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How Indigenous chefs and farmers are restoring Native American cuisine in New Jersey

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How Indigenous chefs and farmers are restoring Native American cuisine in New Jersey



There aren’t many places to get indigenous food in New Jersey. You may even not know what Native American food is. A handful of local chefs and farmers are working to change that.

Leo Cordier ran away to home. 

After seven years in the foster care system, he left Colorado Springs at age 16 and drove to the Rosebud Indian Reservation in South Dakota, where he was born, to rejoin his Sicangu Lakota tribe. He brought gifts.

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“Going through Nebraska, we’d see box turtles, and I’d get all those turtles and I’d put them in a box in the back of the car,” Cordier says. 

He parked at his great-grandmother’s house on the reservation and, overcome with the emotion of being home, he left the box of turtles in his car and walked around the neighborhood, cataloging what had changed and what hadn’t.

When he got back, his great-grandmother had already found the turtles — and was preparing turtle soup.

“Coming back home is very sacred and a common thing for Natives, because we’ve always been displaced or taken away by foster care or boarding schools,” said Cordier. “We have a saying: ‘We always come back.’ My great-grandmother was able to make me that turtle soup as my gift for returning.”

Cordier was reminded of this homecoming story while putting together a menu — turkey breaded with amaranth flour, bison chili, blue corn bread with wojapi and that turtle soup — for Indigenous People’s Day (Oct. 14) events he’ll service through his Indigenous food business, Buffalo Jump NYC.

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“My people’s elders mention how they miss turtle soup, so that’s my secret surprise,” he says.

Buffalo Jump NYC is one of the only Indigenous food purveyors in the tri-state area, which is to say it’s one of the only in the U.S.: there are more NFL teams than restaurants serving Native American cuisine in this country.

The scarcity is due to financial obstacles for tribal members, the destruction of ecosystems and historic Indigenous foodways, and a general misunderstanding (or no understanding at all) of what Native American food is.

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But a handful of Indigenous people in New Jersey and beyond are working to restore their cuisine in kitchens, classrooms, community centers and farms and elsewhere. The payoff of this work is the revitalization of centuries-old, truly local cooking and the improvement of Indigenous people’s lives. It’s also, these Indigenous food makers say, a recognition of a people long forgotten.

“We are the most invisible diaspora in the United States,” Cordier says. 

Chef Joe Rocchi, a Native foods educator in Pennsauken, New Jersey, and a member of the Pamunkey tribe, puts it this way: “Natives aren’t discriminated against because they’re Natives. They’re discriminated against because they don’t exist.”

What is Native American cuisine?

Rocchi recalls asking an instructor about Indigenous cuisine while studying at the Restaurant School at Walnut Hill College. He was told there wasn’t one.

After training in the Marine Corps and earning his culinary degree, Rocchi spent a decade building a career in fine dining and opening several casinos in the Philadelphia area. But that original question — what did his ancestors eat? — kept gnawing at him.

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“About 10 years in, I asked myself a question: Why can I speak on a niche pasta from the Puglia region of Italy and I’ve never set foot there, but if you ask me a question about Native American food culture, I didn’t have much to say. And I didn’t like the answer.”

He didn’t like the answer because he didn’t have one. So he turned to his mom. He didn’t like her answer — ’I don’t know, we ate chicken casserole?’ — either.

“If your Native American recipe starts with two cans of Campbell’s soup, that’s not Native American,” he says. 

Rocchi’s story is common among indigenous people, particularly here in the Northeast. The culinary history of any one family, clan or tribe was lost or obscured in the centuries of violence against Native people and mass relocation of tribes, often to environments with vastly different flora and fauna, from the time Europeans first set foot on American soil in the 1600s.

There are two wicked ironies therein: 1) That if one does happen to think of a Native American food item, it’s frybread, a result of Natives surviving on reservations by making do with measly government rations of flour and lard. And 2) Staple foods we associate with more heralded, European cuisine — tomatoes, potatoes, peppers, beans — originated in the Americas.

