Maine
Radical Mainers: Maine Agents of Abolition – Mainer

Charles Lenox Remond.
In the course of the 1830s, the newly fashioned American Antislavery Society despatched audio system to the hinterlands of New England to “electrify the mass wherever they transfer,” within the phrases of Massachusetts abolitionist Elizur Wright, Jr. For these touring brokers who toured all through Maine in that decade, these occasions served not solely to evangelise the message, but in addition to fundraise and set up native Antislavery Society chapters.
Within the mid-1830s, the 2 most distinguished Antislavery Society brokers on the Maine circuit had been the Rev. David Thurston, of Winthrop, and Charles Lenox Remond, of Salem, Massachusetts. Journalist and legal professional Henry B. Stanton, the husband of famend girls’s rights chief Elizabeth Cady Stanton, additionally made quite a few appearances in Maine starting in 1836. In these days, abolitionists had been nonetheless thought-about troublemakers by most Mainers. They typically confronted hecklers and, often, mobs. As historian Edward Schriver notes, Rev. Thurston didn’t need to cope with any violence throughout his a number of dozen speeches in Maine, however he didn’t persuade many individuals, both. Usually the audio system had been fortunate if even a handful of assembly attendees signed up with the Society.
Stanton, however, triggered fairly a stir when he arrived in Portland on Tuesday, Sept. 13, 1836. Described by the Lynn Document as a “younger man of very youthful and prepossessing look … [and] surpassing eloquence,” Stanton was recognized to “electrify” audiences along with his appeals to the trigger. Nonetheless, as researcher John L. Myers has written, as quickly as Stanton started his speech on the Pals’ Meetinghouse in Portland, a horn instantly blared and a mob surrounded the constructing, hurling mud and rocks by the home windows. The shouts and the hail of projectiles reportedly didn’t stop till he completed his tackle. The next day, one other mob gathered and constables needed to are available to offer safety, as even Mayor Levi Cutter couldn’t calm them down.
That October, Stanton returned for the Maine Antislavery Society’s two-year anniversary, however Cutter reneged on his settlement to permit the group to make use of Metropolis Corridor for its assembly after an uproar from the group’s opponents. They ended up gathering in a personal residence that night time.
Anticipating mob violence once more, the group had beforehand written to the mayor asking for police safety, however Cutter replied that such a deployment would “solely improve the evil, & that it was his settled perception that we couldn’t be protected.” Predictably, a riot broke out that night, and based on Myers, “the dedication of the elite of town to revive order prompted [Cutter] to vary his thoughts,” so constables had been despatched out to quell the disturbance. Stanton later described the ebb and circulation of the recognition of Maine’s antislavery motion as “twice lifeless.” He expressed hope for a “resurrection,” however believed it will take a “sturdy shakeout, a even handed one” to wake Mainers up.
Within the fall 1839, Remond had a very difficult project. The 29-year-old from Salem had turn out to be the primary Black agent of the American Antislavery Society and was generally known as a compelling and passionate orator. In earlier years, the distinguished Portland legal professional and militiaman Samuel Fessenden, Stanton, the Rev. Charles Cone, British abolitionist George Thompson and the fiery writer William Lloyd Garrison had achieved lecture excursions of the state, however seldom had the predominantly white audiences had an precise African-American lecturer communicate earlier than them.
Remond knew the risks of finishing up his mission. Even white abolitionist audio system typically confronted hostile audiences and occasional violence. For a “coloured” speaker, the dangers had been even larger, particularly as a result of it’s possible that the majority Mainers had by no means interacted with an individual of coloration. On the time, there have been only one,355 free Black residents in Maine, out of a complete of twenty-two,634 in New England. However Remond was undeterred, driving his horse and wagon by backcountry dust roads to cities, cities and rural hamlets within the sparsely populated, closely wooded state, from Saco, Portland and Bangor to Alfred, Moderation Village (Hollis), Farmington, Gilead, Bethel, Bowdoin, Bristol, Union and Camden.
