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Analysis: After over three decades of covering Russia, I leave in despair

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Analysis: After over three decades of covering Russia, I leave in despair

Russian President Vladimir Putin is not simply destroying Ukraine, however two nations, condemning Russians to an isolation they did not essentially select.

Over the previous couple of months whereas I have been reporting from Moscow, I’ve met many individuals who’ve been horrified, shocked and numbed by Putin’s wanton aggression. A few of them believed him when he stated he would not invade Ukraine. Some even knew gamers within the Kremlin internal circle and thought they understood the President’s pink strains, however now that belief is blown they usually worry he has no limits in any respect.

What makes Putin’s actions all of the extra galling is how he executed his plot in plain sight. Distracting with one hand, transfixing consideration on diplomacy, even whereas insisting falsely that his massed troops had been finishing up workouts on Ukraine’s borders.

Peculiar Muscovites did not even flinch as he perpetrated this betrayal by marching the nation to struggle on a cocktail of fastidiously stewed grievances.
Putin spent years constructing a false narrative alongside together with his empire. The desires that he was denied, akin to NATO withdrawing to 1997 strains or barring Ukraine from membership, was the West’s fault, he claimed. But when Putin did imagine Russia’s safety was threatened, and that the fashionable western world was pitted towards him, the reality was that he by no means adjusted to the altering dynamics of the twenty first century.

A style of freedom

My first go to to Moscow got here in 1990 not lengthy after the Iron Curtain started to fall. I might seen the Berlin Wall come down within the earlier 12 months, heralding the reunification of East and West Germany, and was in Bucharest shortly afterwards when Romanian President Nicolae Ceaușescu was deposed.

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Again then a packet of American Marlboro cigarettes waved on the roadside exterior the CNN bureau on the imposing Kutuzovsky Prospekt bought you a taxi journey, one other pack paid for a haircut. Moscow was lastly connecting to the world; our bureau had cellphone strains that I helped set up as a younger engineer that had been direct satellite tv for pc extensions to our Atlanta switchboard.

Throughout these shiny, lengthy summer time days, the USSR’s final chief Mikhail Gorbachev gave our community permission to erect a stage on Crimson Sq. within the middle of the Russian capital. We had been the primary western media to broadcast dwell from the fabled army parade floor, yards from Lenin’s tomb within the shadow of the Kremlin’s foreboding brick partitions, and had been witness to the Soviet Union’s final get together Congress.

The world was altering, the Chilly Conflict thawing, new horizons beckoning, and a technology of Russians was about to style the freedoms they craved.

'It's a tragedy we are witnessing': How Putin killed off Russia's free press

Seven years later I helped Gorbachev — who had been ousted from energy not lengthy after our Crimson Sq. debut, ousted following a coup, and succeeded by the alcoholic Boris Yeltsin — climb a rickety iron ladder to a different dwell stage on the high of a swanky new western chain lodge the place we had been overlaying the elections that 12 months. Democracy appeared at hand.

Nights in Moscow in ’97 had been wild, with revelers dancing in — and infrequently on — the bars. The nation was on a journey, with huge fortunes to be made, oligarchs newly minted as gamekeepers turned poachers, KGB apparatchiks grew to become mafia dons buying state property, and Putin was threading his strategy to energy.

Within the waning minutes of the twentieth century Yeltsin plucked Putin from among the many money-corrupted milieu within the Kremlin to exchange him as Russian President — and in return, Yeltsin, who had battled corruption allegations, bought immunity from prosecution.
Two weeks of war have revealed cracks in Putin's master plan for Ukraine

For some time after Putin rose to energy on the flip of the millennium, there was a glimmer of the modernizer about Russia’s new chief, however that fame did not final lengthy. With unbridled ardour he quickly tapped into nationalism, embraced imperial nostalgia and the conservatism of the Russian Orthodox Church stoked Soviet-era suspicions of westerners and stifled dissent. None of this was accomplished to make Russia a greater place wherein to dwell; it simply made simpler for him to rule.

