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The ‘one’ way for Wall Street banks

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The ‘one’ way for Wall Street banks

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A silo is a dangerous place to be on Wall Street these days. New Morgan Stanley boss Ted Pick is the industry’s latest leader to tout a silo-busting mindset to get his roughly 80,000 employees to work better together. 

Pick is hoping investment bankers will refer millionaire clients to a financial adviser, while employees working on a company’s stock plan can put in a letter good word for Morgan Stanley to win an M&A deal.

Pick used the slogan of “The Integrated Firm” repeatedly in his first letter to shareholders this year and Morgan Stanley insiders talk about this as its next leg of growth. 

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The idea is hardly a novel one, with Pick telling an industry conference this month that he was “well aware that such phraseology exists at every firm like ours”. 

“At some level, it’s motherhood and apple pie, right? Let’s all work together,” Pick joked. And he needn’t have even looked beyond Morgan Stanley for inspiration — John Mack, one of his predecessors, was focusing on building the “one-firm firm” all the way back in the 1990s. 

In his 2022 memoir, Mack described how Morgan Stanley was so siloed that divisions had their own summer softball teams and holiday parties. “People could be as competitive inside Morgan Stanley as they were against our Wall Street rivals,” Mack wrote.

Larry Fink introduced a “one BlackRock” principle back in 2012 for the asset manager, while perennial competitor Goldman Sachs has had a “OneGS” initiative in place for almost six years under chief executive David Solomon.

There was even a wink to it in the most recent season of Industry, the raunchy HBO/BBC show about a fictional investment bank called Pierpoint, when one character references a “One Pierpoint” mantra.  

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Goldman president John Waldron said last month that OneGS “really has a lot to do with figuring out a way to break down the silos of the firm, create incentives in the firm for everybody in the firm to serve our clients holistically”. 

For a new CEO like Pick, who is inheriting a business that made $9bn in profits last year and a strategy that investors like, “The Integrated Firm” makes sense — why not try to fine-tune the bank’s moneymaking machine? 

It also speaks to two challenges for Morgan Stanley. First, it is harder to grow mature businesses like investment banking and trading where market share has become increasingly concentrated and secular tailwinds are harder to come by. 

Goldman has said repeatedly that its OneGS initiative has helped it gain market share, overtaking Morgan Stanley in equities trading and strengthening its spot as Wall Street’s leading M&A adviser. (A retrenchment by some European rivals has also helped.)

Second, firms like Morgan Stanley have expanded so much beyond bread-and-butter investment banking and trading and into money management that they risk leaving money on the table by not ensuring that they are properly synced up. But while it makes sense on paper, actually getting these different divisions to work together can be much more fraught in practice. 

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Bonuses for working with another division are typically highly discretionary. This can be a turn-off for some employees, though Goldman has explored paying more formulaic bonuses for business referred to its private bank. 

Cultural differences also run deep on Wall Street, where firms are often stitched together from acquisitions over many years. (Goldman is an outlier in that it has largely grown without M&A). 

The company that Pick runs today is a mix of Morgan Stanley’s investment banking and trading business, brokerage firms Smith Barney and Dean Witter, electronic trading platform ETrade and asset manager Eaton Vance. 

For a banker to refer a client to a colleague, they need to trust that the other part of the company is up to the same standard and won’t make them look bad. 

“If you’re an investment banker, you don’t want a private banker to do anything that could jeopardise the relationship [with the client], like putting them in a bad investment,” said one banker at a large US firm. 

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Pick has said the leaders at Morgan Stanley’s different businesses are already on friendly terms, pointing to an unusually calm succession process that saw him become CEO and his two other contenders stick around as co-presidents. “We’ve been unified for a long time,” Pick said this month. “You can’t just wake up one day and say, let’s get along.”

It is not difficult to wonder though how deep such bonhomie runs at Morgan Stanley or any Wall Street bank. Investment banking is not exactly well known for being a kind and gentle world. But no doubt, when the next bank appoints a new CEO, expect the “one” playbook to be dusted off.

joshua.franklin@ft.com

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Newsom, Democrats use cuts, reserves and ‘fiscal emergency’ declaration to solve California budget deficit

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Newsom, Democrats use cuts, reserves and ‘fiscal emergency’ declaration to solve California budget deficit

Gov. Gavin Newsom and Democratic lawmakers struck a deal Saturday to make $16 billion in cuts, declare a statewide fiscal emergency and pull money from the state’s rainy-day reserves to balance a $46.8-billion budget deficit in California.

