Connect with us

Maine

Maine Democrats find a new Republican villain in an old foe

Published

on

Maine Democrats find a new Republican villain in an old foe


Politics
Our political journalists are based in the Maine State House and have deep source networks across the partisan spectrum in communities all over the state. Their coverage aims to cut through major debates and probe how officials make decisions. Read more Politics coverage here.

Rep. Ken Fredette was an old foe for Maine Democrats in the State House, but the Newport Republican’s role in this month’s protracted talks over a short-term budget have made him their new villain.

As House minority leader from 2012 to 2018, Fredette helped former Gov. Paul LePage wield power in Augusta. That tenure was highlighted by a brief 2017 government shutdown in which he and LePage aligned against budget deals inked by Democrats and Senate Republicans.

Now back in the Legislature, Fredette wasted no time in gaining attention. He was absent from the appropriations committee when it inked an overnight bipartisan deal on a short-term budget highlighted by $118 million to close a MaineCare funding gap. The next day, he arrived in Augusta to cast his vote against it. Things snowballed, and there is still no budget.

Advertisement

The convoluted process has resulted in both parties trading barbs. Democrats point out Republican appropriators initially agreed to the deal, while the GOP accused their counterparts of using late-night moves to try to pass another partisan budget. It can all get traced back to Fredette, though his caucus insists he was never the sole reason for the snafu.

“Him kind of going in and blowing up an agreement is unfortunately nothing new,” said Rep. Marc Malon, D-Biddeford, who was a House Democratic aide during the 2017 shutdown.

Then-House Minority Leader Ken Fredette (right), R-Newport, watches as votes come in on a vote board during the House of Representatives vote on the state budget at the Maine State House in Augusta on June 30, 2017, just ahead of a government shutdown. Credit: Ashley L. Conti / BDN

Fredette, 60, left the State House the afternoon of Feb. 4 to attend a high school basketball game with family. He did not know then that votes would happen. After he learned of a meeting, he said Rep. Jack Ducharme, the top Republican appropriator from Madison, texted him around 9:30 p.m. to say they were voting partly that night and partly in the morning.

Ducharme told him to plan to come in at 9 a.m. because there would be no final vote. But one came close to 1 a.m, when all 11 appropriators, including the three Republicans present, approved the budget in a late-night series of votes. Ducharme went on the record expressing appreciation for the bipartisan work that was done.

Ducharme told a reporter via email Republicans wanted to make sure some “MaineCare reform language” was correct before voting the morning of Feb. 5 on the plan. But he said Democratic leadership wanted to vote before leaving that night. Rep. Drew Gattine, D-Westbrook, the budget panel’s co-chair, has said Republicans should not have been surprised about that.

The next day, it was clear Republicans would not support the budget. They unsuccessfully pushed the appropriations committee to reconsider it. Last Tuesday, Democrats took the budget to votes on the House and Senate floors but stopped short of passing it because they lacked the two-thirds majorities they needed to enact it immediately.

Advertisement

“If this was such a crisis to get done, why aren’t we working on it right now?” Fredette, a lawyer and Maine Air National Guard colonel, asked in an interview.

Rep. Michele Meyer, D-Eliot, speaks during a debate on the state budget on the floor of the Maine House of Representatives at the State House in Augusta on Tuesday, Feb. 11, 2025. Credit: Linda Coan O’Kresik / BDN

Legislative leaders are using the break before another supplemental budget vote that could come Feb. 28 to seek compromises largely focused on General Assistance limits that Democratic Gov. Janet Mills initially wanted. She later told lawmakers to seek them in two-year budget negotiations that will continue during the current session that is set to end in July.

The supplemental budget spat is setting up another contentious two-year budget cycle in which Democrats may again likely use their narrow majorities to pass a plan without Republican support, though Mills’ proposed mix of tax increases and health program cuts have dismayed lawmakers in both parties for different reasons.

Before 2021, both parties often reached bipartisan spending deals, which Fredette mentioned as even occurring during several of the “eight very tough years” under LePage, who dealt with divided government in Augusta for six of his eight years.

