Indiana
Indiana vs Notre Dame: The football rivalry that wasn’t takes center stage in CFP first round
BLOOMINGTON — Notre Dame has mostly rebuffed Indiana football’s efforts to bring the teams together despite the schools being separated by less than 200 miles.
Was it intentional? That’s up for debate.
Notre Dame had other priorities as it looked to build nationally focused schedules in support of its iconic brand while juggling a series of traditional rivalries. The Hoosiers never fit into those plans outside of a one-off game in 1991.
The schools have a future home-and-home series on the books that is anything but certain given the changing landscape of college football, but that’s not a concern this week after the College Football Playoff put the programs on a collision course.
The No. 8 Hoosiers (11-1; 8-1 Big Ten) will visit South Bend for a first-round CFP matchup on Friday, Dec. 20 at 8 p.m. in a game that could define the future of football in the Hoosier State.
While Indiana hasn’t reached anywhere near the same heights of Notre Dame on the gridiron — the Irish have more national titles (11) than IU has bowl wins (three) — coach Curt Cignetti labeled the program an “emerging superpower” after guiding the Hoosiers to a historic eight-win turnaround.
“I think all the pressure to win the game is on Notre Dame,” Indiana’s former athletic director Fred Glass said. “A lot of people nationally don’t even think IU belongs in the College Football Playoff. Under all those circumstances, if Indiana beats Notre Dame at Notre Dame, and knocks them out of the national championship playoff, I think that would be a historic humiliation of epic proportion for Notre Dame. I think the pressure is completely on them.”
It might be enough to even kick off a true rivalry between the schools.
Indiana and Notre Dame football separated by more than just distance
Indiana athletic director Scott Dolson has a unique perspective on the IU-Notre Dame series as a Michigan City native who regularly attended football games in South Bend during his childhood.
Dolson went on to become a fixture in IU’s athletic department after graduating from the school. He famously spent time as a student manager for Bob Knight and worked his way up from various fundraising roles.
“When I came down to Bloomington, Notre Dame felt like it was in another part of the United States in some ways,” Dolson said. “There was so much focus on Indiana and Purdue, and we didn’t have a series, it just didn’t feel like they were in the same state. Obviously, they aren’t in a conference, I think that makes it different as well. It just was always different.”
Many football alums feel the same.
Indiana assistant athletic director for alumni relations Mark Deal, who was a member of IU’s famed 1979 team that won the Holiday Bowl, grew up stepped in Hoosiers’ lore. His father, Mutt, was a captain for the 1945 team that won the Big Ten and regaled him with stories of his decorated career.
The team’s trip back to South Bend in 1941 when Mutt was a then sophomore didn’t conjure the same enmity as battles against Purdue or Michigan State.
“He never even talked about it, hell, I grew up 50 minutes from Notre Dame,” Deal said. “I went to Notre Dame games as a kid. It’s just not a bitter rivalry. You didn’t hate Notre Dame, you admired them. They were just another team you kind of watched from afar.”
There was talk through the years about scheduling a series, but it wasn’t until Dolson initiated talks in 2021 that they locked down dates. The schools agreed to play a 2030 game in South Bend and 2031 game in Bloomington.
Those conversations came as the Big Ten was requiring teams to schedule at least one non-conference Power Five opponent annually, a requirement the league has since dropped.
Indiana rolled out a series of scheduling announcements that year including a home-and-home series against the University of Virginia (2027 and 2028), future games at Memorial Stadium against Old Dominion (2025) and Colorado State (2026), and a 2026 game against UConn.
“There were a lot of moving parts on our schedule, it was like a bunch of moves on a chess board,” Dolson said. “That was interesting how it all fell into place, but we just thought it would be a great thing to add that kind of marquee game.”
It was the first discussions between the schools since Glass, Dolson’s predecessor, made similar overtures to Notre Dame when he took over in 2009. He took the job the same year his friend and former law partner, Jack Swarbrick, was named Notre Dame’s athletic director.