The agreement for a $297.7-billion spending plan is the result of weeks of contentious negotiations with labor unions and business interests after weaker than anticipated revenues forced Newsom and lawmakers to scale back California’s progressive policy agenda. The shortfall inspired a tug-of-war over coveted state dollars that has caused rifts between the governor and some of his closest allies at the Capitol.

Among the more high-profile changes, the 2024-25 budget plan delays a minimum wage increase for healthcare workers until at least October, cuts $1.1 billion for affordable housing and slashes $750 million in funding for the state prison system.

California’s business community also took a hit with the three-year suspension of nearly $15 billion in tax breaks a year earlier than Newsom initially proposed.

“This agreement sets the state on a path for long-term fiscal stability — addressing the current shortfall and strengthening budget resilience down the road,” Newsom said in statement. “We’re making sure to preserve programs that serve millions of Californians, including key funding for education, health care, expanded behavioral health services, and combatting homelessness.”

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The deficit marks a dramatic reversal of California’s financial standing from a projected $100-billion surplus two years ago and creates a challenging political narrative for Newsom, who often boasts of the state being an essential economic engine for the nation.

The governor is required by law to declare a statewide budget emergency before he can take money from the reserves to solve the deficit. But an emergency declaration gives fodder to critics who have accused Democrats of mismanaging the state’s finances and overspending.

Despite the shortfall, the California economy remains strong and the state has more revenue to spend than when he took office.

“This is not a revenue problem,” said David Crane, president of Govern for California, a nonprofit that seeks to oppose the influence of labor unions on state government. “The deficit is a result of expenditures.”

In April, Newsom touted the fact that the California economy held its position as the fifth largest in the world, saying the state “continues to punch above its weight.”

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The state government’s financial problem can be blamed, in part, on poor revenue projections that led Newsom and lawmakers to allocate more money for programs than they had available to spend.

The state’s progressive tax structure leaves government dependent on revenue from income taxes paid by chief executives and other top Golden State earners, which are subject to stock market fluctuations and difficult to predict. The delay of the 2022 tax filing deadline, from April to November, also forced California leaders to craft the current budget without having a full understanding of how much state tax revenues had dropped.

Newsom anticipated California’s deficit to grow when he signed the budget last year and said he dedicated much of the new money in his spending plan to one-time funding increases that he could easily halt if revenue fell. The cuts include $500 million for a loan program to fund affordable student housing at colleges and a reduction of $485 million for work study programs for students.

Yet the governor and lawmakers have been criticized for choosing to pull money from the state’s rainy-day fund — $5.1 billion in 2024-25 and $7.1 billion planned the following year — to avoid deeper cuts. Democrats also plan to take $900 million from a safety net reserve account next year.

Tapping into the state’s piggy bank now has raised concerns about what could happen to state programs serving California’s neediest if the economy falls into recession and state revenues drop even lower.

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Democrats at the state Capitol released a broad overview of some of the cuts the Legislature will vote on next week before the budget takes effect on July 1.

Newsom and lawmakers said the agreement includes proposed legislation requiring the state, in the future, to set aside surplus funds for subsequent budget years as a means to protect against the revenue swings and a constitutional amendment in 2026 to grow the state’s rainy-day fund. Details were not shared with the announcement.

Here’s what we know so far about the agreement:

Pushing off a healthcare minimum wage hike

Newsom signed a bill into law last year to give healthcare workers a minimum-wage increase to $25 per hour. He waited a few weeks to explain that he wouldn’t allow the law to take effect if the state budget crisis worsened.

At the time, the Department of Finance estimated that the law could cost the state $2 billion. Labor unions said the cost was closer to $300 million, if the state required hospitals to cover much of the cost.

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Newsom’s concerns, which he said he shared with unions before he signed the law, set off months of private negotiations over when to raise wages and how to pay for the increase.

Those talks finally ended with the budget agreement, which delays the pay hike from taking effect until Oct. 15 at the earliest, instead of this month as originally planned.

The start date for the pay hike hinges on one of two scenarios: state revenues in the first quarter of the fiscal year coming in 3% above projections, or more federal funding for hospitals through a quality-assurance fee. If neither happens, the increase could be delayed beyond October.