As Remond recounted in a letter to the Augusta abolitionist newspaper Advocate of Freedom, dated Oct. 27, 1839, it was on tour by Hampden and Orrington the place he encountered a few of his most belligerent audiences. The primary incident occurred when he was pelted with eggs on his method into Hampden Academy one Thursday night to ship a speech. Ignoring the antagonists, Remond went into the assembly, the place he was challenged to a debate by none aside from Democratic State Consultant Hannibal Hamlin, the long run Vice President of the US underneath Lincoln. Remond rose to recount the incident he had simply skilled exterior when instantly a commotion broke out.
At this second some inhuman fellows aimed plenty of stones and eggs at my head — which thank GOD, missed the mark, and handed with nice swiftness by the window behind me. Instantly there was screaming and a simultaneous rush for the door — the women had been apparently a lot alarmed. With out transferring from place, I requested the viewers to renew their seats, as there was no hurt meant to any particular person however myself; and if as a way to put down the trigger wherein I used to be engaged, it was needed I ought to be pelted with eggs, be it so; that if I should be stoned, be it so; that if they need to stroll over my prostrate and bleeding physique, be it so; for whereas I lived, and a single slave clanks his chain upon the soil which gave me beginning, I’ll train the prerogative of pondering and talking in his behalf, although slaveholders, mobocrats, eggs and brickbats multiply as quick and thick as locusts of Egypt.
Remond then proceeded to spend a half hour laying out his case for the formation of an area Antislavery Society. Rep. Hamlin countered with an hour-long rebuttal wherein he introduced up the standard anti-abolitionist speaking level that releasing enslaved folks would represent a “gross violation” of the U.S. Structure, and concluded with the conviction that the last word purpose of the abolitionists was to advertise equality and race mixing. One other opponent claimed emancipation was only a few years away, however that the unconventional abolitionists had been going to set it again 50 years, as antislavery societies “utterly defeated the objects and needs of the buddies of emancipation in Kentucky.”
The following night time, in Orrington, Remond’s speech was enthusiastically acquired, and the locals instantly set to work drafting a structure for a brand new Antislavery Society. Nonetheless, whereas Remond was contained in the constructing, “some evil minded individuals” sporting black face had sabotaged his horse-drawn carriage by reducing his harness and the highest lining of the chaise, thus stopping his return to Bangor. The repairs value him roughly $1,000 in as we speak’s cash.
“It was ascertained that these mischievous beings crossed the river from Hampden, with their faces painted black, and had been probably the identical who insulted me the night earlier than; however for every offense I can forgive them,” wrote Remond. “If the buddies of order and fact in Orrington will detect the perpetrators, and thus repair the stigma the place it belongs, the reason for the poor slave will probably be superior.”
Regardless of the harassment he endured, Remond made many associates in Maine, and the next 12 months girls in Bangor raised cash to ship him to the World Antislavery Society Conference in London.
The assaults and intimidation Remond confronted had been quite common throughout the Jacksonian Age, and never simply at abolitionist conferences. Mass uprisings had been a well-known occurence within the 18th century United States. As we wrote in an earlier column, such actions had been typically considered as a quasi-legitimate type of protest towards British rule, and had been accepted by native authorities so long as they didn’t go too far. In contrast, the early years of the republic had been a time of relative restraint. In response to historian David Grimstead, there have been few such incidents within the first many years of the 19th century, however from the late 1820s to the late 1830s the variety of riots within the U.S. dramatically resurged.
Throughout this era, participation in political affairs was changing into much more common amongst white males as extra states dropped property {qualifications} and taxes for voting, and voter turnout climbed. Though most historians now agree that such adjustments had been underway even earlier than his presidency, Andrew Jackson’s lack of formal schooling and denunciations of noblemen dramatically symbolized the ascent of the “widespread man.” Imbued with a way of their pure proper to take part within the democratic course of, these newly politicized people had been typically impatient with the slowness of the authorized system and with such ideas as civil liberties and due course of. Why, they requested, ought to agitators be allowed to come back and sow discord of their communities?
“Defenders of particular riots within the interval talked of the motion not as revolution and even illegality,” Grimstead wrote, “however as an enforcement of justice inside the bonds of society — a direct redressing of ethical wrongs or a removing of social risks that for varied causes couldn’t be dealt with by unusual authorized course of.”
