. Gotti addressed a group of reporters.
“We had 15 members of our family who went to prison,” he said. “I think that’s enough. I think we did our time.”
New York
Inside the NYC Power Stations That Keep Trains Moving — or Bring Them to a Halt
It was one of the worst commutes in years. A power outage stranded more than 3,500 New York City subway riders in stuffy, crowded train cars for more than two hours on Dec. 11, 2024, during the evening rush.
Firefighters evacuated riders from the disabled trains, but not before some passengers were forced to relieve themselves between cars, according to people who were present. The ensuing delays, which affected the A, C, F and G lines in Brooklyn, stretched well into the morning, snarling the commute for thousands more riders.
But the foul-up didn’t start on the tracks — it began about 40 feet beneath the sidewalk, in a concrete bunker called a substation, like this one.
The Metropolitan Transportation Authority, which runs the New York City subway, operates 225 of these substations. They provide the electricity that keeps trains moving.
Some are deep underground, while others are in fortresslike buildings close to train tracks. Dozens of the facilities are nearing 100 years old, and some components have gone decades without substantial upgrades.
The electrical outage in 2024 started after a critical failure in a Downtown Brooklyn substation that dates to the 1930s. Heavy rainfall most likely seeped into equipment and caused an explosion so forceful that it knocked a door off its hinges, according to the M.T.A.
Without adequate electricity, trains that were closest to the damaged substation could not move, and their ventilation systems shut down.
Such major failures are rare, but are responsible for some of the subway’s worst logjams, said Jamie Torres-Springer, the head of the authority’s construction and development division.
“That’s what causes the most difficult, painful disruptions in the system that drive people out of their minds,” he said.
In hopes of preventing the next nightmare commute, the M.T.A. is making the biggest investment in power in its history. Transit officials plan to spend $4 billion on new power systems by 2029, including upgrades to 75 subway substations. That’s three times as many as were renovated during the last major round of repairs, which ended in 2024.
They have their work cut out for them.
Hidden beneath a steel-trap door on the Upper West Side of Manhattan, 36 steps below the surface, is one of the system’s oldest remaining substations.
“This is a blast from the past,” said David Jacobs, the M.T.A.’s acting general superintendent for power stations, who donned a hard hat and safety glasses on a recent weekday before disappearing into the underground space.
The substation, near 73rd Street and Central Park West, was built in the 1930s, and is expected to be renovated during the current blitz.
A dirty tarp hung in one corner of the cavernous room, to catch water that seeped through worn concrete. Rows of machines hummed with the constant surge of power feeding the electrified third rail on nearby tracks.
It takes about 2 billion kilowatt-hours of electricity to run the subway system annually. That’s enough power to light 128,000 homes for a year.
The substations’ main function is to convert raw, high-voltage electricity from the electrical grid into lower-voltage power that can be delivered to the third rail.
But the aging equipment has become progressively less efficient and reliable, and harder to maintain.
The substations are spaced out across the city, to help keep electricity flowing to trains even if one of them malfunctions. But the equipment has sometimes failed when asked to carry an extra load, leading to cascading problems.
Last year, there were 758 “major incidents” on the subway, ones in which 50 or more trains were delayed. Substations cause a small but disruptive share of the problems, according to M.T.A. data.
“Power is everything,” said John Ross, a recently retired transit worker who was dispatched to help after several service disruptions in the subway, including the outage in 2024. “When it breaks, it breaks good.”
M.T.A. officials assessed the condition of every substation in recent years, and found that 36 percent of the equipment was in poor condition or in need of replacement.
While the main purpose of the upgrades is to reduce train delays, the changes have other benefits. The M.T.A. is installing a new signal system that relies on wireless technology to automatically control train movement.
The system, known as Communications-Based Train Control, or C.B.T.C., will allow trains to operate more reliably. It will also enable transit workers to monitor train traffic more closely from a dedicated room in Midtown Manhattan, known as the operations control center.
But switching to that signal system requires upgrading the rest of the subway’s archaic equipment. “In order to run more trains, we need more power,” Mr. Torres-Springer said.
For Mr. Jacobs, 36, who joined the M.T.A. nearly two decades ago as an electrical apprentice, working with machines younger than him would be a welcome change.
Today he runs a department of almost 400 people, and much of the work remains hands-on: diagnosing problems in the machinery by reading small flags with numbered codes, searching for replacement parts that are no longer manufactured, and generally eking out more life from obsolete machines.