“Don’t tell me that this can’t be done,” said Fredette, whose conservative caucus forced others to negotiate with the combative LePage by withholding votes necessary to overturn his record number of vetoes.

Rep. Ken Fredette, R-Newport, talks to Rep. Robert Nutting, R-Oakland, on the floor of the Maine House of Representatives at the State House in Augusta on Tuesday, Feb. 11, 2025. Credit: Linda Coan O’Kresik

Fredette has been a main focus of Democrats since his vote. House Speaker Ryan Fecteau, D-Biddeford, has criticized him on Facebook and at a news conference last week. Rep. Sue Salisbury, D-Westbrook, said Friday it was “frustrating for one person to upend the work of the rest of the committee,” although others have cast wider blame.

“No one forced them to vote the way they did,” Sen. Joe Baldacci, D-Bangor, said of Republicans, adding he has worked with Fredette as a fellow lawyer and has found him to be “principled” in that arena.

Advertisement

Fredette did not affect the ultimate disagreements over the short-term budget and he has no “disproportionate impact on the caucus,” Rep. Amy Arata, R-New Gloucester, said. House Minority Leader Billy Bob Faulkingham, R-Winter Harbor, added that Democrats are making Fredette into “a boogeyman.”

Fredette said lawmakers are constantly balancing family needs with their work in Augusta. Asked if he wishes he had made the committee meeting, he instead expressed a desire for reaching a budget deal with two-thirds support while alluding to criticism.

“A lot of relationships get damaged in the process by doing this sort of thing,” Fredette said, “and that’s not helpful.”



Source link

Advertisement

Maine

Maine’s leaders cannot turn the other cheek on gun violence | Opinion

Published

on

Maine’s leaders cannot turn the other cheek on gun violence | Opinion


Julie Smith of Readfield is a single parent whose son was in the Principles of Economics class at Brown University during the Dec. 13 shooting that resulted in the deaths of two students.

When classrooms become crime scenes, leadership is no longer measured by intentions or press statements. It is measured by outcomes—and by whether the people responsible for public safety are trusted and empowered to act without hesitation.

On December 13, 2025, a gunman opened fire during a review session for a Principles of Economics class at Brown University. Two students were murdered. Others were wounded. The campus was locked down as parents across the country waited for news no family should ever have to receive.

Maine was not watching from a distance.

Advertisement

My son, a recent graduate of a rural Maine high school, is a freshman at Brown. He was in that Principles of Economics class. He was not in the targeted study group—but students who sat beside him all semester were. These were not abstract victims. They were classmates and friends. Young people who should have been worried about finals, not hiding in lockdown, texting parents to say they were alive.

Despite the fact that the Brown shooting directly affected Maine families, Gov. Janet Mills offered no meaningful public acknowledgment of the tragedy. No recognition that Maine parents were among those grieving, afraid, and desperate for reassurance. In moments like these, acknowledgment matters. Silence is not neutral. It signals whose fear is seen—and whose is ignored. The violence at Brown is a Maine issue: our children are there. Our families are there. The fear, grief, and trauma do not stop at state lines.

The attack and what followed the attack deserve recognition. Law enforcement responded quickly, professionally, and courageously. Campus police, city officers, state police, and federal agents worked together to secure the campus and prevent further loss of life. Officers acted decisively because they understood their mission—and because they knew they would be supported for carrying it out.

That kind of coordination does not happen by accident. It depends on clear authority, mutual trust, and leadership that understands a basic truth: in moments of crisis, law enforcement must be free to work together immediately, without second-guessing.

Even when officers do everything right, the damage does not end when a campus is secured. Students return to classrooms changed—hyper-alert, distracted, scanning exits instead of absorbing ideas. Parents carry a constant, low-level dread, flinching at late-night calls and unknown numbers. Gun violence in schools does not just injure bodies; it fractures trust, rewires behavior, and leaves psychological scars that no statement or reassurance can undo.