“The IU job came out of nowhere for me, and I called him to ask is this a good gig? Is this something I want to do?” Glass said. “He strongly encouraged me to take it. We had worked together with each other for 15 years prior to that on a variety of initiatives for the city of Indianapolis. When I was pursing the Super Bowl, I pulled in Jack to help me with it.”
That rapport didn’t prompt any change in Notre Dame’s ambivalence about scheduling the Hoosiers.
“Jack is a Bloomington boy, so he’s generally sympathetic to IU, but it became clear pretty quickly it wasn’t going to work out,” Glass said.
Dolson said he always felt Notre Dame simply “didn’t have room” for Indiana given its list of rivalry games that include Navy (97 games), USC (95 games) and a handful of other Big Ten teams.
Notre Dame plays trophy games against Purdue (88 games) and Michigan State (79 games). Its rivalry with Michigan that predated all of them.
The first matchup between the schools was in 1887.
After a lengthy hiatus, Notre Dame and Michigan became must-see television starting with “The Reunion Game” in 1978. They played almost annually after that through 2014.
Some of those rivalries were upended when Notre Dame agreed to play 60 games against ACC teams from 2014 to 2025. That left even less room for a potential game against Indiana.
“I didn’t consider it dismissive,” Glass said, with a pause. “It just wasn’t going to happen given the schedule that Notre Dame needed to pursue, but I’m a little skeptical of whether they would have scheduled it cause it feels like there would be a lot of downside and not a ton of upside.”
Indiana and Notre Dame basketball can’t bridge the divide
As Indiana’s football coach, Lee Corso brought a surprise guest to practice before the 1979 team’s opener.
“We were doing two-a-days, and out comes Digger Phelps,” Deal said.
The then-Notre Dame basketball coach was friends with Corso, and stopped practice to give the team a pep talk. His message was simple — there was nothing stopping the Hoosiers from reaching a bowl game for the first time in more than a decade.
In the years that followed, Phelps joked with Corso that he should have received a bowl ring for IU’s 38-37 win over BYU in the Holiday Bowl.
Phelps was also friends with former IU basketball coach Bob Knight and their friendship ensured the programs were a fixture on each other’s schedule.
“They always looked forward to playing each other,” former IU sports information director Kit Klingelhoffer said.
Their first matchup came after the dedication ceremony at a newly-built Assembly Hall in 1971 — Knight and Phelps’ first seasons at their respective schools. The Hoosiers won, 94-29.
The series produced some other memorable moments.
During Indiana’s undefeated 1975-76 season, the Hoosiers escaped with a 63-60 win in a thriller. The Irish returned to Assembly Hall two years later as the undefeated No. 2 in the country. IU guard Wayne Radford’s free throws with four seconds to go gave the Hoosiers a 67-66 win.
“That was a hell of a game, Adrian Dantley versus Scott May,” Deal said. “Those games were always in December before Christmas and always had a packed house.”
The schools remained frequent sparring partners after the coaches left — Knight ended up with a 14-5 record against Phelps — and they would later take part in the Crossroads Classic, an annual tournament at Gainbridge Fieldhouse, alongside Purdue and Butler.
It highlighted the positive relationships between the athletic departments, but it never opened the door to bringing the football teams together on a more frequent basis.
“There’s an inverse relationship between IU football and basketball and Notre Dame football and basketball,” Glass said. “Notre Dame has a national following, crazy fan base with a lot of success in football, but in basketball not so much. Indiana has traditional been a blue-blood power house in basketball, but not so much in football.”
1991 Indiana-Notre Dame game was a glimpse at what could have been
Leading up to Selection Sunday, Indiana’s legendary play-by-play voice Don Fischer had a lot of fans asking him who he hoped IU would draw.
“I want to play Notre Dame, are you kidding me?” Fischer would ask. “I was excited about that possibility.”
Fischer has called more than 2,000 Indiana football and basketball games. He’s called four NCAA men’s basketball title games and all but one of IU’s 13 bowl appearances — the 1968 Rose Bowl predated his tenure — but he’s only called one IU-Notre Dame football game.
The prospect of a return to South Bend was thrilling.