Lawmakers and the governor are essentially using the quality-assurance fee as a mechanism to assure hospitals can pay for the increase. Hospitals pay quality-assurance fees, the federal government matches the money and then remits the funding back to hospitals.

The federal increase requested by the state is expected to cover 30% of the cost of the higher wages for hospitals.

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The budget pegs the state cost for the program at $600 million in 2024-25.

No solution on battle over MCO tax

The question of how to use the proceeds of a tax on managed care organizations, known as the MCO tax, turned out to be the most difficult to answer in budget negotiations. So challenging, in fact, that talks fizzled out and Newsom threatened to oppose a ballot measure backed by some of his closest allies.

The tax applies to health insurance providers that charge fixed monthly payments for services and acts as a mechanism to allow California to collect billions in additional federal funds for Medi-Cal, California’s healthcare system for low-income residents.

Newsom and lawmakers renewed the tax last June and agreed to use some of the proceeds to raise reimbursement rates to providers who serve Medi-Cal patients. For years, doctors have waged an unsuccessful campaign to raise rates, arguing that the reimbursements are too low, result in a shortage of doctors willing to accept patients and restrict access to care.

But Newsom reversed course and proposed taking more than $6 billion from the Medi-Cal rate increases over multiple years and using the funding instead to avoid cuts to the program.

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The change pitted Newsom against a coalition led by the California Medical Assn. and Planned Parenthood, two groups that have supported the governor’s causes and backed his campaigns.

The coalition called for the governor to stick to the agreement he made in 2023 to raise rates for providers. They also are leading a charge to pass a measure on the 2024 ballot that would permanently establish an MCO tax to fund higher reimbursement rates.

The governor wants the coalition to take the measure off the ballot. He wants the funds to be flexible so the state can use the money if necessary to support the Medi-Cal system in the future.

The coalition has so far declined to take the measure off the ballot, afraid Democrats would divert the funding again. The talks ended in a stalemate.

The final state budget includes $6.9 billion next year to support the Medi-Cal system.

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Newsom and lawmakers agreed to offer a smaller pot of money for “provider rate increases and investments” from the MCO tax, but far less money than was previously set aside. The budget includes $133 million in 2024-25 and a plan to raise that to $728 million in 2025-26 and $1.2 billion the following year.

Democrats said the MCO funding would become “inoperable,” essentially eliminated, if the measure is approved on the 2024 ballot.

The governor threatened to campaign against the measure as the talks soured, setting up the possibility that Newsom could challenge his supporters in the November election.

A pause on business tax breaks

The budget deal limits total tax credits for businesses in the state to $5 million per filer and pauses a net operating loss tax deduction for businesses with income of more than $1 million in 2024, 2025 and 2026.

In a concession to the business community, Newsom and lawmakers are allowing companies to receive refunds for the tax credits after the limits end.

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Newsom originally proposed halting and capping the tax breaks beginning in 2025. But Democrats in the Legislature pushed to apply the changes a year earlier, allowing them to avoid cuts to other programs.

The administration said the changes to the tax breaks will increase revenues by nearly $15 billion through 2026.

The early start could hurt businesses who were planning to deduct losses from their 2024 taxes and now have to scramble to scale back on employees or inventory to cover the cost of an unexpectedly higher bill. The limit also marks the second time in five years that the state has capped tax credits, which could turn away companies that operate in California.

Big cut to prisons

Lawmakers previously proposed an additional $1 billion in cuts to the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, which included at least $12 million in reductions to the governor’s project to transform San Quentin. Newsom’s proposed cuts had included $80.6 million in savings from the newly announced deactivation of 46 housing units at 13 state prisons.

The final agreement drops funding for corrections by $750 million total, including cuts to operations and savings from eliminating vacant jobs.

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Newsom supports another round of homelessness grants

In late May, Democrats in the Legislature proposed spending $1 billion more than the governor had budgeted on a sixth round of Homeless Housing, Assistance and Prevention grants to local governments to combat the homelessness crisis. At the same time, lawmakers proposed cutting $100 million in funding to clean up homeless encampments in the current budget year.

The final budget deal appears to show a compromise.