Though President Jackson disliked mobs, his authoritarian type of governance doubtless influenced mob actions. “King Andrew,” as he was referred to as by his Whig opponents, would justify rewarding associates with political appointments and ignoring Supreme Court docket choices he didn’t like by claiming that he was performing straight based on the need of the folks. By the identical token, would-be upholders of the legislation used democratic rhetoric, emphasizing majority rule, to crush the Constitutionally protected rights of unpopular minorities. These “mobocrats” concerned in assaults on abolitionists noticed themselves as implementing legislation and order, not as disrupting it. Whereas some might have sympathized with the slaveholding South, many had been merely apprehensive the abolitionists had been too radical and that their requires “rapid emancipation” would break the younger nation aside.
Will Chapman is the Librarian and Archivist at Museums of the Bethel Historic Society. Andy O’Brien is the communications director for the Maine AFL-CIO. You’ll be able to attain them at will@maineworkingclasshistory.com and andy@maineworkingclasshistory.com.

Maine
Top 10 Maine high school softball rankings (5/13/2025)

Break out the bats and gloves as high school softball season is upon us across the country, especially in the Pine Tree State. One of the tops when it comes to high level softball, Maine features several teams that are among the New England region’s best around and the regular season is officially underway.
Taking over the No. 1 spot out of Maine is the defending Class A state champion Cheverus Stags, who are off to a 5-0 start. Who else is in the conversation, though?
Besides them, who else is among the elites when it comes to high school softball in Maine? Take a look at our Maine Power 10 high school softball rankings as we give you our list, as we see it.
When looking at what the Stags did last season, going 20-1 and winning the Class A state championship, we vault them to the top of our latest rankings because of the hot start. Addison DeRoche is the team’s ace on on the mound after a terrific 2024 freshman season. The Stags have notched a pair of victories over Thornton Academy and Noble by a combined 27-3 to start the season.
It’s hard to see how dominant the Eagles were in 2024, but ended up falling to Cheverus in the Class A playoffs. Windham only yielded nine runs against five different opponents. With the bevy of talent back in the fold, the Eagles will contend for a state title. Windham’s lone loss on the season so far is to the team ranked above them in Cheverus, 6-2.
We know the Golden Bucks didn’t finish the assignment of winning it all out of Class C, but this team boasts a strong roster and plenty experience. Expect Bucksport to be right there at the end once again. Scoring runs has been no problem for the undefeated Golden Bucks, compiling 94 over the first seven games.
Entering our rankings at No. 4 is last year’s Class C state champions, the Bulldogs, as they went 18-2 in 2024. There’s a lot to like about this team as they make a run at a repeat. Hall-Dale has looked good through its first six games, upending Dirigo twice, Madison and Mountain Valley. Lucy Gray has been solid on the mound, striking out 50 batters so far.
Honestly, Gorham could be higher on this list because of its first two losses coming against a couple of Rhode Island’s top softball teams. Since losses to nationally-ranked La Salle Academy and Cranston West, the Rams have rattled off seven straight wins.
Entering the rankings after a solid undefeated start are the Hornets of Leavitt. Reeling off nine straight victories, with every game except three where the Hornets scored more than 10 runs, this team has started things off impressively.
Having ace senior pitcher Isabella George returning to lead the way makes the Falcons a viable contender in Class B. Freeport has looked good out of the gates, out-scoring opponents 40-11 through four games.
Yes, Medomak Valley lost their first game of the season recently but it was a 2-1 decision against an undefeated Leavitt squad. We think the Panthers certainly deserved to make the jump into this week’s set of rankings.
There’s been little doubt behind why the Panthers are undefeated to this point and that’s because they’re putting up plenty of runs paired with steady pitching. The team is batting nearly .500 and freshman Lily Fortin has been impressive with a 5-0 record and 44 strikeouts.
The Lions dropped their first game of the season against Camden Hills, but is still in our minds one of the top clubs in Maine. Jordyn MacKay has impressed on the mound through nine games, compiling a 7-1 record with a 1.83 earned run average and 68 strikeouts.
Follow High School On SI throughout the 2025 high school softball season for Live Updates, the most up to date Schedules & Scores and complete coverage from the preseason through the state championships!