He rapidly shed all vestiges of the liberal pores and skin he readily admits was by no means his: In his thoughts, the breakup of the Soviet Union had been a nationwide catastrophe and one which he meant to proper. And although he got here to energy pledging to eradicate corruption, in actuality it solely spiraled underneath his rule.

This 12 months, whereas I’ve been in Moscow overlaying the buildup and outbreak of struggle in neighboring Ukraine, it grew to become painfully clear to me that, simply because the Nazis did in Germany through the Thirties and 40s, Putin has had legal guidelines made to his order. And like many a strongman earlier than him, the Russian President is ruthlessly unleashing the compliant and complicit state equipment that he himself constructed, to obediently implement them.

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Briefly, his each want is instantly executed.

A burning rage

In latest days Moscow’s clogged arteries have pulsed to flashing blue lights of police autos of each dimension and form, from lowly site visitors cops to lumbering vehicles loaded with not too long ago arrested protesters, their strident sirens insisting different site visitors yield to them as they blast their approach via.

As extra Ukrainian cities crumbled underneath Russian bombardment, at dwelling riot-ready cops enforced Putin’s Orwellian writ to crush any sympathy for his or her neighbors. Throughout Russia, greater than 1,000 protesters a day had been arrested through the first week of the struggle.

We watched as younger and previous alike, women and men had been body-slammed, arms bent excruciatingly behind backs, faces slammed on flooring, legs kicked aside by a well-trained, well-paid, menacing human machine. A department of the state has been grown for this objective, and it’s now being wielded unflinchingly.

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Putin delivers a speech during a Victory Day military parade at Red Square in Moscow in 2018.

There’s a burning rage if you see what’s occurring in each Ukraine and Russia, understanding innocents will endure, and you discover your voice strangled and struggling to shout towards the apparent concocted madness of Putin’s justification for the struggle.

Every morally repugnant outrageous act witnessed is one other coal to that inner fireplace. Every freezing night watching protesters arrested for daring to query Putin’s struggle, daring to precise their very own views, turns chill to raging flame.

This additionally, just like the struggle in Ukraine, is the crucible of autocracy’s problem to democracy, the place freedom meets brute pressure and cynical legal guidelines.

Putin has formed the Russian state completely in his picture, a transfer that won’t be simply righted. The bulk are cowed, the complicit in too deep to reverse their actions, his sanctioned cronies warned to swallow their anger and take the losses for the staff like true patriots.

On aspect streets away from the riot police, anti-war protesters choked again their emotions as they informed us their agonies, of “loving Russia,” “hating Putin” and torn about desirous to be “wherever” however right here.

Putin has sown a bitter harvest, with worldwide condemnation reinforcing his tropes, strengthening his hand by silencing the unwilling. Impartial media, on life help since Russian safety providers allegedly poisoned opposition chief Alexey Navalny virtually two years in the past, is all of a sudden suffocating underneath harsh new media legal guidelines gagging any criticism, punishable with as much as 15 years in jail.

Lower than a month earlier than Putin’s invasion, I met anchor Ekaterina Kotrikadze of TV Rain, one of many final unbiased stations. Her phrases then had been prophetic: “You possibly can by no means make certain that tomorrow your TV station will nonetheless be alive and on air and broadcasting.”

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Days after the struggle began, Putin had it shut down. Kotrikadze, an eloquent voice of Russia’s dispossessed shiny hopes, is now on the run, exterior of Russia along with her editor husband and their good younger youngsters. The nation is darker with out them.

Russian police detain a protester in downtown Moscow on March 6.

Putin’s so referred to as “Particular Navy Operation” in Ukraine appears to be like like all his earlier wars: Syria, Chechnya and Georgia. Lives crushed, cities blindly smashed by long-range rockets and artillery shells to sate his imaginative and prescient.

It is inconceivable to know the place his rage ends, in Ukraine or past. Putin insists Ukraine will not be an actual nation, and in reality a part of Russia, however will he cease even when he conquers it? Or is NATO, as he claims, the true downside, suggesting he might cease on the Western army alliance’s border? Will there be a brand new Iron Curtain or will World Conflict III erupt just like the final one did — from the conniving calculating wishes of 1 man?

