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WikiLeaks gadfly: the Julian Assange saga

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WikiLeaks gadfly: the Julian Assange saga

Julian Assange had already been ruffling feathers for several years when, in 2010, the Australian hacker and publisher released leaked footage of a US helicopter crew gunning down unarmed Iraqis on a Baghdad street.

The video, dubbed Collateral Murder, was among thousands of classified US military documents that the WikiLeaks website published at the time. As much as any, it put its founder on a collision course with America that only this week — 14 years later — is reaching some form of resolution.

Assange this week walked free from Belmarsh high-security prison in London, where he has been incarcerated since 2019, fighting extradition to the US on espionage charges.

He was on his way by plane to the US-controlled Northern Mariana Islands in the Pacific where, in return for a sentence of time served, he will plead guilty to one charge of conspiracy to obtain and disseminate classified information. Other charges relating to the publication of the material have been dropped.

Assange will then be free to return to his native Australia, without whose patience and diplomatic support some allies believe he might never have seen this day.

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A screen grab taken from the X account of WikiLeaks of Julian Assange following his release from prison © @WikiLeaks/PA Wire

“It’s debatable whether this is a victory for freedom or not,” said Vaughan Smith, founder of the Frontline Club, the group for journalists in Paddington where Assange stayed in the months that he was first polarising global opinion.

At the time, supporters saw him as a fearless warrior for press freedom, exposing double standards at the heart of power. Detractors were forming a different view: they saw a dangerous gadfly, disclosing information regardless of the consequences.

Smith, who has remained a loyal friend, said that whichever way you look at it, Assange has been through a terrible ordeal.

Facing allegations of rape in Sweden, which he denied, he spent seven years holed up in the Ecuadorean embassy in London, attracting support outside the gates from a diverse crew of celebrities including Pamela Anderson, Lady Gaga and the former Greek finance minister Yanis Varoufakis.

Once the Ecuadoreans had tired of him, he was arrested and sent to Belmarsh. “It’s pretty sobering the way he has been made to suffer,” said Smith.   

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WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange, second left, and Frontline Club founder Vaughan Smith, second from right, attend a press conference at the Frontline Club in London on January 17 2011
Julian Assange, second left, and Frontline Club founder Vaughan Smith, second from right, attend a press conference at the Frontline Club in London on January 17 2011. Smith says of Assange: ‘He doesn’t necessarily fit in’ © Ben Stansall/AFP/Getty Images

Collateral Murder was published in 2010 alongside a trove of classified US military documents relating to the Iraq and Afghan wars. These were obtained from Chelsea Manning, the former US army intelligence analyst, who served seven years of a 35 year sentence for her part in the saga.   

Shot from an Apache helicopter gunship, the footage exposed casual rules of engagement by US troops, along with a loose relationship with the truth on the part of commanders who had portrayed victims of the 2007 incident as armed.

It was one explosive element in a huge data dump that was highly damaging to the reputation of the US military. Two of the 11 civilians killed were employees of the Reuters news agency.

At first the information from WikiLeaks was published in careful collaboration with The Guardian, New York Times, Der Spiegel, El País and Le Monde newspapers, redacted to protect the identities of sources and personnel involved.

But later — after Assange had fallen out with some of the newspapers he had worked with, and a German hacker had accessed the files — WikiLeaks released the raw documents en masse, along with more than 250,000 US diplomatic cables.

Alan Rusbridger, former editor of The Guardian, said the advent of WikiLeaks, which started life in 2006 exposing corruption in Kenya, marked the beginning of a “new era of transparency”.

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At the same time, journalists are enduring a sustained backlash as western intelligence agencies come down hard on anyone touching classified information.

“The stuff on Iraq and Afghanistan needed to come out,” Rusbridger said. The diplomatic cables were less impactful, he argued, in part because many of them made for “sensible” reading: “It does make you reconsider why all this stuff has to be so secret.”

For the Americans, some of the less-than-diplomatic language used in the cables damaged relations with allies.

Worse, they claimed, it brought sources who were exposed into harm’s way.