Advertisement

That reality makes silence—and policy choices that undermine law enforcement—impossible to ignore.

After the Lewiston massacre in 2023, Governor Mills promised lessons would be learned—that warning signs would be taken seriously, mental-health systems strengthened, and public-safety coordination improved. Those promises mattered because Maine had already paid an unbearable price.

Instead of providing unequivocal support for law enforcement, the governor has taken actions that signal hesitation. Her decision to allow LD 1971 to become law is the latest example. The law introduces technical requirements that complicate inter-agency cooperation by emphasizing legal boundaries and procedural caution. Even when cooperation is technically “allowed,” the message to officers is unmistakable: slow down, worry about liability, protect yourself first.

In emergencies, that hesitation can cost lives. Hesitation by law enforcement in Providence could have cost my son his life. We cannot allow hesitation to become the precedent for Maine policies.

In 2025 alone, hundreds of gun-related incidents have occurred on K–12 and college campuses nationwide. This is not theoretical. This is the environment in which our children are expected to learn—and the reality Maine families carry with them wherever their children go.

Advertisement

My son worked his entire academic life—without wealth or legacy—for the chance to pursue higher education, believing it would allow him to return to Maine rather than leave it behind. Now he is asking a question no 18-year-old should have to ask: why come home to a state whose leaders hesitate to fully stand behind the people responsible for keeping him alive?

Maine’s leaders must decide whose side they are on when crisis strikes: the officers who run toward danger, or the politics that ask them to slow down first.

Parents are done with hollow promises. Students deserve leaders who show their support not with words—but with action.



Source link

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Maine

Popular food truck grows into a ‘Maine-Mex’ restaurant in Bucksport 

Published

on

Popular food truck grows into a ‘Maine-Mex’ restaurant in Bucksport 


Cory LaForge always liked a particular restaurant space on Main Street in Bucksport, which recently housed My Buddy’s Place and the Friar’s Brewhouse Tap Room before that.

So much so that, when it became available two months ago, he decided to open his own restaurant there.

Salsa Shack Maine, which opened in early December, is a physical location for the food truck business he’s operated out of Ellsworth and Orland for the last two years. The new spot carrying tacos, burritos and quesadillas adds to a growing restaurant scene in Bucksport and is meant to be a welcoming community space.

Advertisement

“I just loved the feeling of having a smaller restaurant,” LaForge said. “It feels more intimate. This place is designed where you can have a good conversation or talk to your customers, like they’re not just another number on a ticket.”

Salsa Shack Maine joins a growing number of new restaurants on Main Street in Bucksport. Credit: Elizabeth Walztoni / BDN

After growing up in the midcoast, LaForge eventually moved west to work in restaurants at ski areas, where he was exposed to more cultural diversity and new types of food – including tacos.

“It’s like all these different flavors that we’re not exposed to in Maine, so it’s like, I feel like I’ve been living a lie my whole life,” he said. “It was fun to bring all those things that I learned back here.”

When he realized his goal of opening a food truck in 2023 after returning to Maine, LaForge found the trailer he’d purchased on Facebook Marketplace was too small to fit anything but tortillas – and the Salsa Shack was born.

It opened at the Ellsworth Harbor Park in 2023 and operated out of the Orland Community Center in the winter. What started as an experiment took off in popularity and has been busy ever since.

Advertisement

LaForge calls his style “Maine-Mex:” a mix of authentic street tacos in a build-your-own format with different salsas and protein. Speciality salsas include corn and black bean, roasted poblano, pineapple jalapeno and mango Tajin.

The larger kitchen space in the new restaurant has allowed a menu expansion to include quesadillas, burritos and burrito bowls in addition to the tacos, nachos and taco salad bowls sold from the food truck. Regular specials are also on the menu.

Salsa Shack’s new Bucksport kitchen means room for owner Cory LaForge to experiment. He’s added quesadillas, burritos and burrito bowls to the menu alongside regular specials, such as this shrimp taco. Credit: Elizabeth Walztoni / BDN

More new menu items are likely ahead, according to LaForge, along with a beer and wine license and expanded hours in the spring.

