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The memoirs of a ‘Forrest Gump’ of banking shine light on an era

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The memoirs of a ‘Forrest Gump’ of banking shine light on an era

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In a break during a tense 2009 Citigroup board meeting, one of Wall Street’s more influential figures Robert Rubin approached the firm’s outside investment banking adviser, Scott Bok.

Former US Treasury secretary Rubin, at that time a Citi executive, told Bok he knew his father, mistakenly presuming he was the son of Derek Bok, the esteemed scholar and former president of Harvard University. The origins of the banker’s father were far more humble — a Midwestern high school dropout, he supported his family by installing telephone poles. This start, however, did not hinder an eventful four-decade career on Wall Street recounted in Scott Bok’s memoirs Surviving Wall Street: A Tale of Triumph, Tragedy and Timing set to published next week.

Over that run, he raked in hundreds of millions of dollars in stock and pay (he also bought Greenhill shares at times), eventually accumulating enough stature to become the chair of trustees of an Ivy League university as well as Manhattan’s American Museum of Natural History. 

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Relative to the biggest names on Wall Street, Bok makes perhaps a B-list grandee — something that his autobiography candidly acknowledges. Bok told me he likened his professional arc to that of Forrest Gump — maybe not the most important guy in the room but one with at least a front-row seat at several historic moments, propelling him to a position of influence outside Wall Street.

While the book has been in the works since the pandemic, it raises some questions that seem very relevant in 2025 — including whether all the social, political, and cultural might that financiers have accrued in a golden age of US finance has ultimately been a good thing for the rest of America, including people like Bok’s own father. And then whether this era will be shattered by an inward-looking Trump presidency.

I first met Bok 20 years ago when I applied for a job at Greenhill & Co, the merger advisory boutique founded a decade earlier by Robert Greenhill, a pioneering investment banker. Greenhill spent decades at Morgan Stanley and founded his eponymous firm after a stint at Smith Barney, where he had been fired in the mid-1990s by Sandy Weill and replaced by his deputy Jamie Dimon. Greenhill recruited Bok, then in his late 30s and a veteran of corporate law and Morgan Stanley, to lead deals and then increasingly to run the start-up Greenhill & Co.

The firm thrived straightaway both in New York and London, finding that chief executives liked working with smaller firms.

When I met Bok for that interview in 2005, Greenhill had just gone public and a few years later hit a $2bn market capitalisation. It was a heady time, coming ahead of the extended boom in dealmaking around the world just as hedge funds and private equity were proliferating. Innumerable personal fortunes were minted as stock markets, with only a few blips, kept soaring.

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The Greenhill executive team repeatedly took money off the table in share sales and dividend proceeds. The Greenhill firm, however, did not fare so well. Several formidable competitor firms formed and Bok failed to keep up. Once-flattering media attention dried up as well. Bok chronicles his various minor clashes with journalists, including me. In 2023, the Japanese bank Mizuho acquired Greenhill for $550mn, much in assumed debt. The per share purchase price of $15 was a far cry from the $90 the firm traded at in the late 2000s.

The Greenhill sale and its lessons about the fragility of financial institutions was intended to be the coda of Bok’s book. But events intervened and provided a gripping conclusion. Bok was drawn into a very public spotlight because of his role as chair of the trustees at the University of Pennsylvania amid the college protests that followed the Hamas terror attack in Israel on October 7, 2023. Bok backed the school’s then president and the institution’s handling of campus affairs though both ultimately resigned under pressure.

Bok offers his first detailed version of those events here — well worth a read and reflection. He also observes that the fracas ultimately degenerated into a fight between the differing agendas of a group of millionaire and billionaire benefactors, even as the university remained an institution with a wide range of students, graduates and research.

Bok, like many among the Wall Street ruling class, owes much of his fortune to riding a wave of money-spinning in the US over the past 40 years. At the end of a top run, Bok has the humility to acknowledge this good luck. A series of high-flying careers are set to wrap up in coming years and I’m curious to see which other Masters of the Universe will be as introspective.

sujeet.indap@ft.com

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Map: 4.9-Magnitude Earthquake Shakes Louisiana

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Map: 4.9-Magnitude Earthquake Shakes Louisiana

Note: Map shows the area with a shake intensity of 4 or greater, which U.S.G.S. defines as “light,” though the earthquake may be felt outside the areas shown.  All times on the map are Central time. The New York Times

A light, 4.9-magnitude earthquake struck in Louisiana on Thursday, according to the United States Geological Survey.

The temblor happened at 5:30 a.m. Central time about 6 miles west of Edgefield, La., data from the agency shows.

U.S.G.S. data earlier reported that the magnitude was 4.4.

As seismologists review available data, they may revise the earthquake’s reported magnitude. Additional information collected about the earthquake may also prompt U.S.G.S. scientists to update the shake-severity map.

