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Despite years of denial, Minneapolis police used secretive process for serious misconduct

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Despite years of denial, Minneapolis police used secretive process for serious misconduct


Minneapolis police leaders used a secretive process to handle serious officer misconduct cases while keeping the details confidential, despite repeated claims to the contrary.

In public meetings and statements to media, police and city officials long claimed they use coaching, a form of one-on-one mentoring, only in response to the lowest-level policy violations, like uniform infractions or not wearing a seatbelt. But new court documents reveal that some of the misconduct quietly coached in recent years is more severe.

Three officers mishandled their service weapons, one of whom fired a round into the wall of a precinct.

Another failed to report a colleague’s use of force, which resulted in injury to an individual in their custody.

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And another, who has since been promoted, let a police K-9 off leash, allowing the dog to attack a civilian.

All were coached, the documents say, meaning all records of the misconduct were shielded from public view.

The Minneapolis Police Department has used coaching more than any other means of dealing with police complaints over the past decade. Attorneys for the city say this gentler form of corrective action doesn’t amount to real discipline, and they don’t have to disclose any records to the public under Minnesota law. Critics have for years contested that the lack of transparency amounts to a rhetorical loophole the police department uses to keep bad behavior hidden.

Last year, in charging Minneapolis with a pattern of discriminatory policing, the U.S. Department of Justice criticized coaching as part of the city’s “fundamentally flawed” accountability system. Only one in four cases referred for coaching through a city oversight office ended up being coached, the charges say, and some allegations were “far from ‘low-level,’” including an officer who “smacked, kicked, and used a taser on a teen accused of shoplifting.”

The new court filings, made public as part of a government watchdog’s lawsuit, offer the fullest window yet into the police department’s convoluted coaching process. The records include nine examples of MPD using coaching to handle more serious misconduct than what the city officials have publicly claimed. They also show how city leaders have misrepresented this process in public meetings in the wake of George Floyd’s murder, even as they sought to mend fractured trust.

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In May 2021, a group of top police officials and city leaders gave a presentation on coaching to the Police Conduct Oversight Commission (PCOC), a volunteer board created by the city to make recommendations on police policy. Members of the commission pressed the officials on whether secrecy around coaching allowed former officer Derek Chauvin to work for nearly two decades unencumbered by serious excessive force complaints.

Then-Deputy Police Chief Amelia Huffman said she couldn’t speak directly to Chauvin’s case, but that coaching is only reserved for the lowest-level violations, such as problems in writing a report.

Video (00:47) In the wake of George Floyd’s murder, a police oversight commission pressed department leaders on whether coaching hides serious misconduct.

“So… something like excessive force would not be eligible for coaching?” asked Commissioner Abigail Cerra.

“Yes, that’s correct,” replied Huffman.

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But it wasn’t correct.

When a lawyer pressed Huffman about this exchange in a deposition last fall, Huffman acknowledged the Minneapolis Police Chief can, in fact, institute coaching for excessive force — or any other violation on the discipline matrix.

The Chief could technically coach a police officer for murder “to the extent it was a policy violation,” then-Deputy Chief Troy Schoenberger said in a separate deposition this February.

‘As discipline…you will receive coaching’

These revelations were made public in connection to a lawsuit filed by Minnesota Coalition On Government Information (MNCOGI), an all-volunteer organization made up of current and former journalists, attorneys, librarians and others interested in government transparency.

The lawsuit, filed in June 2021, alleges Minneapolis willfully misinterprets Minnesota public records laws by labeling coaching documents as private data. This practice has promoted a culture of secrecy, allowing the Minneapolis Police Department to operate without accountability to the people it serves, according to the civil complaint.

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“We’re not telling the city it has to stop coaching officers,” said attorney Leita Walker. “What we are saying, is that if it looks like discipline and quacks like discipline — and if it’s for serious misconduct – then it’s discipline and it’s public. It doesn’t matter what made-up word the city uses to describe it.”

Walker and Isabella Salomão Nascimento, of Ballard Spahr, and the Minnesota chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union are representing MNCOGI. Walker has also represented several local media organizations, including the Star Tribune, in cases related to public records and the pre Amendment.