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“You would not have pizza or pasta without us. You wouldn’t have French dishes or French sauces without Indigenous ingredients,” says Brooke Rodriguez, the Borikua Taino co-owner of Buffalo Jump NYC and founder of Grinding Stone Collective, which works to restore Indigenous foodways in New Jersey and the Northeast. “For [people] to not have that knowledge plays into some much colonialism and Indigenous erasure.”

The examples are endless.

“Ratatouille, you take away the basil you’ve got nothing but Native ingredients,” Cordier says.

“I found out barbecue, as we know it today, the roots of that started in Virginia. When the English traders got here, they saw what Native Americans were doing with smoking with hickory woods over an open hearth,” Rocchi says. 

Rocchi, unsatisfied with the answers he was getting about what actually is Indigenous food, did some internet sleuthing, eventually contacting local anthropologists and historians, who helped him discover the culinary history of not only his Pamunkey people, but tribes throughout the country. With a better understanding of Native food, he started to make Indigenous meals at select events (like an Indigenous dinner at Princeton Theological Seminary’s farm on Nov. 7), and switched careers into culinary education, so he can pass on this knowledge.

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Sean Sherman, an Oglala Lakota Sioux chef and author who grew up on the Pine Ridge Reservation, has become an authority on Indigenous cooking. His cookbook, “The Sioux Chef’s Indigenous Kitchen,” and his Minneapolis restaurant, Owamni, both won James Beard Awards.

Sherman says his focus in cultivating the menu at Owamni was not to replicate what was done in the past, necessarily, but to follow Indigenous food traditions of eating local, native foods, prepared simply, but with culinary adaptations for a modern audience.

“I first just cut out colonial ingredients to showcase a lot of the diversity of food through these different cultures: dairy, wheat flour, cane sugar, beef, pork, chicken,” Sherman says. “We really try to feature regional foods by paying homage to the land we’re standing on and the tribes that were here.”

Though Owamni’s menus are thus local to Minnesota, it’s helpful to review them to get a sense of what types of meals modern Indigenous food looks like: bison picahna (chile crisp aioli, roasted tomato, pumpkin seed oil and cured duck yolk) and a smoked rack of elk (with pumpkin carrot purée and cranberry mint) along with plenty of local plant-forward dishes and a menu of teas all made from local herbs.

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“I think we try to keep things really simple. Our food isn’t laced with lots of butter and cream, so it comes off really clean,” Sherman says. “A lot of plant diversity, protein diversity. We push a lot of crickets just to showcase protein diversity.”

To put a fine point on it, Indigenous cuisine is a wide variety of dishes made from locally sourced plants and animals that are native to the region in which they’re being served.

Sometimes, though, the foods native to a region are no longer there. Earlier this year, Rodriguez and Grinding Stone Collective held a bison harvest with about 100 people from the Ramapough Munsee Lenape Indian Nation in Mahwah.

“Largely, Eastern Indians are deer people, but they’re also bison people,” Rodriguez says, citing the historic existence of bison in the Northeast. “We skinned the animal and harvested it, and that meat was distributed among the people, and they’re still working on the hide.”

Rocchi recently provided an art show with Indigenous cooking to promote his platform of restoring food sovereignty to Native people. He offered braised bison short rib with wojapi-infused barbecue sauce, sumac dust and jicama slaw; sous-vide duck breast with butternut squash risotto; and a sweet corn parfait. He also made a colorful “three sisters” fettuccine dish with pasta made of squash, beans and corn, in homage to the Indigenous agricultural practice of planting those three crops in a symbiotic pattern that improves drought tolerance, deters pests and boosts soil health.

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Millenia-old Native American ingenuity like that is evident in that dish. Providing a platform for that approach to food is what these food makers are trying to do, but it’s also what was almost lost in the last few centuries of violence against Indigenous people.

Why is there no Native American cuisine in New Jersey?