At the time of Assange’s indictment in 2019, John Demers, the then-top justice department national security official, said: “No responsible actor, journalist or otherwise, would purposely publish the names of individuals he or she knew to be confidential human sources in war zones, exposing them to the gravest of dangers.”

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Julian Assange speaks to media and supporters from a balcony at the Ecuadorian embassy in London in May 2017
Julian Assange speaks to media and supporters from a balcony at the Ecuadorean embassy in London in May 2017 © Luke MacGregor/Bloomberg

Assange first honed his skills as a teenage hacker in Australia where he also had his first brush with the law. Smith said some of Assange’s later problems were the result of being “different”.

His character, as well as his work, has divided opinion.

“He doesn’t necessarily fit in. From time to time, people who are different have something to say, and humans are inclined to turn on them,” Smith said. The rape allegations, which have passed the point at which they can be prosecuted under Swedish law, had “diminished him and poisoned him in the public eye”, he added.

Others who met Assange along the way were less generous. One described him as “a mercurial guy — sometimes he would behave like a CEO, strategic and efficient. Other times he would be like a badly behaved child.”

UK district judge Michael Snow, who convicted Assange in 2019 for jumping bail in 2012, described him as “a narcissist who cannot get beyond his own selfish interests”.

Even in confinement, Assange remained a potent force, playing a tumultuous role in the 2016 US elections when WikiLeaks released a tranche of emails from the Democratic party. Federal prosecutors said these were originally stolen by Russian intelligence operatives.

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Donald Trump, at first a fan, eventually turned on him too.  

Assange’s treatment during the extradition process in the UK has also proved controversial. For champions of press freedom, it has shown the UK in a poor light, pandering to US interests.

Nick Vamos, an expert in extradition law, disagrees. He suggested that a High Court decision this year to allow Assange to appeal may have been instrumental in securing his release.

“Our extradition laws are generous in terms of allowing people to argue different points,” he said. “That is ultimately what has brought everyone to the negotiating table.”

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Israel kills Hizbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah in massive strike on Beirut

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Israel kills Hizbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah in massive strike on Beirut

Israel has killed Hizbollah’s leader Hassan Nasrallah in a massive strike on Beirut, in the latest in a series of devastating blows to the Lebanese militant group.

The strike in a densely populated residential neighbourhood in southern Beirut was part of an intense bombardment carried out by Israeli forces on Friday and marked a dramatic escalation of Israel’s offensive against Hizbollah.

The Lebanese group confirmed Nasrallah’s death in a statement on Saturday, saying he had joined the group’s long list of “martyrs”. It said its leadership would continue to battle against Israel “in support of Gaza and Palestine, and in defence of Lebanon and its steadfast and honourable people”.

Speaking late on Saturday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said that “Nasrallah’s killing was a necessary step toward achieving the goals we have set,” including “changing the balance of power in the region for years to come”.

He added that the “work is not yet done”, warning Israelis that they “will face significant challenges in the days ahead”.

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He also issued a warning to Israel’s adversaries. “There is nowhere in Iran or the Middle East beyond the reach of the long arm of Israel, and today you know how true that is,” Netanyahu said.

Herzi Halevi, chief of the general staff of the Israel Defense Forces, said the strike did not mark the conclusion of Israel’s operations. “This is not the end of our toolbox,” he said. “The message is simple: anyone who threatens the citizens of Israel — we will know how to reach them.”

US President Joe Biden said Nasrallah’s death was “a measure of justice for his many victims”.

“The United States fully supports Israel’s right to defend itself against Hizbollah, Hamas, the Houthis, and any other Iranian-supported terrorist groups,” he said in a statement released on Saturday. “Ultimately, our aim is to de-escalate the ongoing conflicts in both Gaza and Lebanon through diplomatic means.”

It was time to conclude deals to end the conflict in both Gaza and Lebanon, Biden added.

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Israel claimed the strike had also killed the head of Hizbollah’s southern front, Ali Karaki, and other senior commanders. It was the latest in a succession of debilitating Israeli attacks on Iranian-backed Hizbollah’s chain of command.