To get live updates on your phone – as well as follow your favorite teams and top games – you can download the SBLive Sports app: Download iPhone App| Download Android App
— Andy Villamarzo | villamarzo@scorebooklive.com | @highschoolonsi
Maine
My Weekend in Maine With Jordon Hudson

Photo: Derek Davis/Portland Press Herald via Getty Images
“Kissy face, kissy face sent to your phone, but I’m trying to kiss your lips for real (uh-huh, uh-huh),” Rosé croons as 24-year-old Jordon Hudson struts down the runway. She’s wearing an emerald-green bikini, a gold bracelet snaking around her bicep.
Hudson flashes a confident grin at the audience, tosses her hair, and turns on her heel to head offstage — but not before winking at her boyfriend, the 73-year-old former New England Patriots coach Bill Belichick. He’s seated in the front row next to his bodyguard, a Navy veteran who goes by “Dutch” and resembles a young, head-shaven John Corbett. Belichick doesn’t applaud. He doesn’t cheer. He just sits there directly in Hudson’s eyeline, chewing gum, looking very much as he did when the Packers beat the Patriots 27-24 on a field goal during overtime.
Hudson — and, to some extent, Belichick, and to a much lesser extent, Dutch — is in a strange position. She’s in the State of Maine Grand Ballroom at Portland’s Holiday Inn by the Bay competing for the title of Miss Maine USA, a subsidiary of the Miss USA beauty pageant. Hudson’s been on the pageant circuit for years, and last year, her first competing for Miss Maine, she was crowned first runner-up. This time around, however, is different. Hudson isn’t just Miss Hancock, the tiny Maine town where she was born. Thanks to her relationship with Belichick, she’s the star of the show.
A few weeks ago, there would have been minimal media interest in a small pageant held in a Holiday Inn conference room. Other than Hudson, the most noteworthy contestant was Isabelle St. Cyr, a statuesque blonde 24-year-old who made local news for being the first trans contestant in Miss Maine history. But over the past month, Hudson has been besieged by negative media attention. She made headlines after a Belichick CBS News appearance with Tony Dokoupil, where she sat in on the interview and repeatedly stepped in to decline to answer questions. And after the sports podcaster Pablo Torre reported that she had become so involved in Belichick’s career at UNC (where he’s coached since leaving the Patriots) that the university barred her from campus (which UNC has denied), reporters flocked to the pageant, camping out in the lobby to catch a glimpse of Hudson.
The pageant was a two-day event, starting with preliminaries on Saturday that included a private interview with the judges, an evening-gown competition, and a swimsuit competition. Finals, where the 17 competitors were whittled down to the final five, took place on Sunday; save for a brief Q&A with the top-five contestants, the show was virtually identical to the prelims, from the skintight dresses the contestants wore to the music selection during the swimsuit portion. (“Espresso,” by Sabrina Carpenter, played not once but twice during both shows.)
“We expected a few reporters, but nothing like all these big cameras,” the parents of a first-time pageant contestant said. “Whatever.” Others were similarly restrained in showing their annoyance. “All the girls know each other in this community,” the boyfriend of another contestant put it. “It can be hard when someone comes in and steals the show.”
Still, Hudson handled the mêlée with grace, waving and smiling at reporters as she strolled through the lobby, wearing an ombré blue off-the-shoulder sheath. During an interview segment on the second night of the pageant, she made a not-so-thinly veiled reference to the attention. “I’m feeling an immense amount of pride right now,” she said. “I’m hoping that anybody who’s watching this finds the strength to push through whatever it is that they’re going through and embody that hate never wins.” (She, like all the other contestants, declined to speak with any media.)
The Clemente Organization, which puts on the pageant, however, seemed less equipped to handle it. It banned reporters from taking photos or video during the show and prohibited them from speaking to anyone affiliated with the event. “Members of the press, please LEAVE so the contestants can have some PRIVACY,” emcee Sal Malafronte shouted at the end of the first night’s preliminaries as Clemente reps yanked stragglers from the room. “We’ve never heard them tell the press to get out before,” one mom of a former Miss Teen USA competitor told me, laughing.