The food truck will live on for now, too; he’s signed up for a few events in the coming months.

Starting Jan. 6, the restaurant will also offer a buy-two-get-one-free “Taco Tuesday” promotion.

“It’s a really fun vibe here, and I feel like everyone finds it very comfortable and easy to come in and order,” LaForge said, comparing the restaurant’s atmosphere to the television show Cheers. “Even if you have to sit down and wait a little while, we always have some fun conversations going on.”

Advertisement

So far, the welcome has been warm locally, he said, both from residents and the other new restaurant owners who help each other out. LaForge’s sole employee, Connor MacLeod, is also a familiar face from MacLeod’s Restaurant, which closed in March after 45 years on Main Street.

When it shut its doors, people in town weren’t sure where they would go, according to LaForge. But four new establishments opened in 2025, offering a range from Thai food to diner offerings.

“It’s kind of fun to see so [many] culinary changes,” he said.

The Salsa Shack is currently open from 11 a.m. to 5 p.m. Tuesday through Saturday.



Source link

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Maine

A new Maine tax will have you paying more for Netflix after Jan. 1

Published

on

A new Maine tax will have you paying more for Netflix after Jan. 1


The logos for streaming services Netflix, Hulu, Disney Plus and Sling TV are pictured on a remote control on Aug. 13, 2020, in Portland, Ore. (Jenny Kane/Associated Press)

Maine consumers will soon see a new line on their monthly Netflix and Hulu bills. Starting Jan. 1, digital streaming services will be included in the state’s 5.5% sales tax.

The new charge — billed by the state as a way to level the playing field around how cable and satellite services and streaming services are taxed — is among a handful of tax changes coming in the new year.

The sales tax on adult-use cannabis will increase from 10% to 14%, also on Jan. 1. Taxes on cigarettes will increase $1.50 per pack — from $2 to $3.50 — on Jan. 5.

Advertisement

All three changes are part of the $320 million budget package lawmakers approved in June as an addition to the baseline $11.3 billion two-year budget passed in March.

Here are a few things to know about the streaming tax:

1. Why is this new tax taking effect?

Taxes on streaming services have been a long time coming in Maine. Former Republican Gov. Paul LePage proposed the idea in 2017, and it was pitched by Gov. Janet Mills, a Democrat, in 2020 and 2024. The idea was rejected all three times — until this year.

State officials said last spring the change creates fairness in the sales tax as streaming services become more popular and ubiquitous. It’s also expected to generate new revenue for the state.

Advertisement

2. What services are impacted?

Currently, music and movies that are purchased and downloaded from a website are subject to sales tax, but that same music and those same movies are not taxed when streamed online.

The new changes add sales tax to monthly subscriptions for movie, television and audio streaming services, including Netflix, Hulu, Disney Plus, Spotify and Pandora. Podcasts and ringtones or other sound recordings are also included.

3. How much is it likely to cost you?

The new tax would add less than $1 to a standard Netflix subscription without ads priced at $17.99 per month. An $89.99 Hulu live television subscription would increase by about $5 per month.

Advertisement

Beginning Jan. 1, providers will be required to state the amount of sales tax on customers’ receipts or state that their price includes Maine sales tax.

4. How much new revenue is this generating for the state?

The digital streaming tax is expected to bring in $5 million in new revenue in fiscal year 2026, which ends June 30. After that, it’s projected to bring in $12.5 million annually, with that figure expected to increase to $14.3 million by 2029.

The tax increase on cigarettes, which also includes an equivalent hike on other tobacco products, is expected to boost state revenues by about $75 million in the first year.

The cannabis sales tax increase, meanwhile, will be offset in part by a reduction in cannabis excise taxes, which are paid by cultivation facilities on transfers to manufacturers or retailers. The net increase in state revenue will be about $3.9 million in the first full year, the state projects.

Advertisement



Source link

Continue Reading
Advertisement

Trending