A senior commander of Iran’s elite Revolutionary Guards, Abbas Nilforoushan, who was in a meeting with Nasrallah was also killed, an Iranian official told the Financial Times. The death of the commander and Nasrallah, one of Iran’s closest allies, raised the risk of retaliation by the Islamic republic.

On Friday, Lebanese officials warned an Iranian cargo plane to leave the country’s airspace because of the risk Israel could target it, the Iranian official said. The Israeli military had said Israeli air force planes were “patrolling the area of Beirut airport” and would not allow “hostile flights with weapons to land” there.

Iran’s supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei said that the fate of the Middle East “will be determined by resistance forces, the foremost of which is Hizbollah”.

He added that the group’s “solid structure cannot be significantly damaged” by “Zionist criminals” who he said had demonstrated their “short-minded and stupid policies”.

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He urged all Muslims to stand by Hizbollah in its fight against “an occupying and vicious regime”.

At least 11 people were killed and 108 injured in the strike that killed Nasrallah, Lebanon’s health ministry said. That figure was expected to rise as rescue workers continued searching for survivors.

On Saturday, explosions were heard in Beirut as Israel continued to strike Hizbollah targets and announced it had killed a top member of the group’s intelligence department responsible for selecting targets in Israel.

The Israeli military also posted warnings on social media telling Lebanese to evacuate the southern suburbs of Beirut, the Bekaa Valley and southern Lebanon.

The IDF said it had intercepted a missile fired from Yemen that set off air raid sirens across central Israel. Late on Saturday, sirens also sounded in parts of Jerusalem, as the IDF reported a rocket incoming from Lebanon.

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Lebanese leaders from across the political spectrum called for unity, reflecting concerns that the fragile nation could slide into civil strife in the wake of Nasrallah’s assassination.

“We differed a great deal with the deceased and his party and we rarely found common ground, but Lebanon was a tent for all, and in this deeply difficult time our unity and solidarity is fundamental,” Saad Hariri, former prime minister, said in a statement.

Nasrallah’s death capped a disastrous two weeks for Hizbollah during which it has sustained the heaviest succession of blows in its four decades of existence.

Residents of Beirut said the Israeli bombing raids on Friday night and during the early hours of Saturday had been some of the most intense in the city since Israel and Hizbollah fought a 34-day war in 2006.

Explosions lit up the sky throughout the night and threw huge clouds of dust into the air. Hundreds of people fled the south of the city, where Hizbollah is entrenched, to seek shelter on beaches and in public squares.

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Over the past two weeks, Israel has escalated its offensive against the militant group, killing a string of its senior commanders. This week it embarked on an intense bombardment of sites across Lebanon that killed more than 600 people and displaced more than 90,000.

On Wednesday, Israel called up two reserve brigades for “operational missions” in the north of the country, with Halevi telling troops to prepare for a possible ground offensive in Lebanon.

The Israeli military said it was continuing its bombardment on Saturday, carrying out “extensive” bombing raids in the Bekaa Valley in eastern Lebanon as well as striking more targets in Beirut, after warning civilians in some densely populated neighbourhoods to evacuate.

Additional reporting by Najmeh Bozorgmehr in Tehran and Andrew England in London

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'Historically unpopular' JD Vance deploying new strategy to duck tough questions: report

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'Historically unpopular' JD Vance deploying new strategy to duck tough questions: report

After a string of blunders, misrepresentations and outright fabrications that have dogged embattled vice presidential nominee J.D. Vance on the campaign as Donald Trump’s running mate, the Ohio Republican is deploying his MAGA fans to run interference for him when confronted with reporters’ questions.

According to a report from Politico’s Adam Wren, there has been a noticeable change at “historically unpopular” Vance’s sparsely-attended rallies where the candidate picks out a reporter to ask him a question and then the pro-Vance crowd surrounding him proceeds to boo and drown out his inquisitor.

