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Trump stopped federal funding to Maine over transgender athletes. Could California follow?

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Trump stopped federal funding to Maine over transgender athletes. Could California follow?


President Trump was welcoming governors to the White House in February when he sought out Maine Gov. Janet Mills, demanding to know whether she would comply with his ban on transgender athletes in women’s sports.

“I’m complying with state and federal laws,” Mills replied.

Trump responded, “We are the federal law” He added: “You’d better comply. … Otherwise, you’re not getting any federal funding.”

Mills’ parting shot to Trump: “We’ll see you in court.”

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Trump made good on his threat and began the process this month to strip Maine of federal education dollars because that state allows transgender students to compete on women’s teams. The dispute immediately landed in court — a fight that represents a high-stakes case study for California, which also has statutes permitting transgender athletes in women’s sports.

California education code “ensures equal rights and opportunities for every student” and “prohibits discrimination on the basis of gender identity, gender expression and sexual orientation.

Maine is defending the primacy of local control as well as its state law — which is grounded in pro-LGBTQ+ policy. Trump, meanwhile, is opposing Maine on conservative ideological grounds using federal funding as the cudgel to prevail. Some see Maine as a precursor to what California can expect: a Trump administration attempt to halt federal education funding.

“It seems likely that the Trump administration will proceed with lawsuits against California and other states that have policies similar to those that the administration is challenging in Maine,” said Jacob Huebert, president of Liberty Justice Center, a law firm that broadly supports Trump’s agenda. “The administration’s demands are appropriate, so California should comply with them.”

Unlike the governor of Maine, California Gov. Gavin Newsom recently said it was “deeply unfair” for trans students to compete in women’s sports, but he has not acted to change California law, which he previously has supported.

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Read more: Newsom says sharing his beliefs on trans athletes wasn’t ‘some grand design’

Trump’s U.S. Department of Education has opened an investigation into the California Interscholastic Federation, which oversees sports at more than 1,500 high schools, explicitly threatening California funding, but has not yet moved to cut off those dollars.

California officials declined to comment about the ongoing investigation.

Although federal funding for California education is challenging to calculate and arrives through multiple channels, some tallies put the figure at $16.3 billion per year — including money for school meals, students with disabilities and early education Head Start programs. The Los Angeles Unified School District has estimated that it receives about $1.26 billion a year.

And, in the current moment, there are myriad ways for California to lose these dollars, based on Trump administration directives.

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One example is the California law that prohibits schools from automatically notifying families about student gender-identity issues and shields teachers from retaliation for supporting transgender student rights.

Federal officials contend the California law illegally violates the right of parents to receive school records related to their children and have launched an investigation into the California Department of Education for enforcing it. Trump favors requiring schools to notify parents about any matters involving gender identity and their child. The California law must be nullified, the administration says.

Read more: Trump targets California ban on ‘forced outing’ of students’ gender identity to parents

Then there is the Trump ban on diversity, equity and inclusion programs. Every state and U.S. territory is supposed to certify the elimination of DEI by Thursday — or risk losing federal funds and being assessed financial penalties. California is among 16 states refusing to do so.

Meanwhile, California colleges and universities also face the loss of billions in grant funding over DEI penalties and over whether the Trump administration concludes that enough has been done to combat alleged campus antisemitism.

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Maine is the first state to face full throttling of its the K-12 funds from the Trump administration.

This month, the U.S. Department of Education began an “administrative process” to cancel all education funding for Maine. The state’s K-12 schools have received about $358.4 million, or $2,062 per pupil annually, from the federal government, according to research from Education Data Initiative. The department also referred the Maine Department of Education to the U.S. Department of Justice for “further enforcement action.”

In addition, the U.S. Department of Agriculture, which oversees school food programs, immediately suspended a portion of its funding to the state. The withheld dollars, according to Maine, resulted in cutting off meals for young children who attend day-care programs, at-risk school-age children outside school hours and people in adult day-care programs, according to court documents. There has not yet been a cutoff of all school food aid, but Trump has said multiple times that he’s going to take back every federal dollar from the state.

Maine sued for relief based on the first wave of cuts, and a U.S. district judge granted a temporary restraining order, meaning that the funding is supposed to be restored until courts decide the case on its merits.

Read more: California defies Trump order to certify that all school districts have eliminated DEI

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The Trump administration recognizes only male and female in terms of who is entitled to join a sports team, in particular a women’s team. According to court filings, a qualified participant on a women’s team is defined as “a person belonging, at conception, to the sex that produces the large reproductive cell.” Males, by comparison, are the ones with the “small reproductive cell.”