The deal includes $1 billion in additional homelessness grants, which the governor and lawmakers said would be tied to new accountability measures to make sure local governments use the funding appropriately. The agreement also provides $150 million next year for encampment grants.

Broadband internet access for all — a little later

The pandemic exposed the need to improve access to broadband internet in homes across California when K-12 education shifted from the classroom to remote learning. Low-income families and those who live in rural areas often lack the same connectivity as more wealthy communities.

Newsom has sought to make internet access more equitable under a “broadband for all” initiative.

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The spending plan delays $550 million in funding for “last mile” work, which connects the network to homes, until the 2027 budget year. The budget agreement still offers $250 million next year for a program to expand and improve the fiber-optic network under “middle-mile” projects, and Democrats intend to provide a total of $2 billion for last-mile work over multiple years.

A funding delay for public schools

Under Proposition 98, approved by voters in 1988, California has a minimum funding guarantee for schools and community colleges.

Earlier this year, Newsom proposed an unusual maneuver to go back and recharacterize funding in 2022-23 to reflect the lower-than-expected state revenue.

The California Teachers Assn. said the change would have ultimately reduced funding for schools by about $12 billion over two years. The union ran a television ad criticizing Newsom’s proposal to pressure him to reverse course.

Newsom and teachers ultimately agreed late last month to a complicated solution that suspends the minimum funding guarantee and delays $5.5 billion in funding until future years.

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Emerging market currencies suffer worst start to the year since 2020

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Emerging market currencies suffer worst start to the year since 2020

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Emerging market currencies are on track for their worst first half of the year since 2020, pushed lower by an unexpectedly strong dollar and an unwind in a popular trading strategy across Latin American markets.

JPMorgan’s emerging markets foreign exchange index has fallen 4.4 per cent so far this year, a drop more than twice as large as the same period in the three previous years. The move has come as investors have torn up hopes of rapid US interest rate cuts in 2024 and nerves around weakening economies and expansive fiscal policies have pushed currencies in some major emerging markets lower.

“It’s the combination of a more resilient economy in the US and, on the emerging markets side, emerging markets like Chile, Hungary and Brazil have kept cutting rates,” said Luis Costa, global head of emerging markets strategy at Citigroup. 

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“And let’s be honest the prospects for growth in EM are not amazing for this year and the next — there’s a continued contraction in global trade and it’s a very complicated year for elections,” he added.

Much of the recent weakness has come from the unwinding of so-called carry trades, where investors profit from differences in yields between currencies. The trade had been popular with emerging market investors earlier this year.

But in larger emerging markets in particular, these trades have run into trouble as elections made assets more volatile and the future path of local interest rates also became less clear.

Recent weakness in the Mexican peso has been “an example of the unwinding of a sizeable foreign exchange carry trade that was previously building up for two years, from mid 2022 to end-May 2024”, JPMorgan analysts said this week.

The Mexican peso has fallen by almost ten per cent since the country’s ruling Morena party won a landslide victory that stoked concerns about fiscal policy in Mexico and increased interference in the economy. Investors say the effects rippled across other Latin American currencies such as the Colombian peso and Brazilian real. 

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“LatAm foreign exchange has been the one mostly responsible for the recent weakness — it was kicked off by some of the political changes but there was very heavy positioning in some of the higher carry currencies and it caused the whole trade to unwind,” said Grant Webster, a portfolio manager at fund firm Ninety One. 

Some investors have been switching carry trades from larger markets such as Brazil towards smaller, poorer economies that are exiting periods of turmoil and where they believe policies including high interest rates still make bets on local currency bonds attractive, for instance Nigeria and Egypt.

Asian currencies, among the most impacted by a weak Chinese economy, have also struggled this year. The South Korean won has fallen 7 per cent against the dollar, while the Thai baht and the Indonesian rupiah have each fallen around 6.5 per cent.

Currencies around the world have struggled this year to perform against the dollar, which is up 4.5 per cent against a basket of six major currencies, after strong US economic data and sticky inflation forced a big rethink on the outlook for interest rates.

Investors are now betting on two rate cuts by the Federal Reserve this year, down from six or seven at the start of the year. 

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“A bit more than half of EM weakness has been about dollar strength,” said Kieran Curtis, emerging market portfolio manager at Abrdn. “At the start of the year investors thought there could be six or seven [US] rate cuts this year — and now there could be none.”

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