If you want the short answer it’s because Native people have been displaced throughout the country through the reservation system, they’ve battled environmental, financial and health issues, and access to agricultural and foraging grounds to get the native foods integral to their cuisine has effectively been eradicated. Colonization shattered Indigenous culture so thoroughly that only a few Native people have been able to piece together a culinary enterprise that is reflective of their history.

If you want the long story, ask Michaeline Picaro.

Picaro is a member of the Ramapough Lenape Nation, which encompasses Passaic and Sussex counties. She and Vincent Mann, chief of Turtle Clan of the Ramapough, started the 14-acre Munsee Three Sisters Medicinal Farm in Sussex County in 2019.

The Ramapough are one of three state-recognized tribes in the state (along with the Nanticoke Lenni-Lenape and the Powhatan Renape). Picaro, though, refers to the group of people in this region via their shared Algonquin dialect: Munsee. This group spanned most of New Jersey into Pennsylvania and New York. They were among the first Native people to encounter Europeans.

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By the late 1800s, many of these Munsee-speaking Lenape people were relocated out of New Jersey — to New York, Massachusetts, Wisconsin, Kansas and elsewhere. Today, there are more Lenape in Oklahoma and Wisconsin than in New Jersey. There are, at most, 5,000 Ramapough in New Jersey.

Those who stayed have faced hardship. The Ford Motor Co. turned a section of Ringwood into a Superfund site by dumping hazardous waste; housing for the Ramapough was built on that site even though it was never fully remediated, leading to high cancer rates and other adverse health outcomes. (The Record ran a five-part series on the dumping after a nearly yearlong investigation.)

Picaro says it’s just one example (of many) of why expecting Indigenous people to enter the food industry misses the point. They’re still fighting for survival, she says. The plight in Ringwood led her and Mann to consider how they could help, but they had few answers.

“Over the years, we’ve had notable people, congressmen and mayors, the [Department of Environmental Protection] … everybody’s been out here, but nothing happens. All the powerful people and all the movies, all the documentaries and newspaper articles … it gets silence,” Picaro says. “You figure what are you going to do other than win the lottery? Get a job? I have three jobs. Do you ask a dying people to get more jobs? OK, that makes a lot of sense. They have to help themselves out of a mess that was literally dumped on them?”

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Picaro and Mann started the farm in hopes it would provide enough free food for the Ramapough people in need. They found a plot of land that had Munsee-Lenape artifacts on it: oyster shells and mortar and pestles. They still had to lease it, though. “That’s like generational trauma to know you have to pay full price, to know you have to ask your landlord what you can and cannot do on that land,” Picaro says.

She says she forewent a mortgage payment on her home in order to rent a tractor for a week. To irrigate the crops, they filled a tote with water from a hose, plugged the sprayer into their truck battery and watered the crops. “Indige-nuity,” Picaro says.

“This is what we did to get it moving in the right direction. So when you go back to that question of why isn’t there more organization in our tribe, well there’s a lot you have to give up in your daily sustainable life to do that extra thing you should be getting money for,” she says.

They were able to donate about 9,000 pounds of food in the first few years, but the last two years have been rough, with floods, other blight and an inability to secure labor. They have been awarded grants, however, to ensure more fruitful harvests in the future.

Imagine trying to make a cuisine without being able to understand how it’s described, or being unable to access the ingredients necessary to make it. Other cultures had relatively uninterrupted lines of communication and access to their homelands. Indigenous people didn’t, and that foundational food knowledge was lost in the centuries of relocation and separation from their tribal members.

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So the question isn’t really why aren’t there more Indigenous restaurants, it’s how are there any at all?

How Indigenous people are restoring native food in New Jersey

It’s yet another irony that Indigenous people are the most relocated group in the country. Sometimes, though not often, that relocation is a positive.

Before launching Buffalo Jump NYC, Cordier worked at food halls on his reservation but was also an active participant in Indigenous protests. He was a member of the Red Warrior Camp, which organized direct-action nonviolent protests against pipeline builders at the Standing Rock Reservation in 2016.