Case in point, Wren wrote, “Inside an open-air barn at the Northwest Michigan Fairgrounds, Vance, who favors questions from local reporters before national ones at his events, called on the Traverse City Record-Eagle reporter, who identified himself as the ‘hometown’ scribe. Before he even got his question out — a relatively anodyne one about housing costs — the reporter endured a hail of boos as the Republican vice presidential nominee smiled” and then commented, “You’re allowed to ask your question; they’re allowed to tell you how they think about it. That’s OK. This is America.”

ALSO READ: ‘I want Vance to apologize’: We went to Springfield and found community hurt — and divided

According to the reporter in that instance, 65-year-old Peter Kobs, Vance has his own Greek chorus doing his bidding.

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“The Greek chorus is there to amplify and, you know, put emotion in it. But hating the media is a juvenile approach to politics,” he stated.

According to Jeff Timmer of the anti-Trump Lincoln Project, Vance is insulating himself after a series of mistakes and awkward encounters – such as a disastrous visit to a donut shop that went viral — in front of the press.

“He was so bad without a supporting cast, they had to kind of wrap him in this bubble wrap. That’s what the people backing him there are doing. It’s bubble wrap to protect them from smashing his head,” he colorfully explained.

According to Robert Schwartz, a “Haley Voters for Harris” Republican, Vance’s latest tactic “feels a little hostile.”

“I would say it’s important for the candidates to be able to answer questions. So I think that’s a good thing. But using our independent media as a prop to get boo lines? Most Americans rely on the media to ask these questions,” he suggested.

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Hassan Nasrallah, leader of Hizbollah, 1960-2024

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Hassan Nasrallah, leader of Hizbollah, 1960-2024

For more than three decades, Hizbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah, whom Israel killed in an air strike, oversaw the Shia Islamist movement’s transformation from a guerrilla group into the Middle East’s most powerful transnational paramilitary force. 

In his 32 years at the helm of Hizbollah, the 64-year-old cleric was credited with making it the pre-eminent force in Iran’s regional network of proxies known as the axis of resistance. 

This gave Nasrallah an unrivalled position as both a public face and crucial strategist in the network — “more junior partner than proxy” in the axis, according to Hizbollah expert Amal Saad.

Rarely seen without his clerical garb, Nasrallah was viewed as one of the most important figures in the axis, second only to Iran’s supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, following the US assassination of Iranian general Qassem Soleimani in 2020.  

Nasrallah’s forces helped train fighters from Hamas, as well as other members of the Iran axis, including Iraq’s Shia militias and Yemen’s Houthis.

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He will be remembered among his supporters for standing up to Israel and the US, and restoring Arab might. His enemies will point out that he was the leader of what they consider a terrorist organisation, which furthered Iran’s geopolitical agenda and was accused of widespread atrocities, both at home and abroad.

Nasrallah speaks via video link at the funeral of a Hizbollah commander earlier this year. Very few people met him in person © AP

In Lebanon, Hizbollah is referred to as “a state within a state”, with a parallel network of social services that rival those of the government it has worked for decades to undermine. 

Nasrallah was reviled by many in Lebanon’s Christian and Sunni communities, who blamed him for eroding the nation’s state institutions, putting Iran’s interests ahead of the country’s and turning his movement’s weapons inwards to quash dissent and opposition.

He was also loathed by many Syrians, after Hizbollah fighters helped president Bashar al-Assad’s regime brutally crush the opposition after civil war erupted in Syria in the wake of a 2011 popular uprising.

All the while, Nasrallah crafted his public image, weaponising his charisma and his battlefield victories to hone a cult of personality that led his supporters to revere him as near-omnipotent.

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His face appears on billboards and key chains, mugs and candlelit shrines. Lebanese routinely trade Nasrallah stickers on WhatsApp while snippets of his speeches are often turned into memes. 

The portrait painted by people who knew Nasrallah or met him over the past 40 years is of a strategic thinker with a commanding presence, a man feared and admired in equal measure, revered by Islamist militants and Middle Eastern tyrants.

Very few people met him in person in recent decades. Those who have described Nasrallah as courteous, perceptive and funny.

A powerful orator, he spoke colloquial Arabic — not classical — while a life-long speech impediment, which left him unable to pronounce his Rs, was widely viewed as disarming.