The interest wasn’t surprising. As the coach with the most Super Bowl wins in NFL history, Belichick is a vaunted figure in Maine, and the nearly 50-year age difference between him and Hudson, whom he met on a plane when she asked him to sign her philosophy textbook, was bound to attract scrutiny. “They’re literally like royals,” said one Patriots fan, who happened to be in town for her son’s graduation and was trying to spot Belichick. Hudson briefly considered dropping out of the pageant, the Daily Mail reported, but she clearly thought better of it.
Following her near victory last year, Hudson seemed determined to redeem herself. “She wants to win,” a source familiar with the relationship said, comparing her drive to that of the famously competitive Belichick. Some attendees expected him not to show up, but he wanted to support his girlfriend, and following the fallout from the UNC story, it likely would have “looked worse” if he didn’t go, the source speculated.
Throughout the pageant weekend, Hudson mostly traveled solo or accompanied by Dutch, arriving at a “pizza and pajama party” clad in a floor-length, feather-trimmed purple robe. (She seems to have been quite busy: A source told me Hudson was not involved in Miss Maine preliminary activities, like a Valentine’s Day volunteer event, and during the finals she was the only contestant to not record a Mother’s Day message for her mom.) “All the girls were so worried about her,” one source told the New York Post. “They’re all friends and she’s been so quiet all week.”
But Hudson put on a solid performance during the first night of preliminaries and finals the next day. In an introductory dance number, she shimmied, clapped, and stomped at the edge of the stage. Though she stumbled slightly during the evening-gown competition, she looked regal in a sparkly purple dress. In the past, she’s chosen the “rich indigo-ish-royal-purple,” she wrote on Instagram, because it’s the color of the oyster bushel bags she grew up surrounded by (her father was a mussel dragger). She’d carry them around as if they were purses and made them into dresses for her Polly Pockets.
In the interview portion, Hudson promoted her platform of fishermen’s rights, which she’s always been vocal about. When asked what childhood moment she would want to return to, she talked about being on her family’s fishing boat in Hancock. “I think about this really often, because there’s a mass exodus of fishermen that’s occurring in the rural areas of Maine, and I don’t want to see more fishermen displaced,” she said. “As your next Miss Maine USA, I would make it a point to go into the communities, to go to the legislature, to go into the government and advocate for these people.”
Not everyone was charmed by her performance. “I don’t think she was anything special,” Julie Rose, a former competitor on the Massachusetts pageant circuit, told me. “She was low-energy. I wouldn’t look twice at her if she wasn’t Bill Belichick’s girlfriend.” Like many other attendees I spoke to, Rose thought the real front-runner was Mara Carpenter, a vivacious, willowy Cumberland County native and longtime pageant contestant.
Nonetheless, Hudson had a strong cheering section: In addition to Belichick, her father Heath was there for the finals, as was her friend Miss Massachusetts USA Melissa Sapini, who warmly greeted Belichick in the front row. After the finals, Laurie Clemente, the co-founder of the Clemente Organization, came onstage to embrace her.
The consensus among the beauty-pageant crowd seemed to be that there were simply too many “distractions,” as another source put it, for Hudson to win. After lengthy deliberations and a four-way tie delayed the final decision — the emcees awkwardly improvised a Miss USA trivia game to stall for time — Hudson made it into the top five. But she ultimately nabbed third place, with Carpenter winning first runner-up and Miss Bangor, a statuesque, deeply tanned blonde named Shelby Howell, claiming the Miss Maine USA title. “I wasn’t surprised she was third place,” the mother of a former contestant told me. “I think all the press really hurt her.”
Hudson appeared to take her loss in stride: Though the pageant organizer was seen comforting her after the show, she quietly snuck out with Belichick through a side exit just moments later. Most of the attendees I spoke with afterward seemed more critical of Howell’s win as a newcomer than of whatever impact Hudson would have had on the results.
“Obviously, there was outside media attention, but I don’t think we let that rattle us,” Kwani Lunis, one of the five pageant judges and a reporter for NBC 10 Boston, told me. The Clemente Organization “approached it the same way that they have done in the past and were able to ignore the outside noise.”