After that experience, Cordier was given the option to fight another pipeline: the Pilgrim Pipeline in Mahwah in 2017. It was a less heated protest than Standing Rock — Cordier says he was “able to find his Zen” — and it was there he met Rodriguez, too. After working in a few New York City kitchens and making a few connections, Cordier started catering corporate and nonprofit events with Indigenous food. In just a few years, he was serving food at the first gathering of Indigenous people at Gracie Mansion in New York City in 2023.

Buffalo Jump NYC serves Indigenous food at the Queens Night Market every week, but also does special events in New Jersey and New York. The hope is to open a brick-and-mortar store next year. That’s a start to raising the profile of Indigenous food, but much work is being done to restore the foodways that will help foster more.

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Rodriguez and Grinding Stone Collective do this, in part, through workshops, cooking demonstrations and events meant to teach folks about Indigenous food culture, food justice and climate change. They also operate an inter-tribal food pantry to get food from Native producers to Indigenous communities in need. And they’re turning plots of land into Native gardens for use by Indigenous chefs and communities. The group is currently planting 275 species with Sly Fox Den in Rhode Island and has similar plans for the Ramapough community in New Jersey.

Rodriguez says their efforts are rooted in education, reciprocity and action; for instance, they fed 2,000 people with poi, a native taro-based Hawaiian food, after the Maui fires. Intention matters, Rodriguez says, and it guides her group’s actions.

“I think more than anything, Indigenous food sovereignty is a collection of prayers over time,” she says. The guiding force behind starting the collective was the “larger history of not having access to traditional foods, bad health outcomes and not having access to historic hunting grounds due to colonization.”

Rocchi is also restoring foodways among Indigenous communities. He’s working with the Traditional Eastern Woodland Foodways Alliance (TEWFA) to achieve some audacious goals in the area; for instance, the group aims to accommodate every Indigenous person’s food needs in the lower mid-Atlantic region by 2040, with 80% of that coming from Indigenous food suppliers. 

Restoring those foodways is a way to restore the community, Rocchi says: “Through food you can change a lot of people.”

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And through the North American Tradition Indigenous Food Systems (NĀTIFS) program, Sean Sherman and the USDA are creating connections between Indigenous producers, chefs, tribal members and greater communities by building marketplaces for Indigenous food. In doing so, they also raise awareness of Indigenous food. They’ve also filmed a series of cooking demos from Indigenous chefs tailored to specific regions, including the Northeast. Sherman hopes he can bring an Indigenous market and food concept to the Northeast in the future.

Success looks different to all the people working in New Jersey and beyond, but it starts with ensuring that Indigenous people have control over where their food comes from and that they have enough of it. A greater emphasis on Indigenous food will likely lead to better agricultural processes in this country, and a greater appreciation among the general public for the foods native to the Americas.

But success also looks like an Indigenous restaurant on your town’s Main Street, Sherman says.

“We just want to see more normalization of Native foods,” he says. “We want the next generation of kids, when they go out to eat, are deciding if they want pizza or Chinese … or Native American. We just want to be on that list.”

Matt Cortina is a food writer for NorthJersey.com/The Record. Reach him at mcortina@gannett.com.

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‘Hard to see’: Jersey Shore town to tear down lifeguard building before it collapses from erosion

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‘Hard to see’: Jersey Shore town to tear down lifeguard building before it collapses from erosion


The flooring is getting saved from Strathmere’s Beach Patrol headquarters but the building has reached its breaking point as extreme erosion left the 20 year old landmark literally on the edge.

Officials say that the building is in imminent danger of collapse into the ocean after winter storm-driven waves stripped away massive amounts of sand.

“It’s sad. It’s been here for a while,” Dave Pennello, of Upper Township Publics Works, said.

Pilings are now exposed and the building’s foundation is at risk so the township is planning to tear it down.