The city is expected to file its own motion asking Hennepin County District Judge Karen Janisch to dismiss the lawsuit on Wednesday.

The documents, including hours of on-the-record deposition transcripts of eight city employees, still leave open questions, such as the breadth of the more serious misconduct handled through coaching. But they offer many striking details, including:

♦ Coaching looks a lot like discipline. The paperwork is virtually identical to a letter of reprimand, which the city recognizes as discipline. Some coaching letters from the police chief explicitly say to officers, “as discipline for this incident you will receive coaching.”

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♦ Coaching is sometimes offered as an alternative to formal discipline. In one case, former Lt. Bob Kroll called a group of coworkers the “lesbian Mafia.” He was given the option of a coaching session with the chief or formal discipline, the latter he could fight through the grievance process.

♦ Officers often feel that coaching is a disciplinary action, because it can feel like punishment. One officer even described being “strong armed” into coaching. The Federation has and continues to grieve B-level coaching administered by the Chief.

♦ When MNCOGI filed a data request for coaching documents, a city clerk summarily closed their request within three minutes — without bothering to identify, redact or disclose relevant records, even though dozens were considered public under the city’s definition.

‘Coaching…will not go away’

Leading up to the May 2021 Police Conduct Oversight Commission meeting, the issue of coaching was becoming a problem.

As Chauvin headed to trial for murder, court records showed he’d been the subject of at least 15 misconduct complaints, and the city labeled all but one as “private data,” meaning Chauvin was either coached or the complaints were dropped without discipline. Some incidents of excessive force were caught on video: in one case, which years later led to a federal charge and conviction, Chauvin choked and knelt on a handcuffed 14-year-old’s neck.

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In August 2020, Abigail Cerra, a former public defender who’d also worked for Minneapolis as a civil rights investigator, introduced a measure in the Police Conduct Oversight Commission to ask the city attorney to reclassify coaching documents as public data. Cerra said at the time that Minneapolis seemed to be violating its own policy, which said discipline “shall” be imposed when a code of conduct infraction is sustained.

Later that year, the policy manual language was quietly changed to say misconduct “will subject the employee to discipline and/or legal action,” granting the agency more latitude on whether to impose corrective actions.

As several news organizations covered the push to open up these records, city and police officials continued to downplay the coaching process.

Assistant City Attorney Trina Chernos said in an email to a PCOC member that only the lowest category of policy violations — called “A-level” — are eligible for non-disciplinary action like coaching.

A city spokesman told the Star Tribune coaching is used for violations like “verbal tone and language,” and not “improper or excessive use of force.”

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A WCCO report featured an unnamed Police Officers Federation of Minneapolis official saying “complaints can’t come from outside the department and result in coaching.”

All these statements were false.

In September 2020, City Council Member Andrew Johnson emailed City Clerk Casey Carl to ask for an update on a city working group to examine coaching.

Carl assured Johnson they were working on it with multiple departments, including human resources. “It hasn’t left our radar,” he said.

In March 2021, Carl sent an email to several high-ranking city officials: “The confusing issue of coaching as discipline has not/will not go away until addressed.”

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The city addressed it by sending a blitz of its top leaders from the police department, city attorneys office and human resources department to the PCOC meeting to make presentations on the benefits of coaching.

Chief Medaria Arradondo described coaching as the “bedrock” of a system that allows police to grow professionally, used to “address an officer’s attitude as well as help with training.”

Huffman, after falsely stating that coaching isn’t ever used for excessive force, continued to say the police manual is written to only refer “low-level violations” to coaching. “And so, force violations — use of force violations — themselves are not included in those coaching referrals.”

None of the five city officials who presented at the meeting mentioned that the police chief also has the authority to implement coaching.

Huffman’s defense

In her deposition last fall , Huffman denied that she intentionally misled the police oversight commissioners that day.

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Huffman insisted that she was talking about one pathway in the city’s complaint bureaucracy that leads to coaching — a combination of internal affairs and civilian review called Joint Supervisors. But in another pathway, the Chief may impose coaching after an investigation sustains a complaint and the officer is afforded the ability to fight it.