Under the Trump administration, there is no discrimination protection based on gender identity and therefore transgender students have no right to be in sports or locker rooms provided for women. To allow transgender students in these spaces amounts to illegal sexual discrimination against women, according to the Trump administration.

The Trump administration contends Maine is violating federal antidiscrimination laws as well as protections implied by the U.S. Constitution.

Nationwide, more than half of states already had a ban on sports participation by transgender youths. However, the majority of transgender students live in states without such a ban, according to UCLA’s Williams Institute, a think tank that conducts research on sexual orientation and gender identity law and public policy.

Many jurisdictions without bans specifically permit students to participate in sports consistent with their gender identity, including California. New York State recently enacted a constitutional amendment prohibiting gender identity discrimination, which some have argued will protect transgender athletes from exclusion from women’s sports.

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Is Maine an easier target?

Some critics speculate that targeting Maine first on the issue is a better strategy.

“California is a much bigger state, and that makes a difference,” said Jesse Rothstein, professor of public policy and economics at UC Berkeley. “The administration is hoping that states like Maine will buckle, that they won’t be able to afford to go without the money for the duration of a lawsuit. Picking a fight with the state of California would be a big deal.”

And from a political standpoint, he added, California has congressional districts — represented by Republicans — that rely on federal funding.

“I think that that would create political problems for the administration that they don’t face in Maine,” Rothstein said.

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Nonetheless, under current court interpretation of federal law, Maine should prevail if the state can stick it out, said Rothstein and several other critics of the Trump administration.

“There’s no legal basis for withdrawing food-aid funds because you don’t like the policy around transgender students in sports,” Rothstein said.

Supporters of the Trump’s action assert his policy will win in court. They say it has been long established that states can lose federal funding if they violate a federal body of law called Title IX, which governs areas such as sexual discrimination, sexual harassment and sexual assault. Title IX protections apply to schools that receive federal funds, including athletic programs.

Using the leverage of funding to enforce antidiscrimination law “is the way Title IX works,” said Huebert, of Liberty Justice Center.

A state doesn’t have to accept federal funding, but if it does, federal rules must be followed, said Sarah Parshall Perry, vice president and legal fellow at Defending Education, which describes itself as committed to eliminating political ideologies in public education and which is broadly supportive of Trump’s education policy.

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“As a matter of regulatory, statutory and constitutional law, they’re on very solid footing,” Parshall Perry said. And politically, “it polls very, very well for Republicans.”

There is, however, disagreement among conservatives about whether Trump is overreaching — intruding into a matter that should be left to more local authority.

“First and foremost, the federal government should not be in the business of funding education, free meals, etc.,” said Neil McCluskey, director of Center for Educational Freedom at Cato Institute, a libertarian thinktank. However, “if the federal government is going to fund things like education and nutrition, it is better that that funding come with few strings attached, especially when it comes to clashes of values.”

For Maine — and perhaps for California — the legal counterattack will argue that the Trump administration is overreaching in two ways: asserting authority outside its jurisdiction and violating laws that govern the process for withdrawing funding.

These two defenses have come up repeatedly in a multitude of legal actions to date against the Trump administration. California has at least a dozen lawsuits in progress to block various Trump actions.

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Read more: California, other states sue Trump administration over clawback of COVID school funds

California can base some hope on a legal parallel that dates to Trump’s first term, when he went after federal funding for so-called sanctuary cities — which opposed Trump’s immigration policies. At that time, Trump’s effort failed in the courts, noted Graeme Boushey, director of Center for the Study of Democracy at UC Irvine.

In the current situation, “the legal argument for broadly coercing a state into doing what you want isn’t really different,” Boushey said. “What concerns some observers is that the thing that’s changed is the composition of the U.S. Supreme Court, tilting more in favor of the Trump administration.”

If the Trump administration does prevail in court against Maine, “they will almost certainly pursue California, moving forward,” Boushey said. “And then there’s going to be nothing to stop them from rinse, wash, repeat this again for immigration policy, environmental deregulation — you name it.”

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This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times.



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Maine’s leaders cannot turn the other cheek on gun violence | Opinion

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Maine’s leaders cannot turn the other cheek on gun violence | Opinion


Julie Smith of Readfield is a single parent whose son was in the Principles of Economics class at Brown University during the Dec. 13 shooting that resulted in the deaths of two students.

When classrooms become crime scenes, leadership is no longer measured by intentions or press statements. It is measured by outcomes—and by whether the people responsible for public safety are trusted and empowered to act without hesitation.

On December 13, 2025, a gunman opened fire during a review session for a Principles of Economics class at Brown University. Two students were murdered. Others were wounded. The campus was locked down as parents across the country waited for news no family should ever have to receive.

Maine was not watching from a distance.