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“The only way we could do it is spending $125,000 to try and reinforce that but there’s no guarantee that the erosion wouldn’t get worse to basically make that totally obsolete,” Upper Township Committee member Sam Palombo said. “As someone that worked at Upper Township Beach Patrol, it’s hard to see, honestly.”

The lifeguards in Strathmere will be temporarily working out of a leased modular trailer.

“My son-in-law is a lifeguard here every year. He’s one of the captains and they got a call the other day that said, ‘Get to the shack and get the stuff out of it,’” Estell Manor resident Bobbie Kenny said.

Uncertainty over beach replenishment funding

Beaches in several Jersey Shore towns are in rough shape after our harsh winter.

Uncertainty over funding for repairs and replenishment from the federal government is adding to concerns.

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“It’s incredibly worrying. I mean, we’re out of time,” Upper Township Committee member Sam Palombo said. “After spring, it’s summer and everyone’s going to be down here.”

A spokesperson for the US Army Corps of Engineers told NBC10 that the agency hasn’t gotten any updates about funding for beach projects, so they’re unable to provide any information on potential timetables.



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Amid rising antisemitism, law enforcement vows to ramp up security

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Amid rising antisemitism, law enforcement vows to ramp up security


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  • “Security is no longer a precaution − it is a necessity that comes at a significant cost,” said Katie Katz, Executive Director of Teach New Jersey.

TEANECK — Local law enforcement vowed to step up security measures ahead of Passover, amid a global surge of antisemitism that has left North Jersey Jews grappling with anxiety.

Nearly 150 people gathered with local leaders and law enforcement at a community safety meeting held at Heichal Hatorah/The Jewish Center of Teaneck on March 25 to discuss strategies for securing houses of worship.

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The event, organized by Deputy Mayor Elie Katz, came just a week before the beginning of Passover and in the wake of a March 8 incident in which a 19-year-old Jewish Teaneck resident was shot 10 times with gel pellets outside another Orthodox synagogue.

Days later, a Michigan man rammed an explosives-laden truck into a suburban Detroit synagogue and preschool, the latest in a string of anti-Jewish attacks that have picked up pace since the U.S. and Israel launched a war with Iran.

In Teaneck, home of one of New Jersey’s largest Jewish communities, residents expressed concern about recent antisemitic events and how to combat them. Shari Silverstein, a mother of two college students, asked law enforcement if she can carry pepper spray to defend herself.

She was reassured that she’s legally permitted to carry the substance, but “it’s not the most effective because it tends to get all over the place, including on yourself,” said Seth Kriegel, Deputy Chief of the Teaneck Police Department.

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Others were concerned about whether there would be adequate patrols of the neighborhood over the Passover holiday, when many people will likely be walking around the neighborhood late at night to get to and from synagogue and their Passover seder, or ritual feast. Law enforcement officials said they were aware of the unique schedule of each Jewish holiday and would have extra police patrols.

Tim Torell, Jewish Community Security Director at Jewish Federation of Northern New Jersey, said the local community has had numerous incidents in which Jewish people were targeted even while walking to and from synagogue. “Things were thrown at them from vehicles and people shouted at them,” he said. “The number of antisemitic incidents are vastly underreported,” he said, emphasizing that it’s important to report every incident, even if it seems minor.

The number of assaults against Jews worldwide has increased by 34% since the joint attack on Iran by Israel and the US, according to research by the Combat Antisemitism Movement, a non-partisan group based in Kansas devoted to fighting antisemitism.

Attacks have multiplied around the globe in recent weeks: In the Netherlands, bombs were planted at Jewish institutions; in Toronto, synagogues were sprayed with gunfire; and in Jackson, Mississippi, a synagogue was set afire by someone who announced he wanted to hurt Jews.

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‘Targeted purely because I am Jewish’

Closer to home In Teaneck, police arrested two teens after they reportedly targeted Jewish worshippers on March 8, including a 19-year-old by the pellet gun attack outside of Congregation Bnai Yeshurun. According to authorities, occupants in the car first asked him whether he supported Israel or Palestine.