“It did not occur to me to talk about any coaching that came out of a chief’s discipline process,” Huffman said, in acknowledging that she and others who presented at the meeting “didn’t discuss every possible detailed part of the coaching process.”

Huffman, who later became the interim police chief, now works in the city attorney’s office, implementing reforms mandated by the Minnesota Department of Human Rights.

The City Council has yet to have a formal briefing on this case, which has been pending for almost exactly three years.

Judge Janisch will have 90 days to rule on MNCOGI’s arguments that the city violated the state’s public records law and should release unredacted copies of disciplinary actions “hidden under the coaching label,” along with the city’s request for dismissal, following oral arguments on June 26.

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Read the court filing:

(Can’t see the document? Click here.)



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Buss: Response to Minneapolis shooting a moral failure

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Buss: Response to Minneapolis shooting a moral failure


If another civil war were to break out in the United States, I imagine it would begin with an altercation similar to what took place in Minneapolis on Wednesday.

That’s what made the instantaneous and pejorative response to it by the Trump administration so jarring.

In an incident that recalls the National Guard shooting of student anti-war protesters at Kent State University in 1970, an Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officer shot Renee Good, a 37-year-old U.S. citizen and a mother of three. She had seemingly interjected herself into a major immigration enforcement operation that dispatched 2,000 federal agents to Minneapolis at the direction of Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem.

There is a dispute over whether the shooting was in self-defense, and the Trump administration has doubled down on defending the actions of the ICE officer, labeling Good a “domestic terrorist.” Vice President JD Vance alleged on Thursday that Good was part of a left-wing network.

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But it’s hard to see the incident as anything other than a complete breakdown in moral clarity about responsibility and the limits of force by the government — and how it is discussed publicly before information could even be known.

Video shared online of the incident, allegedly taken by the officer involved, indicates the confrontation was already off to a bad start. Is filming, easily interpreted as a form of intimidation by law enforcement, standard training for ICE officers?

The ICE removal officer has been identified as Jonathan Ross, a former Army National Guard machine gunner and ex‑Border Patrol agent with extensive experience. He had been dragged by a suspect during a 2025 arrest.

Perhaps he should not have returned to active duty so quickly. The impetus is on law enforcement, whether police officers or ICE officers, to preserve life and contain an unruly and even reckless situation to the best of their ability.

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Filming a potential suspect before a government-sanctioned interaction and then physically circling her vehicle to put oneself in danger calls his judgment into question.

Many questions remain about the confrontation, and no doubt instinctual psychology played a larger role in Good’s actions and in Ross’s than we will ever know.

But the immediate, callous response of Noem and Vance to this tragedy is part of a growing pattern of disregard for the collateral damage caused by implementing difficult, controversial policies. This cowboy culture that is causing serious division and violence on the nation’s streets needs to be called out and off.

Sometimes the government has to kill; it doesn’t appear that Good’s death was necessarily one of those instances. No death should ever be celebrated, or the victim castigated as a “deranged leftist,” as Vance called Good, an activist who was reportedly trained to aggressively confront ICE agents.

Despite the immediate escalation, it’s clear that while Good was driving in the opposite direction from Ross, the officer continued to shoot at her. Good lay in the driver’s seat, dying, while onlookers scream in horror. 

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Such a staunch and certain defense of the totality of his actions is indefensible. 

No one — U.S. citizen or otherwise — should be gunned down on America’s streets this casually by agents of the government.

It also points to why perhaps immigration operations at the scale Noem directed in Minneapolis shouldn’t be deployed so provocatively. Such a confrontation was bound to occur.

Public safety requires restraint as much as it requires the enforcement of law and order. 

When that restraint fails, it is the duty of the heads of government to call for patience, calm and the truth — and if necessary, take some responsibility.

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Americans on all sides should demand accountability for Good’s death and a renewed commitment by the Trump administration to policies and practices that were written to prevent exactly this kind of tragedy.

Kaitlyn Buss’ columns appear in The Detroit News. Reach her at kbuss@detroitnews.com and follow her on X @KaitlynBuss.