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My son, a recent graduate of a rural Maine high school, is a freshman at Brown. He was in that Principles of Economics class. He was not in the targeted study group—but students who sat beside him all semester were. These were not abstract victims. They were classmates and friends. Young people who should have been worried about finals, not hiding in lockdown, texting parents to say they were alive.

Despite the fact that the Brown shooting directly affected Maine families, Gov. Janet Mills offered no meaningful public acknowledgment of the tragedy. No recognition that Maine parents were among those grieving, afraid, and desperate for reassurance. In moments like these, acknowledgment matters. Silence is not neutral. It signals whose fear is seen—and whose is ignored. The violence at Brown is a Maine issue: our children are there. Our families are there. The fear, grief, and trauma do not stop at state lines.

The attack and what followed the attack deserve recognition. Law enforcement responded quickly, professionally, and courageously. Campus police, city officers, state police, and federal agents worked together to secure the campus and prevent further loss of life. Officers acted decisively because they understood their mission—and because they knew they would be supported for carrying it out.

That kind of coordination does not happen by accident. It depends on clear authority, mutual trust, and leadership that understands a basic truth: in moments of crisis, law enforcement must be free to work together immediately, without second-guessing.

Even when officers do everything right, the damage does not end when a campus is secured. Students return to classrooms changed—hyper-alert, distracted, scanning exits instead of absorbing ideas. Parents carry a constant, low-level dread, flinching at late-night calls and unknown numbers. Gun violence in schools does not just injure bodies; it fractures trust, rewires behavior, and leaves psychological scars that no statement or reassurance can undo.

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That reality makes silence—and policy choices that undermine law enforcement—impossible to ignore.

After the Lewiston massacre in 2023, Governor Mills promised lessons would be learned—that warning signs would be taken seriously, mental-health systems strengthened, and public-safety coordination improved. Those promises mattered because Maine had already paid an unbearable price.

Instead of providing unequivocal support for law enforcement, the governor has taken actions that signal hesitation. Her decision to allow LD 1971 to become law is the latest example. The law introduces technical requirements that complicate inter-agency cooperation by emphasizing legal boundaries and procedural caution. Even when cooperation is technically “allowed,” the message to officers is unmistakable: slow down, worry about liability, protect yourself first.

In emergencies, that hesitation can cost lives. Hesitation by law enforcement in Providence could have cost my son his life. We cannot allow hesitation to become the precedent for Maine policies.

In 2025 alone, hundreds of gun-related incidents have occurred on K–12 and college campuses nationwide. This is not theoretical. This is the environment in which our children are expected to learn—and the reality Maine families carry with them wherever their children go.

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My son worked his entire academic life—without wealth or legacy—for the chance to pursue higher education, believing it would allow him to return to Maine rather than leave it behind. Now he is asking a question no 18-year-old should have to ask: why come home to a state whose leaders hesitate to fully stand behind the people responsible for keeping him alive?

Maine’s leaders must decide whose side they are on when crisis strikes: the officers who run toward danger, or the politics that ask them to slow down first.

Parents are done with hollow promises. Students deserve leaders who show their support not with words—but with action.



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Popular food truck grows into a ‘Maine-Mex’ restaurant in Bucksport 

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Popular food truck grows into a ‘Maine-Mex’ restaurant in Bucksport 


Cory LaForge always liked a particular restaurant space on Main Street in Bucksport, which recently housed My Buddy’s Place and the Friar’s Brewhouse Tap Room before that.

So much so that, when it became available two months ago, he decided to open his own restaurant there.

Salsa Shack Maine, which opened in early December, is a physical location for the food truck business he’s operated out of Ellsworth and Orland for the last two years. The new spot carrying tacos, burritos and quesadillas adds to a growing restaurant scene in Bucksport and is meant to be a welcoming community space.

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“I just loved the feeling of having a smaller restaurant,” LaForge said. “It feels more intimate. This place is designed where you can have a good conversation or talk to your customers, like they’re not just another number on a ticket.”

Salsa Shack Maine joins a growing number of new restaurants on Main Street in Bucksport. Credit: Elizabeth Walztoni / BDN

After growing up in the midcoast, LaForge eventually moved west to work in restaurants at ski areas, where he was exposed to more cultural diversity and new types of food – including tacos.

“It’s like all these different flavors that we’re not exposed to in Maine, so it’s like, I feel like I’ve been living a lie my whole life,” he said. “It was fun to bring all those things that I learned back here.”

When he realized his goal of opening a food truck in 2023 after returning to Maine, LaForge found the trailer he’d purchased on Facebook Marketplace was too small to fit anything but tortillas – and the Salsa Shack was born.