The victim of that incident − a Yeshiva University student named Netanel who asked that his last name not be used − spoke at the event. He said that on the evening of the attack, he was walking near his synagogue wearing a prominent white kippah, skullcap, and tzitzit, ritual fringes, which were visible against his black clothing.

“I was targeted purely because I am Jewish…The purpose of actions like this is clear: The perpetrators want to instill fear in us so that we feel uncomfortable living openly as Jews in our own neighborhoods. They want us to hide,” he said.

He asserted that he will never hide and never be afraid to be afraid to publicly identify himself as religious Jew.

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He urged the prosecutors of their case to “make an example out of these Jew-hating assailants” for anyone else considering a similar hateful act that they will be punished “with the full severity of the law.”

Police, who did not identify the teens because they are minors, said they will be prosecuted in the Family Division of New Jersey Superior Court.

That decision led Elie Rubin of Teaneck to ask the community to push for a tougher punishment. “We have to show that the law matters. If they are old enough to drive a car and serve in the military, why can’t they be charged as adults. This was more than one bias incident. No one stopped them the first time. We need to send a message that they can’t do this.”

But before that incident, Teaneck had heated protests outside of the council chambers and in front of synagogues in which rhetoric against Jews and Israel grew nasty. There were reports that some participants said: “Gas them, you filthy Jews.”

For many Jewish Americans, the shocking uptick in antisemitic incidents have confirmed their worst fears about their safety in America. It also highlights the need to counter the extremism through more education and to take more vigorous measures to defend themselves.

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Increased security

As antisemitic crimes have soared in recent years, many synagogues in New Jersey and around the country have installed security systems and hired trained guards. Some Jewish institutions organized a volunteer security force called Community Security Service, which has trained nearly 20,000 volunteers in 20 states since it was established in 2007.

Katie Katz, Executive Director of Teach New Jersey, which advocates for funding for nonpublic schools, said that the dramatic escalation in antisemitism across the country has forced Jewish schools to rethink what it means to keep students safe.

“Security is no longer a precaution − it is a necessity that comes at a significant cost. Since Oct. 7, the average school’s security expenses increased by over 84% over two years and amounted to over 3% of the average school’s budget,” she said. Many schools now spend more than $400,000 annually just on security, she added.

Katz urged the community to lobby their legislators to ensure that safety is a priority for nonpublic as well as public school students. “This is a tight budget year for New Jersey and there will be pressure to cut… We cannot allow security for our children to be one of those cuts.”

While some in the Jewish community have suggested that they should hide their Jewishness to avoid being targeted, most of speakers and the attendees interviewed at the event expressed defiance, asserting that the only way to approach hate is to practice their faith with greater pride.

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“We need to be joyous and be proud. Antisemitism is not your fault. You didn’t create it by anything you did,” said Rabbi Daniel Fridman, leader of the Jewish Center of Teaneck in his address to the crowd. He added that it’s imperative that the Jewish community continue to celebrate their traditions and “don’t let them ever take that away from you.”



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New Jersey Becomes the 10th State with a Law Barring Local ICE Contracts – Bolts

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New Jersey Becomes the 10th State with a Law Barring Local ICE Contracts – Bolts


New Jersey Governor Mikie Sherrill on Wednesday signed legislation banning local law enforcement agencies from partnering with federal immigration authorities, making it the 10th state to adopt laws that prohibit such collaboration. 

The new law codifies a 2018 order by then-Attorney General Gurbir Grewal, known as the Immigrant Trust Directive. That directive barred state and local authorities from entering into ICE’s 287(g) program, which deputizes local officers to enforce federal immigration laws. It also restricted law enforcement from detaining people on ICE’s behalf and asking about citizenship status when it doesn’t relate to a criminal investigation.

The directive forced several local sheriffs to end their partnerships with ICE but it was not codified into law, worrying immigrants’ rights advocates that a governor and attorney general more favorable to Donald Trump’s deportation agenda could come into office and undo those rules. The GOP’s candidate for governor last fall campaigned on ending the 2018 directive and ramping up partnerships with ICE, but he lost to Sherrill by a large margin.