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F-bomb heard across the nation: Minneapolis’ mayor tries to break ICE

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F-bomb heard across the nation: Minneapolis’ mayor tries to break ICE


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For many Americans, the first introduction to Jacob Frey may have come this week in the form of press conference footage in which the Minneapolis mayor, visibly upset by Wednesday’s fatal shooting of 37-year-old Renee Nicole Good by a federal immigration agent, had the following words for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement: “Get the f—- out of Minneapolis.”

But the third-term mayor with the boyish smile is no stranger to high-profile situations, adept at navigating crises with resolve and authenticity while fiercely aligning himself with the Minnesota community he represents. Now at odds with the Trump administration as leader of the latest Democratic-led city to be targeted by the president’s stepped-up deportation efforts, he’s shown he’s unafraid to challenge the federal government.

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Frey’s emotional statement was in sharp contrast to the state’s “Minnesota Nice” stereotype.

“He just basically tells people the truth, whether they want to hear it or not,” said former longtime Minneapolis councilmember Lisa Goodman, who now serves in Frey’s administration as the city’s director of strategic initiatives. “He’s not passive-aggressive, which is alarming to some people, especially in Minnesota. He speaks his truth, and he doesn’t back down from that.”

The mayor’s statement “was very forceful in tone, sure, and in turn, probably represents the feelings of most Minneapolis residents,” said Andy Aoki, a professor of political science at the city’s Augsburg University.

“Otherwise, he doesn’t come across as the loud, abrasive, over-the-top politician ready with a soundbite. He comes across as more thoughtful, measured, and now more direct.”

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This week’s incident was the spark many feared amid a growing powder keg of heightened activity by immigration authorities in Minneapolis and nationwide. But it was just the latest adversity Frey, 44, has faced in his eight years as the city’s mayor.

In May 2020, George Floyd was murdered by a Minneapolis police officer less than a mile from the site of this week’s ICE incident; in August, two children were killed and 14 injured in a mass shooting at the city’s Annunciation Church; and more recently, President Donald Trump broadly attacked the state’s Somali community after reports of fraud involving Somali immigrants.

Then, on Jan. 7, a U.S. immigration agent shot and killed Renee Nicole Good in her vehicle, an encounter captured on video and subsequently dissected and hotly debated while initially appearing to contradict the administration’s characterization of what happened.

On Friday, Frey doubled down on his outrage over the Trump administration’s portrayal of Good’s shooting as an act of self-defense, penning a guest editorial in the New York Times headlined “I’m the Mayor of Minneapolis. Trump Is Lying to You.”

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“The chaos that ICE and the Trump administration have brought to Minneapolis made this tragedy sadly predictable,” he wrote.

Aoki said the resilience and resolve Frey has exhibited since Good’s death stems from “a political savvy, an everyman approach” that he has polished over the years. He thinks the mayor’s heated declaration to federal officials reflected the frustration that has built up over several weeks of ICE presence in the area.

“This is going to be a test of his patience, resilience, and all of his political savvy,” Aoki said. “He’s in the crosshairs of the federal government, and you just can’t just fight them tit-for-tat. He has to figure out the best path to succeed while getting pressure from all sides. This is going to test his political skillset in many ways.” 

Jim Scheibel, who served as Saint Paul mayor from 1990 to 1994 and now assists the associate provost at the city’s Hamline University, said he has received positive reviews from around the country about Frey’s handling of the situation.

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“He’s very visible, and speaking for myself, his controlled anger in this situation is important,” Scheibel said. “People are looking for someone to articulate what people in the Twin Cities are feeling.”

Scheibel said Frey’s emotions strike him as genuine, not theatrics.

“It’s really from his heart and his head that he’s speaking,” he said. “Hubert Humphrey would be very proud of the kind of leadership that Mayor Frey is showing right now.”

Frey’s path to mayor

Frey, a native of Northern Virginia and the son of professional modern ballet dancers, attended the College of William & Mary in Williamsburg on a track scholarship, earning a government degree and a shoe company contract that allowed him to run professionally. He ran as many as 120 miles a week while attending Villanova Law School in Philadelphia, where he graduated cum laude.