But as the pageant organizers quietly packed up Miss Maine USA promotional posters, the press loaded up their cameras, and the representatives for a wastewater management convention filtered into the Holiday Inn lobby, the reputation of the New England royals still hung over the event.
“Wait, Bill Belichick was here?” I overheard one of the attendees say. “Why was he competing in a beauty pageant?”
Maine
The unregulated and potent hemp products on Maine shelves

Years after Congress passed a milestone Farm Bill, an alliance of marijuana and health advocates are raising the alarm about how a loophole has permitted sales of intoxicating hemp products that appear on shelves with few regulations.
The federal legislation in 2018 legalized hemp, which is cannabis with less than 0.3 percent of THC, the main psychoactive compound in marijuana. But the sweeping bill that Congress may replace or extend by the end of 2025 did nothing to keep hemp-derived products from having higher potencies, such as hundreds or thousands of milligrams of THC.
Hemp-derived drinks, edibles and “THCA flower” have popped up in Maine via smoke shops, convenience stores and online orders outside of the state-regulated medical and adult-use market. Over the past year, members have increasingly noticed intoxicating hemp options with unclear combinations of ingredients and originate from out of state.
The fight between the hemp industry, which prefers the existing federal rules, and an alliance of cannabis and public health groups concerned about intoxicating, unregulated products is reaching Maine and other states. Lawmakers in neighboring Massachusetts and other states are looking at new regulations around the intoxicating hemp-derived products.
Maine lawmakers are not moving as swiftly yet, though they are looking at ensuring buyers of intoxicating hemp products are at least 21 years old while otherwise debating testing rules and how to handle the proliferation of illicit marijuana grow houses linked to China.
“It’s really a whack-a-mole problem,” said former state Rep. Patty Hymanson, D-York, a neurologist who served on a work group last year that formed out of failed legislation to regulate intoxicating hemp and that recommended a 21-year-old age limit for buyers while not reaching consensus on other policy ideas.
Joel Pepin, owner of JAR Cannabis Co., which has several retail stores in the state, said fellow shop owners have removed the intoxicating products manufactured out of state and that they failed tests for Maine’s acceptable levels of mold, heavy metals and other chemicals.
Industry members provided photos of a “THC Nerdz Cluster” for sale at a Farmington smoke shop containing 275 milligrams per cluster. Illustrating the potency of those intoxicating products, Pepin said he advises new customers to start only with a 2.5 mg to 5 mg dose.
The Office of Cannabis Policy under Gov. Janet Mills said the continued absence of clear federal policy on intoxicating hemp-derived products, or IHDPs, has left states “increasingly inundated with IHDPs that are unregulated, untested, untracked and easily accessible by minors,” spokesperson Alexis Soucy said, adding the office wants new regulations.
“While the proliferation of these unregulated, intoxicating products is first and foremost a matter of public health and safety, it also poses a threat to Maine’s regulated cannabis market,” Soucy said.
Intoxicating hemp products are “a major concern for public health and safety,” Matt Wellington, associate director of the Maine Public Health Association, said Friday.
“Young people are easily getting their hands on them, and sometimes people don’t even know the drink they’re buying at the convenience store isn’t a harmless seltzer but actually an intoxicating beverage, because they’re being sold alongside non-intoxicating products,” Wellington said.
State agencies in Massachusetts issued guidance in 2024 saying the intoxicating hemp-derived products are illegal, but enforcement that is left to local health boards has reportedly remained uneven. Lawmakers in Maine’s neighboring state are considering new regulations this year while also not wanting to hinder non-intoxicating hemp products, such as CBD oils or creams.
Sean, who works for the Mystique of Maine cannabis business and preferred not to use his last name for fear of retaliation from government officials, said the state must decide how to best regulate THC and the products containing it. He described suppliers of intoxicating hemp beverages and THCA flowers coming into his stores to try to get Mystique to sell them.
But Rep. David Boyer, R-Poland, an ally of medical growers who helped lead Maine’s marijuana legalization efforts and sits on the committee overseeing the industry, nodded to the state-level regulatory challenges by noting the proliferation of internet sales.
“How do you enforce that at the state level?” Boyer wondered.
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