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Source: United States Geological Survey | Notes: Shaking categories are based on the Modified Mercalli Intensity scale. When aftershock data is available, the corresponding maps and charts include earthquakes within 100 miles and seven days of the initial quake. All times above are Central time. Shake data is as of Thursday, March 5 at 8:40 a.m. Eastern. Aftershocks data is as of Thursday, March 5 at 10:46 a.m. Eastern.

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Donald Trump has no ‘phase two’ plan for Iran war, says US senator

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Donald Trump has no ‘phase two’ plan for Iran war, says US senator

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Man accused of plot to assassinate Trump testifies Iran pressured him, says Biden and Haley were other possible targets

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Man accused of plot to assassinate Trump testifies Iran pressured him, says Biden and Haley were other possible targets

The allegation sounded like the stuff of spy movies: A Pakistani businessman trying to hire hit men, even handing them $5,000 in cash, to kill a U.S. politician on behalf of Iran ‘s powerful paramilitary Revolutionary Guard.

It was true, and potential targets of the 2024 scheme included now-President Donald Trump, then-President Joe Biden and former presidential candidate and ex-U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley, the man told jurors at his attempted terrorism trial in New York on Wednesday. But he insisted his actions were driven by fear for loved ones in Iran, and he figured he’d be apprehended before anything came of the scheme.

“My family was under threat, and I had to do this,” the defendant, Asif Merchant, testified through an Urdu interpreter. “I was not wanting to do this so willingly.”

Merchant said he had anticipated getting arrested before anyone was killed, intended to cooperate with the U.S. government and had hoped that would help him get a green card.

U.S. authorities were, indeed, on to him – the supposed hit men he paid were actually undercover FBI agents – and he was arrested on July 12, 2024, a day before an unrelated attempt on Trump’s life in Butler, Pennsylvania.  During a search, investigators said they found a handwritten note that contained the codewords for the various aspects of the plot, CBS News previously reported

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Merchant did sit for voluntary FBI interviews, but he ultimately ended up with a trial, not a cooperation deal.

“You traveled to the United States for the purpose of hiring Mafia members to kill a politician, correct?” Assistant U.S. Attorney Nina Gupta asked during her turn questioning Merchant Wednesday in a Brooklyn federal court.

“That’s right,” Merchant replied, his demeanor as matter-of-fact as his testimony was unusual.

The trial is unfolding amid the less than week-old Iran war, which killed Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in a strike that Trump summed up as “I got him before he got me.” Jurors are instructed to ignore news pertaining to the case.

The Iranian government has denied plotting to kill Trump or other U.S. officials.

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Merchant, 47, had a roughly 20-year banking career in Pakistan before getting involved in an array of businesses: clothing, car sales, banana exports, insulation imports. He openly has two families, one in Pakistan and the other in Iran – where, he said, he was introduced around the end of 2022 to a Revolutionary Guard intelligence operative. They initially spoke about getting involved in a hawala, an informal money transfer system, Merchant said.

Merchant testified that his periodic visits to the U.S. for his garment business piqued the interest of his Revolutionary Guard contact, who trained him on countersurveillance techniques.

The U.S. deems the Revolutionary Guard a “foreign terrorist organization.” Formally called the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the force has been prominent in Iran under Khamenei.

Merchant said the handler told him to seek U.S. residents interested in working for Iran. Then came another assignment: Look for a criminal to arrange protests, steal things, do some money laundering, “and maybe have somebody murdered,” Merchant recalled.

“He did not tell me exactly who it is, but he told me – he named three people: Donald Trump, Joe Biden and Nikki Haley,” he added.

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In 2024, multiple sources familiar with the investigation told CBS News Merchant planned to assassinate current and former government officials across the political spectrum.

Merchant allegedly sketched out the plot on a napkin inside his New York hotel room, prosecutors said, and told the individual “that there would be ‘security all around’ the person” they were planning to kill.

“No other option”

After U.S. immigration agents pulled Merchant aside at the Houston airport in April 2024, searched his possessions and asked about his travels to Iran, he concluded that he was under surveillance. But still he researched Trump rally locations, sketched out a plot for a shooting at a political rally, lined up the supposed hit men and scrambled together $5,000 from a cousin to pay them a “token of appreciation.”

This image provided by the Justice Department, contained in the complaint supporting the arrest warrant, shows Asif Merchant. 

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He even reported back to his Revolutionary Guard contact, sending observations – fake, Merchant said – tucked into a book that he shipped to Iran through a series of intermediaries.

Merchant said he “had no other option” than to play along because the handler had indicated that he knew who Merchant’s Iranian relatives were and where they lived.

In a court filing this week, prosecutors noted that Merchant didn’t seek out law enforcement to help with his purported predicament before he was arrested. He testified that he couldn’t turn to authorities because his handler had people watching him.

Prosecutors also said that in his FBI interviews, Merchant “neglected to mention any facts that could have supported” an argument that he acted under duress.

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Merchant told jurors Wednesday that he didn’t think agents would believe his story, because their questions suggested “they think that I’m some type of super-spy.”

“And are you a super-spy?” defense lawyer Avraham Moskowitz asked.

“No,” Merchant said. “Absolutely not.”

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