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According to his biography, Frey developed an affection for Minneapolis while running the Twin Cities Marathon and moved there to work as an employment and civil rights lawyer. He fell into community organizing work, chosen as the city’s first annual recipient of its Martin Luther King Jr. Award for his efforts on behalf of marriage equality, housing, and worker non-discrimination rights.

In 2013, he successfully ran for the Minneapolis City Council, representing the city’s Third Ward. Five years later, he became the city’s second-ever Jewish mayor and its second youngest ever, winning on a platform that included mending police-community relations with local frustrations still simmering after two police-involved killings.

Two years later, the police-community relations issue would explode with global reverberations when George Floyd was murdered by Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin, who had kneeled on Floyd’s neck for more than nine minutes. Captured on video, the incident would bring national tensions over police brutality to a head, igniting months of demonstrations around the country.

Frey’s handling of the crisis, including his call to fire and charge the offices involved, drew both acclaim and disapproval; as Minneapolis structures were set ablaze amid protests that immediately following Floyd’s killing, On social media, President Donald Trump – then finishing his first term – decried Frey’s “total lack of leadership” and threatened to deploy the National Guard.

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When a reporter related Trump’s remarks to Frey, the mayor responded by saying Trump knew nothing of the city’s toughness.

“Weakness is refusing to take responsibility for your actions,” he said. “Weakness is pointing your finger at somebody else during a time of crisis…. Is this a difficult time period? Yes. But you better be damn sure that we’re gonna get through this.”

In December, after Trump maligned Somali immigrants as “garbage” while federal immigration agents ramped up activity in the Twin Cities area, Frey came to the community’s defense, saying Minneapolis was “proud” to host the country’s largest Somali community.

“They are our neighbors, our friends, and our family – and they are welcome in our city,” he said. “Nothing Donald Trump does will ever change that.”

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Latest crisis could test city’s accord

Good’s fatal shooting occurred as the community and police were showing signs of rebuilding trust post-George Floyd, said Muhammad Abdul-Ahad, executive director of T.O.U.C.H Outreach, a Minneapolis violence prevention nonprofit.

Abdul-Ahad hopes ICE’s presence won’t derail progress made thus far, though he said some residents have questioned why Minneapolis police haven’t taken a more forceful stance against the agency. He hopes the mayor and police chief have a strategy in place with larger protests scheduled for this weekend.

“We don’t want to see an ‘Us versus Them,’” he said. “We’ve worked too hard since Floyd. It’s going to take all of us to show up together for our communities in times like this, versus blank stares and disbelief.”

The mayor, Abdul-Ahad, said, “is going to have to do more than talk about that he’s with the people; he’s going to have to show it.”

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Aoki, of Augsburg University, said while Frey has his detractors, his willingness to take on the Trump administration on the community’s behalf in the wake of Good’s fatal shooting has earned him broad support.

“He has come to grips with the divisions on the council and in the city and he decidedly knows where he stands,” Aoki said. “Early in his first term, he was trying to appeal to everybody, and that didn’t work. Now he knows how to appeal to the moderates and try to peel off a couple of left-leaning council members to get what he needs done.”

Former councilmember Goodman said that while Frey also has learned to negotiate with a “fairly purple” state legislature, his longevity in office illustrates that city voters believe in his authenticity. Goodman said while Frey would be considered extremely progressive in almost any other city, “clearly some of his detractors see him as not progressive enough.” 

“A strong leader is out there emotionally, intellectually, in partnership with others. You can’t do it alone,” Goodman said. “You have to be working with others…And Jacob is very good at that.”

She believes the mayor still considers the city’s police reform strategy a crucially important component of unfinished business.

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“The city is making progress, and he is very committed to that,” Goodman said. “He is committed to making policing community-based, with many alternative responses – and not the way it was, which facilitated the murder of George Floyd.”

That Frey survived the aftermath of that issue to be re-elected twice “should count for something, Aoki said.

