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A Florida man who refused to sell his home to a developer now lives in the shadows

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A Florida man who refused to sell his home to a developer now lives in the shadows

For two decades, Orlando Capote has struggled with developers and the South Florida city of Coral Gables to protect the home his parents bought more than 35 years ago.

Saul Martinez for NPR


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Saul Martinez for NPR


For two decades, Orlando Capote has struggled with developers and the South Florida city of Coral Gables to protect the home his parents bought more than 35 years ago.

Saul Martinez for NPR

There’s something unusual about a new real estate development in the posh South Florida city of Coral Gables. Smack-dab in the middle of the million-square-foot complex, there’s a small house. On all sides, it’s surrounded — by parking garages, office buildings and a 14-story hotel.

Orlando Capote’s home is typical of many in Coral Gables. It’s a Mediterranean-style, one-story, two-bedroom stucco house with a picturesque barrel-tile roof. There used to be many homes like it in his neighborhood. Now, his is the last one left.

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“Just imagine … that your house was in the middle of Manhattan surrounded by high-rise buildings,” Capote says. “That’s what it’s like.”

Surrounded by shadows, piles of debris, big-ticket fines

For most of the year, his home is in shadows. Some of his trees and bushes are dying. His mango tree stopped giving fruit.

Just getting to Capote’s house requires special directions, taking you down one-way streets in the retail and residential complex to an unmarked alley that ends at his backyard. There are piles of yard debris that he can’t get the city to pick up, he says.

In his front yard, directly across the street from his home, cars and buses idle outside the big, new Loews hotel. Large planters have been installed in front of his house in what seems to be an effort to hide it from hotel guests.

Orlando Capote’s small home is in the middle of a million-square-foot complex, surrounded on all sides by parking garages, office buildings and a 14-story hotel.

Saul Martinez for NPR

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Saul Martinez for NPR


Orlando Capote’s small home is in the middle of a million-square-foot complex, surrounded on all sides by parking garages, office buildings and a 14-story hotel.

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Saul Martinez for NPR

For months, he’s been negotiating with the city over a series of code violations, involving everything from overgrown grass to feral cats. At one point, he says, the fines totaled nearly $30,000.

Coral Gables Mayor Vince Lago says that’s no longer the case. When it was mistakenly reported that the city had placed a lien on Capote’s property, he says city offices were overwhelmed by a flood of emails and phone calls. “We were very clear at the last commission meeting to state that we had not continued to move forward in regards to any citations or any liens in regards to code enforcement,” the mayor says.

How this tiny house became surrounded

Capote is 68 years old, a professional engineer who’s become well-versed in planning and zoning law. For two decades, he’s been engaged in a struggle against developers, the city and what used to be called “progress.” He came to Miami from Cuba with his parents as a teenager, and in 1989, they bought the home in Coral Gables.

In 2004, at the height of a real estate boom, a developer began buying up houses in the neighborhood to make way for a new project, according to Capote. “But at that time, my father was very ill and we had to take care of him,” he says. “And there was no way that I could look after my father, sell the house and go find another house.”

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Shortly afterward, Florida’s real estate bubble burst and the developer went bankrupt. The other homes in Capote’s neighborhood were demolished, and for a decade, not much happened.

Eventually, another developer, Agave Holdings, acquired the land and started moving ahead with a new, more ambitious project. In 2013, Capote says, employees of the developer came to his house and tried to get him to sign a document. When he read it, he says, he became angry. “The wording implied that we were going to sell them the property. And they could represent us in the permitting process for the project,” Capote says.

For most of the year, Orlando Capote’s home is in shadows. Some of his trees and bushes are dying, and his mango tree stopped giving fruit.

Saul Martinez for NPR


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Saul Martinez for NPR


For most of the year, Orlando Capote’s home is in shadows. Some of his trees and bushes are dying, and his mango tree stopped giving fruit.

Saul Martinez for NPR

He says he threw the papers at Agave’s representatives and told them not to come back. Later, another employee proposed a house swap — exchanging his home for a property a block away, with a car and $500,000 thrown in to sweeten the deal. Capote never responded, saying he didn’t trust the developer. Agave Holdings didn’t respond to requests for an interview.