“I do love this equipment,” he said with a smile.
But he’s ready for an upgrade to something built in this century.
“It’s like a B.M.W. versus a 1940 Cadillac.”
New York
Essential New York City Movies Picked by Ira Sachs and Blondie’s Debbie Harry and Chris Stein
Film
‘Make Way for Tomorrow’ (1937), directed by Leo McCarey
The log line: After the bank forecloses on their home, an elderly couple must separate, each living with a different one of their adult children.
The pitch: “It’s a film that Orson Welles famously said ‘would make a stone cry,’” says Sachs, 60, about McCarey’s movie, singling out a long sequence at the end that depicts “a date through certain lobbies and bars of New York City that offers a snapshot of Midtown in the ’30s.”
‘The World of Henry Orient’ (1964), directed by George Roy Hill
The log line: A wily 14-year-old girl and her best friend follow a ridiculous concert pianist, on whom they have a crush, around the city.
The pitch: Hill’s 1960s romp inspired Sachs’s film “Little Men” (2016), which is about boys around the same age as these protagonists. “It’s an extraordinarily sweet film that also seems, to me, very honest,” he says.
‘Coming Apart’ (1969), directed by Milton Moses Ginsberg
The log line: Rip Torn plays an obsessive psychiatrist who secretly films all the women passing through his home office, inadvertently capturing his own mental breakdown.
The pitch: Shot in one room with a fixed camera, Ginsberg’s film “really feels of a time,” says Sachs. It’s also “very sexual and very free,” reminding him of what’s possible when it comes to making movies.
‘Deadly Hero’ (1975), directed by Ivan Nagy
The log line: A disturbed, racist cop saves a cellist from a crook, only to become her tormentor.
The pitch: Harry, 80, and Stein, 76, were extras in Nagy’s film, which stars Don Murray, Diahn Williams and James Earl Jones as the cop, the cellist and the crook, respectively. The pair call the movie “[expletive] weird,” but also say that their day rate — $300 — “was the most money we’d ever made on anything” up to that point.
‘News From Home’ (1976), directed by Chantal Akerman
The log line: An experimental documentary by Akerman, a Belgian filmmaker who moved to New York in her early 20s, the film features long takes of the city and voice-over in which the director reads letters from her mother.
The pitch: “I’m intrigued by how beauty contains sadness in the city,” says Sachs. Not only is her film a “beautiful record of the city” but it captures “what it is to be alone here, to have left some sort of community and, in particular for Chantal, separated from her mother.”
‘Wolfen’ (1981), directed by Michael Wadleigh
The log line: Albert Finney stars as a former N.Y.P.D. detective who returns to the job to solve a violent and bizarre string of murders.
The pitch: Wadleigh’s film is not only a vehicle for Finney, says Stein, it also “has a lot of footage from the South Bronx when it was still completely destroyed” by widespread arson in the 1970s.
‘Losing Ground’ (1982), directed by Kathleen Collins
The log line: Collins’s film — the first feature-length drama for a major studio directed by an African American woman — observes a rocky relationship between a college professor and her painter husband.
The pitch: Sachs calls “Losing Ground” “a revelation.” The characters are “so human and fascinating and extremely modern,” he says, adding that he loves a movie that “exists in some very complete version of the local.”
‘After Hours’ (1985), directed by Martin Scorsese
The log line: In Scorsese’s black comedy, an office worker (Griffin Dunne) has a surreal and bizarre evening of misadventure while trying to get back uptown from a woman’s apartment in SoHo.
The pitch: Harry and Stein recommend this zany tale and borderline “nightmare” for the way it captures a bygone era of New York. “It’s this great image of [Lower Manhattan] when it was still raw, you know, Wild West territory,” Stein says.
‘Downtown 81’ (shot in 1980-81, released in 2000), directed by Edo Bertoglio
The log line: Bertoglio’s film is a striking portrait of a young artist who needs to raise money so he can return to the apartment from which he’s been evicted.
The pitch: Jean-Michel Basquiat stars as the artist in this snapshot of life in New York during the ’80s. Despite all the drama surrounding it — postproduction wasn’t completed until 20 years after filming, and for many years the movie was considered lost — the film is notable, says Stein, because “it’s got all the characters and all our buddies in it.”
These interviews have been edited and condensed.
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