It opened at the Ellsworth Harbor Park in 2023 and operated out of the Orland Community Center in the winter. What started as an experiment took off in popularity and has been busy ever since.

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LaForge calls his style “Maine-Mex:” a mix of authentic street tacos in a build-your-own format with different salsas and protein. Speciality salsas include corn and black bean, roasted poblano, pineapple jalapeno and mango Tajin.

The larger kitchen space in the new restaurant has allowed a menu expansion to include quesadillas, burritos and burrito bowls in addition to the tacos, nachos and taco salad bowls sold from the food truck. Regular specials are also on the menu.

Salsa Shack’s new Bucksport kitchen means room for owner Cory LaForge to experiment. He’s added quesadillas, burritos and burrito bowls to the menu alongside regular specials, such as this shrimp taco. Credit: Elizabeth Walztoni / BDN

More new menu items are likely ahead, according to LaForge, along with a beer and wine license and expanded hours in the spring.

The food truck will live on for now, too; he’s signed up for a few events in the coming months.

Starting Jan. 6, the restaurant will also offer a buy-two-get-one-free “Taco Tuesday” promotion.

“It’s a really fun vibe here, and I feel like everyone finds it very comfortable and easy to come in and order,” LaForge said, comparing the restaurant’s atmosphere to the television show Cheers. “Even if you have to sit down and wait a little while, we always have some fun conversations going on.”

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So far, the welcome has been warm locally, he said, both from residents and the other new restaurant owners who help each other out. LaForge’s sole employee, Connor MacLeod, is also a familiar face from MacLeod’s Restaurant, which closed in March after 45 years on Main Street.

When it shut its doors, people in town weren’t sure where they would go, according to LaForge. But four new establishments opened in 2025, offering a range from Thai food to diner offerings.

“It’s kind of fun to see so [many] culinary changes,” he said.

The Salsa Shack is currently open from 11 a.m. to 5 p.m. Tuesday through Saturday.



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A new Maine tax will have you paying more for Netflix after Jan. 1

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A new Maine tax will have you paying more for Netflix after Jan. 1


The logos for streaming services Netflix, Hulu, Disney Plus and Sling TV are pictured on a remote control on Aug. 13, 2020, in Portland, Ore. (Jenny Kane/Associated Press)

Maine consumers will soon see a new line on their monthly Netflix and Hulu bills. Starting Jan. 1, digital streaming services will be included in the state’s 5.5% sales tax.

The new charge — billed by the state as a way to level the playing field around how cable and satellite services and streaming services are taxed — is among a handful of tax changes coming in the new year.

The sales tax on adult-use cannabis will increase from 10% to 14%, also on Jan. 1. Taxes on cigarettes will increase $1.50 per pack — from $2 to $3.50 — on Jan. 5.

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All three changes are part of the $320 million budget package lawmakers approved in June as an addition to the baseline $11.3 billion two-year budget passed in March.

Here are a few things to know about the streaming tax:

1. Why is this new tax taking effect?

Taxes on streaming services have been a long time coming in Maine. Former Republican Gov. Paul LePage proposed the idea in 2017, and it was pitched by Gov. Janet Mills, a Democrat, in 2020 and 2024. The idea was rejected all three times — until this year.

State officials said last spring the change creates fairness in the sales tax as streaming services become more popular and ubiquitous. It’s also expected to generate new revenue for the state.

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2. What services are impacted?

Currently, music and movies that are purchased and downloaded from a website are subject to sales tax, but that same music and those same movies are not taxed when streamed online.

The new changes add sales tax to monthly subscriptions for movie, television and audio streaming services, including Netflix, Hulu, Disney Plus, Spotify and Pandora. Podcasts and ringtones or other sound recordings are also included.

3. How much is it likely to cost you?

The new tax would add less than $1 to a standard Netflix subscription without ads priced at $17.99 per month. An $89.99 Hulu live television subscription would increase by about $5 per month.

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Beginning Jan. 1, providers will be required to state the amount of sales tax on customers’ receipts or state that their price includes Maine sales tax.

4. How much new revenue is this generating for the state?

The digital streaming tax is expected to bring in $5 million in new revenue in fiscal year 2026, which ends June 30. After that, it’s projected to bring in $12.5 million annually, with that figure expected to increase to $14.3 million by 2029.

The tax increase on cigarettes, which also includes an equivalent hike on other tobacco products, is expected to boost state revenues by about $75 million in the first year.

The cannabis sales tax increase, meanwhile, will be offset in part by a reduction in cannabis excise taxes, which are paid by cultivation facilities on transfers to manufacturers or retailers. The net increase in state revenue will be about $3.9 million in the first full year, the state projects.

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