Nasrallah was born on August 31, 1960 in an impoverished Beirut neighbourhood that was home to Christian Armenians, Druze, Shia and Palestinians. He said he was “an observant Muslim at the age of nine”, more preoccupied with his prayers than helping his father in his vegetable shop.

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When Nasrallah was 16, he sent himself to a seminary for aspiring Shia clerics in the Iraqi city of Najaf. He left less than two years later, fixated on resistance to Israel.

While in Najaf, he came under the influence of Abbas Mussawi, a Lebanese cleric just a few years older than him, with whom he would eventually found Hizbollah in the early 1980s. 

Hassan Nasrallah surrounded by bodyguards in a Beirut suburb in 1992
Hassan Nasrallah, centre, surrounded by bodyguards in a Beirut suburb in 1992 © Ramzi Haidar/AFP/Getty Images
Undated file photo of Hadi Nasrallah, son of Hassan Nasrallah. Hadi, 18, was killed during clashes in 1997 with Israeli soldiers in South Lebanon.
An undated photo of Hadi Nasrallah, son of Hassan Nasrallah. Hadi, 18, was killed by Israeli commandos in 1997 © AFP/Getty Images

He climbed quickly up the ranks, forging close ties with the men suspected of plotting some of the group’s earliest terror attacks — including the 1983 bombing of the Beirut barracks housing US and French peacekeepers, which killed at least 360 people.

“After 1982, our youth, years, life and time became part of Hizbollah,” Nasrallah told a Lebanese newspaper in 1993, a few months after he was appointed leader of the militant group following Mussawi’s assassination by Israel. 

Unlike other paramilitary leaders, Nasrallah was not known to have personally fought. But his leadership earned him respect among Hizbollah’s ranks as a battlefield commander, particularly after his 18-year-old son Hadi was killed by Israeli commandos in 1997.  

“We, Hizbollah’s leadership, do not jealously guard our children,” Nasrallah said the day after Hadi’s death, cementing his reputation as a wartime leader who was willing to make sacrifice for their cause. Nasrallah shared at least three other children with his wife Fatima. 

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Nasrallah’s reputation grew regionally when Israel withdrew from southern Lebanon in 2000. “He achieved what few if any Arab states and armies had done fighting Israel,” Saad said. His reputation was enhanced after Hizbollah fought Israel in a 34-day war in 2006.

This also made him one of Israel’s prime targets. He lived largely underground, “somewhere between southern Lebanon, Beirut and Syria”, to evade assassination attempts.

A Lebanese boy displays a poster of Nasrallah, who carefully crafted his public image © AP

When thousands of Hizbollah’s electronic devices detonated this month killing dozens and maiming thousands more in attacks widely blamed on Israel, Nasrallah was said to be unharmed. He never handled electronic devices, which were always heavily screened before being allowed in his vicinity.

He was also rarely known to answer his own phone after Israel was allegedly able to reach him on his personal landline, which exists only on Hizbollah’s parallel telecommunications network. 

His frequent speeches were delivered via secure live feed to his legions of followers, broadcast from unknown locations and he sent emissaries to meet his political allies and foes. This helped him deepen his enigmatic aura and the reverence his public had for him. 

As Israel has stepped up its attacks on Hizbollah over the past year, it has killed many of the group’s leadership, targeting its field officers before taking aim its senior most command. 

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Almost none of the original members of the group’s jihad council, Hizbollah’s top military body that Nasrallah oversaw, is left alive, according to people familiar with the group’s operations.   

Many Lebanese remember the destruction wrought the last time Hizbollah went to war with Israel in 2006. In the final hours before the ceasefire took hold, waves of Israeli bombs rained down over Beirut’s southern suburb of Dahiyeh. It was considered a last-ditch attempt to kill Nasrallah. 

When that war ended, Nasrallah said he would “absolutely not” have launched the attack that triggered the conflict “if I had known . . . that the operation would lead to such a war”.

It was in Dahiyeh where Friday’s strike killed Nasrallah.

Additional reporting by James Shotter in Jerusalem

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