“I think because of (Floyd), he’s more adept at handling crises this time around,” he said. “It doesn’t make it any easier, but how can you not lean into that experience, for better or worse?” 

Abdul-Ahad thinks a resilient Frey would like to be recognized for guiding Minneapolis through a historically tumultuous time, but says that will have to be earned through action, not just words.

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“He’s been through so much, we all have,” Abdul-Ahad said. “But as mayor, it’s his job to stand up and take accountability for the city. He’s been ridiculed so many times over the last five years, and I’m sure he doesn’t want to go through that again…. He’s been humiliated. But he keeps coming back.”



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Prosecutors in DOJ’s Civil Rights Division will not investigate Minneapolis ICE shooting, sources say

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Prosecutors in DOJ’s Civil Rights Division will not investigate Minneapolis ICE shooting, sources say


Prosecutors in the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division were told they will not play a role in the ongoing investigation into a fatal shooting of a woman in Minneapolis by a federal immigration officer, according to two sources familiar with the matter.

Leadership in the Civil Rights Division, overseen by Harmeet Dhillon, informed staff in the division’s criminal section that there would not be an investigation, two sources said. Normally, after a high-profile incident involving a fatal shooting by an officer, attorneys from the criminal section fly out to the scene. Multiple career prosecutors offered to do so in this case, but they were told not to do so, one of the sources added. 

While investigations into the excessive use of force can be pursued solely by a U.S. Attorney’s office without direct involvement from the Civil Rights Division, it is customary for the division’s federal prosecutors to take the lead on high-profile investigations like the one in Minnesota.

The decision also raises questions about how far the FBI’s investigation into the shooting will go. 

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A Justice Department spokesperson declined to comment. 

On Thursday, the Justice Department announced that the FBI was leading the investigation into the fatal shooting of 37-year-old Renee Nicole Good by an Immigration and Customs Enforcement officer.

Video footage shows the officer, identified in court records from a prior incident as Jonathan Ross, fired three rounds at the car as Good started to drive away.

The video also appeared to depict the officers did not take immediate steps to ensure that Good received emergency medical care after the shooting took place. A separate video from the scene showed officers stopping a man who claimed to be a doctor from moving toward Good. 

The killing has sparked protests nationwide, including in New York, Miami, Los Angeles and Detroit.

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Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem has argued that Ross was acting in self-defense, and claimed that Good was trying to use her car as a weapon in an act of “domestic terrorism.”

That description sparked immediate backlash from state and city officials, with the mayor of Minneapolis labeling the self-defense claims as “bulls***.”

On Friday, Trump administration officials shared another cellphone video of the incident that sources say was recorded by the ICE officer. The White House argues this video shows Ross was hit by Good’s car.

The Justice Department has stopped short of claiming Ross was acting in self-defense. 

But in a statement to CBS News this week, Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche said that the use of deadly force by law enforcement officials can sometimes be justified.

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“Federal agents risk their lives each day to safeguard our communities. They must make decisions, under dynamic and chaotic circumstances, in less time than it took to read this sentence,” Blanche said.

“The law does not require police to gamble with their lives in the face of a serious threat of harm. Rather, they may use deadly force when they face an immediate threat of significant physical harm,” he added.

The criminal section of the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division specializes in investigating and prosecuting constitutional violations by law enforcement officers. 

Some of the most common investigations involve excessive use of force, but can also include other things such as sexual misconduct, false arrests or deliberate indifference to serious medical needs.

One of the most famous civil rights prosecutions by the section in recent years took place in Minneapolis, after former Minneapolis Police Officer Derek Chauvin murdered George Floyd in May 2020.

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Chauvin pleaded guilty to willfully depriving, while acting under color of law, Floyd’s constitutional rights, as well as the rights of a 14-year-old boy.

Since President Trump took office last year, the Civil Rights Division has scaled back its work on excessive force prosecutions, according to legal experts. 

Last year, it sought to downplay the conviction of a former Louisville police officer who was convicted of violating Breonna Taylor’s civil rights and asked a federal judge to sentence him to serve just one day in prison.

The judge ultimately sentenced him to serve 33 months.

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