In Moscow there isn’t a have to reply that. On the way in which to the airport Saturday, I noticed what gave the impression to be Putin’s cavalcade storm previous at breakneck pace in a blaze of flashing lights and sirens, site visitors in his course barred from the street. It was a well timed reminder, if I wanted one, of an emperor unchallenged in his area.

A part of the ache of seeing all that is understanding that a lot of Russia’s huge wealth of mind and sources lies untapped. In the meantime, one man and his cronies is destroying the nation.

What I do know for certain as I go away, and can proceed to carry on to via all of the ugly tomorrows that Putin is poised to inflict, is that that is his struggle and never Russia’s. The query dealing with the world in the present day is clarify that distinction.

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How Jimmy Carter Launched His Career and Cemented His Legacy in Atlanta

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How Jimmy Carter Launched His Career and Cemented His Legacy in Atlanta

The mythology of Jimmy Carter begins and ends in Plains, the small Georgia town that raised him and kept drawing him back.

Yet roughly 150 miles away is Atlanta, a city just as essential to understanding the life of the 39th president. If Plains was his home, Georgia’s capital was his stage. If Plains reflected Mr. Carter’s small-town character, Atlanta fit his global ambitions.

While it was never a permanent home, Atlanta allowed him to develop policy priorities and kick off a national political career. Then, after leaving Washington, it gave him the space to burnish a humanitarian legacy, housing his efforts to promote equality, peace and democratic ideals.

Now, because Mr. Carter and his wife, Rosalynn, chose to place the Carter Center, their presidential library and the crown jewel of their post-presidential work, in the city, it is where hundreds of visitors will shuffle through the cold to pay their respects while he lies in repose through Tuesday.

“It would have been inconceivable to put everything in Atlanta and to move to Atlanta, because that’s not where they’re from, that’s not who they are,” Jason Carter, Mr. Carter’s grandson, said in an interview. But, he added, “the platform that was available to them in Atlanta was going to be exactly what they needed to have this global jumping-off point.”

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Mr. Carter was undeniably shaped by the years he spent in youth on his father’s peanut farm. But beginning with his campaign to serve in the State Senate, he sought to bridge what was often a yawning divide between the rural region where he grew up and the urban engine of the state.

The effort helped shape a career that played out equally on large public stages like Atlanta and more intimate and personal ones like Plains.

“He could relate to people who did not have voices in those big rooms,” said Shannon Heath-Longino, who recounted how Mr. Carter listened to Eva Davis, her grandmother and a champion for revitalizing the East Lake neighborhood of Atlanta, about her vision. He even went to Washington with her to help secure crucial housing funds, she said.

“We had not had the best relationship with political leaders and people being people of their word once they’re elected,” she added. “He was just a man of his word.”

There are the obvious personal influences of the big city. The younger Mr. Carter joked that his grandfather may never have had a Pepsi, given the Coca-Cola headquarters in Atlanta, and always tried to take his commercial flights through Delta Air Lines, in a nod to its prominence in the city.

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And there was his rain-or-shine devotion to the Atlanta Braves. Mr. Carter and his wife often attended games and were on occasion caught on the kiss cam that panned over the home crowd.

“He would sit there in the rain and cheer the team on — and he was a die-hard fan, a real fan,” said Terry McGuirk, the chairman of the Braves. He added that Mr. Carter had perhaps “the purest love of the game that I have ever seen out of a president.”

But as a political figure who grew his influence in Atlanta, he helped shape its growth and many of the people who would go on to lead or represent the city and the ideals it valued.

As a state senator, Mr. Carter voted to establish the city’s main public transportation authority and later, as governor, oversaw a sales tax increase to help fund its growth and operations. He overhauled the state government, oversaw new mental health and education policies and established a judicial nominating commission.

He “diversified government,” said Dr. Meredith Evans, the director of the president’s library and museum, by elevating women and people of color into positions of power.

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“His door was always open — and people sought his counsel in Atlanta,” she added, calling it “a quiet force.”