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Capote says his worst time came during construction of the multistory development. Cranes swung over his house, and the street was closed for nearly two years. He filed a complaint with Coral Gables saying the site was unsafe because it violated fire code regulations requiring that access to buildings be no more than 150 feet from the street.

A city official visited and declared it safe. Several months later, when Capote’s elderly mother fell and couldn’t get up, he called fire rescue. Emergency personnel came to his back door but realized they couldn’t get her out that way. “They had to take her out the front door, put her on a gurney, 210 feet to the fire rescue vehicle, because that was how close the vehicle could get” due to the street closure, Capote says. “What more proof do you need that the city violated the fire codes to benefit the developer?”

“They have to find a way to coexist”

Capote’s mother went to the hospital and later a rehab facility, but she never returned home. That episode is part of a 20-year struggle that has left him bitter, especially about local government. “The laws and rules are supposed to be enforced equally to all parties. And in this case, it was not,” he says. “The city repeatedly enforced the laws and rules to the benefit of the developer at our expense.”

Just getting to Orlando Capote’s house requires special directions, taking you down one-way streets in a retail and residential complex to an unmarked alley that ends at his backyard.

Saul Martinez for NPR


hide caption

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toggle caption

Saul Martinez for NPR


Just getting to Orlando Capote’s house requires special directions, taking you down one-way streets in a retail and residential complex to an unmarked alley that ends at his backyard.

Saul Martinez for NPR

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Coral Gables Mayor Lago says the city is just enforcing long-standing regulations. But he acknowledges that Capote is in a difficult situation — living across the street from a busy 14-story hotel. “Now they’re partners in a rather large piece of property,” Lago says. “And they have to find a way to coexist.”

The irony here is that as one of Florida’s oldest planned communities, Coral Gables has a reputation of careful management of development in a way that’s consistent with the community’s history and character. Capote says that’s one reason he often gets puzzled queries from passersby who ask, “Why is a small house in the middle of this lavish development?”

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Map: 4.9-Magnitude Earthquake Shakes Louisiana

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Map: 4.9-Magnitude Earthquake Shakes Louisiana

Note: Map shows the area with a shake intensity of 4 or greater, which U.S.G.S. defines as “light,” though the earthquake may be felt outside the areas shown.  All times on the map are Central time. The New York Times

A light, 4.9-magnitude earthquake struck in Louisiana on Thursday, according to the United States Geological Survey.

The temblor happened at 5:30 a.m. Central time about 6 miles west of Edgefield, La., data from the agency shows.

U.S.G.S. data earlier reported that the magnitude was 4.4.

As seismologists review available data, they may revise the earthquake’s reported magnitude. Additional information collected about the earthquake may also prompt U.S.G.S. scientists to update the shake-severity map.

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Source: United States Geological Survey | Notes: Shaking categories are based on the Modified Mercalli Intensity scale. When aftershock data is available, the corresponding maps and charts include earthquakes within 100 miles and seven days of the initial quake. All times above are Central time. Shake data is as of Thursday, March 5 at 8:40 a.m. Eastern. Aftershocks data is as of Thursday, March 5 at 10:46 a.m. Eastern.

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Donald Trump has no ‘phase two’ plan for Iran war, says US senator

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Donald Trump has no ‘phase two’ plan for Iran war, says US senator

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Man accused of plot to assassinate Trump testifies Iran pressured him, says Biden and Haley were other possible targets

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Man accused of plot to assassinate Trump testifies Iran pressured him, says Biden and Haley were other possible targets

The allegation sounded like the stuff of spy movies: A Pakistani businessman trying to hire hit men, even handing them $5,000 in cash, to kill a U.S. politician on behalf of Iran ‘s powerful paramilitary Revolutionary Guard.

It was true, and potential targets of the 2024 scheme included now-President Donald Trump, then-President Joe Biden and former presidential candidate and ex-U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley, the man told jurors at his attempted terrorism trial in New York on Wednesday. But he insisted his actions were driven by fear for loved ones in Iran, and he figured he’d be apprehended before anything came of the scheme.