Nedia Morsy, director of immigrant advocacy organization Make the Road New Jersey, told Bolts that the adoption of the law this week signals that “the state legislature and the [Sherrill] administration is recognizing that there is rising authoritarianism and there is a need to act.”

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New Jersey joins nine other blue states—California, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Maryland, Maine, New Mexico, Oregon, and Washington—in prohibiting participation in the 287(g) program. It’s the fourth state to do this so far this year.

Four states governed by Democrats, including neighboring Massachusetts and New York, still have local or state agencies with 287(g) contracts, though a bill to restrict those agreements is currently on the governor’s desk in Virginia. 

Sherrill also signed two other pieces of legislation aimed at protecting New Jersey’s immigrants: The Privacy Protection Act, which restricts when local and state agencies can collect information about immigration status or share it with the federal government; another law requires ICE agents to show their faces and provide identification before making an arrest. 

“My focus as governor remains on keeping the public safe,” Sherrill said in a statement her spokesperson sent to Bolts on Wednesday after the governor signed the legislation. “As we’ve seen across the country, Donald Trump’s untrained, unaccountable, masked ICE agents are putting people in danger. That’s why in New Jersey, we are protecting our communities—strengthening our protections, banning ICE agents from wearing masks, and protecting residents’ privacy from federal overreach.”

Immigrant rights advocates in New Jersey had long pushed for legislation guarding against ICE abuses, and in January lawmakers passed another bill that codified the Immigrant Trust Directive and also created additional protections.

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In one of his final acts in office, Democratic Governor Phil Murphy vetoed the legislation, saying he feared that it would prompt new lawsuits from the Trump administration. Two federal courts, including a Trump-appointed judge, have already upheld the AG’s existing directive, but Murphy said provisions of the bill went beyond that directive and could still invite legal challenges. 

The legislation signed by Sherrill more closely mirrors the Immigrant Trust Directive than the bill that Murphy vetoed in January.

While the legislation still largely prohibits local authorities from keeping someone in jail just because ICE requests it, the version Sherrill signed allows for broader exceptions because it says jails can honor ICE’s detention requests when someone is subject to a final order of removal. Jails can also honor these requests when someone has been convicted of a crime.

In a public statement on Wednesday, Sherrill sounded defiant about defeating any lawsuits over the reform.

“We know the Trump administration has challenged some of these measures in the past,” the governor wrote. “We beat them in court then—and we’re happy to meet them in court again if they decide to sue now.”

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New Jersey Governor Mikie Sherrill signed the restrictions on ICE collaboration into law this week. (Photo via Mikie Sherrill/Facebook.)

New Jersey already banned local jails and sheriffs from entering into Intergovernmental Service Agreements, or IGSAs, to rent out space for ICE to detain immigrants, but a federal appeals court last year allowed private detention centers to continue operating in the state. The centers have drawn large protests over the last year. 

Immigrants’ rights advocates say they’ll keep pressing for additional protections in the state. “As the Trump administration attempts to erode due process protections, it is more important than ever that New Jersey affirmatively stands up for them,” said Ami Kachalia, campaign strategist for the ACLU of New Jersey. She would like to see increased funding for immigrants facing deportations to access legal counsel.

Morsy said that Make the Road New Jersey will continue to educate local officials on how they can protect against ICE. In Hoboken, for example, the city council adopted an ordinance that restricts the city from using its resources on federal immigration enforcement. 

She said her organization plans to stress to local officials that they shouldn’t provide assistance to ICE unless there’s a warrant signed by a judge. They could also agree to commit to reviewing all of their vendors to ensure that data isn’t being shared with ICE, Morsy added.

“I do think it’s important to remember that these bills set a standard for protection, but they aren’t the ceiling,” she said. “Elected officials at all levels of government have the opportunity and are still called to make a very honest assessment about the need and the urgency to go beyond this standard.”



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