Mr. Carter was also instrumental in preserving the legacies of some of Atlanta’s most important figures, including Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. He hung a portrait of the civil rights icon in the Capitol gallery during his term as governor. As president, he designated Dr. King’s home and neighborhood a national historic site and helped raise millions of dollars to help fulfill the King family’s ambitions of building the King Center.

“He laid that foundation to make that recognition,” recalled Dr. Bernice King, the daughter of Dr. King and chief executive of the King Center. She added, “these partners, relationships, working together have really made Atlanta a world class city — I don’t think it could have happened without the alignment of the King family and President Carter.”

After his single term in the White House, it quickly became clear that Mr. Carter, who was 56 at the time, would return to his home state.

“He wasn’t the kind of person who’s going to move into a mansion in Atlanta and tap into corporate boards,” said Sheffield Hale, the president and chief executive of the Atlanta History Center. But, Mr. Hale added, “he was deeply rooted in Georgia.”

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His devotion to Plains and frugal inclinations meant he spent years sleeping on a pullout couch or Murphy bed during his regular visits to Atlanta. But he still honed connections with Emory University, where he would serve on faculty, team up with the school to open the Carter Center and frequently lecture. (Mr. Carter earned tenure after 37 years, at 94.)

He also helmed the Atlanta Project, a plan to address housing, unemployment and other problems in the city, ahead of the 1996 Olympics.

“Being a relatively young man when he left the presidency and determined, as he was, to make the most of the gifts he’d been given and the opportunities he’d been given, Plains was not going to be a big enough of a landscape for President Carter and his ambitions,” said Joe Crespino, an Emory University history professor. He added that his students frequently peppered the former president with questions based on his papers.

The placement of the Carter Center — which houses a traditional presidential library in tandem with a private organization focused on health care and peace — cemented the former president’s connection to Atlanta. (Dr. Evans, of the Carter library, noted that the easy logistics of the city helped overtake Mr. Carter’s initial vision to put the library in Plains.)

Its permanent location was not without conflict, as the initial plans for the center included building a new highway — decades after Mr. Carter, as governor, had opposed similar construction. A coalition of neighborhoods fought against the new parkway until a compromise was struck, one that led to both the creation of the center and about 200 acres of greenery for what is now Freedom Park.

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In a symbol of its importance, the center is now the centerpiece of the tributes to Mr. Carter in Georgia, with flowers and jars of peanuts left at its entrance. The family made a point of holding its first full service there in Atlanta on Saturday, before mourners arrived to pay respects.

“He was a great neighbor, a tremendous friend,” said Brian Maloof, who still owns Manuel’s Tavern, the Atlanta bar where Mr. Carter announced his campaign for governor and continued to visit over the years. “We’re going to miss him.”

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Chinese venture capitalists force failed founders on to debtor blacklist

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Chinese venture capitalists force failed founders on to debtor blacklist

Chinese venture capitalists are hounding failed founders, pursuing personal assets and adding them to a national debtor blacklist when they fail to pay up, in moves that are throwing the country’s start-up funding ecosystem into crisis.

The hard-nosed tactics by risk capital providers have been facilitated by clauses known as redemption rights, included in nearly all the financing deals struck during China’s boom times.

“My investors verbally promised they wouldn’t enforce them, that they had never enforced them before — and in ’17 and ’18 that was true — no one was enforcing them,” said Neuroo Education founder Wang Ronghui, who now owes investors millions of dollars after her childcare chain stumbled during the pandemic.

While they are relatively rare in US venture investing, Shanghai-based law firm Lifeng Partners estimates that more than 80 per cent of venture and private equity deals in China contain redemption provisions.

They typically require companies, and often their founders as well, to buy back investors’ shares plus interest if certain targets such as an initial public offering timeline, valuation goals or revenue metrics are not met.

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“It’s causing huge harm to the venture ecosystem because if a start-up fails, the founder is essentially facing asset seizures and spending restrictions,” said a Hangzhou-based lawyer who has represented several indebted entrepreneurs and asked not to be named. “They can never recover.”