“My family was under threat, and I had to do this,” the defendant, Asif Merchant, testified through an Urdu interpreter. “I was not wanting to do this so willingly.”

Merchant said he had anticipated getting arrested before anyone was killed, intended to cooperate with the U.S. government and had hoped that would help him get a green card.

U.S. authorities were, indeed, on to him – the supposed hit men he paid were actually undercover FBI agents – and he was arrested on July 12, 2024, a day before an unrelated attempt on Trump’s life in Butler, Pennsylvania.  During a search, investigators said they found a handwritten note that contained the codewords for the various aspects of the plot, CBS News previously reported

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Merchant did sit for voluntary FBI interviews, but he ultimately ended up with a trial, not a cooperation deal.

“You traveled to the United States for the purpose of hiring Mafia members to kill a politician, correct?” Assistant U.S. Attorney Nina Gupta asked during her turn questioning Merchant Wednesday in a Brooklyn federal court.

“That’s right,” Merchant replied, his demeanor as matter-of-fact as his testimony was unusual.

The trial is unfolding amid the less than week-old Iran war, which killed Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in a strike that Trump summed up as “I got him before he got me.” Jurors are instructed to ignore news pertaining to the case.

The Iranian government has denied plotting to kill Trump or other U.S. officials.

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Merchant, 47, had a roughly 20-year banking career in Pakistan before getting involved in an array of businesses: clothing, car sales, banana exports, insulation imports. He openly has two families, one in Pakistan and the other in Iran – where, he said, he was introduced around the end of 2022 to a Revolutionary Guard intelligence operative. They initially spoke about getting involved in a hawala, an informal money transfer system, Merchant said.

Merchant testified that his periodic visits to the U.S. for his garment business piqued the interest of his Revolutionary Guard contact, who trained him on countersurveillance techniques.

The U.S. deems the Revolutionary Guard a “foreign terrorist organization.” Formally called the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the force has been prominent in Iran under Khamenei.

Merchant said the handler told him to seek U.S. residents interested in working for Iran. Then came another assignment: Look for a criminal to arrange protests, steal things, do some money laundering, “and maybe have somebody murdered,” Merchant recalled.

“He did not tell me exactly who it is, but he told me – he named three people: Donald Trump, Joe Biden and Nikki Haley,” he added.

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In 2024, multiple sources familiar with the investigation told CBS News Merchant planned to assassinate current and former government officials across the political spectrum.

Merchant allegedly sketched out the plot on a napkin inside his New York hotel room, prosecutors said, and told the individual “that there would be ‘security all around’ the person” they were planning to kill.

“No other option”

After U.S. immigration agents pulled Merchant aside at the Houston airport in April 2024, searched his possessions and asked about his travels to Iran, he concluded that he was under surveillance. But still he researched Trump rally locations, sketched out a plot for a shooting at a political rally, lined up the supposed hit men and scrambled together $5,000 from a cousin to pay them a “token of appreciation.”

This image provided by the Justice Department, contained in the complaint supporting the arrest warrant, shows Asif Merchant. 

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He even reported back to his Revolutionary Guard contact, sending observations – fake, Merchant said – tucked into a book that he shipped to Iran through a series of intermediaries.

Merchant said he “had no other option” than to play along because the handler had indicated that he knew who Merchant’s Iranian relatives were and where they lived.

In a court filing this week, prosecutors noted that Merchant didn’t seek out law enforcement to help with his purported predicament before he was arrested. He testified that he couldn’t turn to authorities because his handler had people watching him.

Prosecutors also said that in his FBI interviews, Merchant “neglected to mention any facts that could have supported” an argument that he acted under duress.

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Merchant told jurors Wednesday that he didn’t think agents would believe his story, because their questions suggested “they think that I’m some type of super-spy.”

“And are you a super-spy?” defense lawyer Avraham Moskowitz asked.

“No,” Merchant said. “Absolutely not.”

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