Lifeng, in its recent report on redemption rights, said they had turned entrepreneurship into a “game of unlimited liability”. In 90 per cent of investor lawsuits, the firm said, founders were named as defendants alongside companies, with 10 per cent of the individuals ultimately added to China’s debtor blacklist.

Once blacklisted, it is nearly impossible for individuals to start another business. They are also blocked from a range of economic activities, such as taking planes or high-speed trains, staying in hotels or leaving China. The country lacks a personal bankruptcy law, making it extremely difficult for most to escape the debts.

With Chinese funds and VC firms now struggling to return capital to their outside investors, a growing number have turned to redemption clauses to recoup as much money as possible. Lifeng estimates that 20 per cent of all investor exits in 2021 and 2022 came from companies repurchasing their investors’ shares and that more than 10,000 VC or private equity-backed Chinese groups face redemption issues.

A start-up adviser who did not wish to be named said the situation was perversely incentivising VCs to pursue portfolio companies that were doing well but lacked an immediate path to a sale or an IPO.

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“VCs are putting pressure on the start-ups that can pay,” he said. “It’s not venture — it’s debt.”

The number of entrepreneurs caught up by the legal actions continues to grow. They include Wang Ziru, who a decade ago grabbed attention as a brash young founder and raised tens of millions of renminbi for his tech media and review platform Zealer.

By 2021, with traffic waning, Wang left for an executive role at home appliance giant Gree. Then, on August 9 last year, a Shenzhen court hit the 36-year-old with spending restrictions for failing to pay a Zealer investor Rmb34mn ($4.7mn), an amount that had snowballed with interest from the VC’s initial Rmb19mn equity investment, according to a lawyer briefed on the case. Wang lost his job a few days later.

The founder is contesting the judgment and said on social media he was not notified of the lawsuit and that the deal’s redemption provision was not triggered.

Wang Ziru’s spending restriction order from a Shenzhen court

One of China’s most famous entrepreneurs, Luo Yonghao, turned his struggle to repay debts from his failed smartphone start-up Smartisan into a spectacle, eventually hawking enough iPhones and office chairs in online video livestreams to pay off suppliers and remove his name from the debtor blacklist in 2020.

Then some of Smartisan’s investors came demanding Luo pay hundreds of millions more in renminbi to buy back their shares.

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“Investment is not a loan,” Luo wrote on the social media platform Weibo in August last year. “When a venture capital deal fails, one must accept the outcome. Those who resort to underhanded tactics against entrepreneurs because they can’t bear the result are, without a doubt, unscrupulous capitalists.”

The cases have filled Chinese courts. Records show Xu Mingqi lost his company and all of his other identifiable assets to investors after his materials group Yeagood failed to meet a promised three-year window for an IPO.

China’s supreme court in 2021 ruled that since his wife Zheng Shaoai had also worked at Yeagood, one investor could seize communal property including the apartment held in her name.

Wang, the 47-year-old childcare chain founder, has even had funds in her health insurance account seized by investors. She said her problems began in 2021, when funds connected to state-backed investor Guangdong Cultural Investment Management demanded their Rmb16mn of shares be repurchased with interest because her start-up had failed to attain a Rmb500mn valuation.

Their lawsuit torpedoed a funding round needed to offset pandemic-related closures of the group’s 36 day care centres, she said. Now, Wang owes about Rmb30mn to the GCIM-affiliated funds, Rmb11mn to banks and potentially more to other investors whose redemption clauses have yet to be triggered.

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GCIM did not respond to a request for comment.

“I built my company into an industry leader — I have ability and I have drive — but every path I try to take is a dead end,” said Wang. “An unexpected turn of events has left me permanently and utterly trapped.”

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Coldest air so far this season expected overnight in North Texas

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Coldest air so far this season expected overnight in North Texas
Coldest air so far this season expected overnight in North Texas – CBS Texas

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The National Weather Service has issued a Cold Weather Advisory that will stay in effect until 10 a.m. Monday. Be sure to bundle up.

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