“It’s Notre Dame,” Fischer said. “They are a national program and they’ve been a national program as long as I’ve been alive.”
Fischer was on the call when Indiana opened the 1991 season against Notre Dame in their first meeting in 33 years. The game pitted IU coach Bill Mallory against fellow Woody Hayes’ disciple Lou Holtz — they spent the 1968 season together on Ohio State’s staff. It was the first Irish game that aired on NBC as part of the school’s ground-breaking television contract with the network.
“There was a tremendous amount of excitement,” Fischer said. “It was huge, it was the opening game of the season on top of that, so everybody was all jacked up.”
Glass was working in the Governor’s office at the time as the chief of staff for Evan Bayh. It was such a big game in the state that it helped grease the wheels for a long-requested construction project from fans who regularly made the trek up to South Bend to fix what he described as a “notorious pinch point” on a railroad track north of Kokomo.
The Hoosiers had a talented team with Trent Green at quarterback and Vaughn Dunbar in the backfield. Dunbar, who set a single-season school rushing record that year with 1,805 yards, had 33 carries for 161 yards in the game.
The Irish won 49-27, but the game was more competitive than the final score indicates. There were five lead changes in the first half and the Irish didn’t pull away until scoring back-to-back touchdowns at the end of the second quarter that were separated by a surprise on-side kick.
“There’s been a lot of years where IU wasn’t competitive, but they would’ve had a chance to beat Notre Dame if they played more regularly in those (Bill) Mallory years,” Fischer said. “Mallory’s teams were really physical, tough teams.”
Klingelhoffer, who retired in 2012 after spending four decades in IU’s athletic department, agrees. He looked wondered what the result would have been had it taken place towards the end of the 1991 season.
“We installed a new (4-3) defense, but we got better as the year went on,” Klingelhoffer said.
As exciting as was for fans, that game didn’t lead to further discussions about extending the series, Klingelhoffer said. The one-off IU-Notre Dame game was agreed to in 1983 with the agreement predating both Mallory’s and Holt’z tenure at the schools.
It’s why you won’t Klingelhoffer hear use the word rival when talking about the College Football Playoff matchup.
“The facts are facts,” Klingelhoffer said. “You got to play a team over and over again, just like for us with Purdue and Michigan State. It was more of a rivalry game for us against Kentucky.”
As for why the teams remained on their respective sides of the state, Fischer prefers to believe the theory he most-often hears from Hoosier fans.
“The joke has always been they are just too scared,” Fischer said, with a laugh. “That’s really why they don’t want to schedule us.”
Michael Niziolek is the Indiana beat reporter for The Bloomington Herald-Times. You can follow him on X @michaelniziolek and read all his coverage by clicking here.
Indiana
Indiana’s rejection of new voting map shows Trump’s might is not unlimited
The Indiana legislature’s rejection of a new map that would have added two Republican seats in Congress marked one of the biggest political defeats for Donald Trump so far in his second term and significantly damaged the Republican effort to reconfigure congressional districts ahead of next year’s midterm elections.
The defeat showed that Trump’s political might is not unlimited. For months, the president waged an aggressive effort to twist the arms of Indiana lawmakers into supporting a new congressional map, sending JD Vance to meet in person with lawmakers. Trump allies also set up outside groups to pressure state lawmakers.
Heritage Action, the political arm of the Heritage Foundation, which has close ties to the Trump administration, issued a dramatic threat this week ahead of the vote: if the new map wasn’t passed, Indiana would lose federal funding. “Roads will not be paved. Guard bases will close. Major projects will stop. These are the stakes and every NO vote will be to blame,” the group posted on X. The state’s Republican lieutenant governor said in a since-deleted X post that Trump administration officials made the same threat.
All of that may have backfired, as Republican state senators publicly said they were turned off by the threats and weathered death threats and swatting attempts as they voted the bill down.
“You wouldn’t change minds by being mean. And the efforts were mean-spirited from the get-go,” Jean Leising, an Indiana Republican state senator who voted against the bill, told CNN. “If you were wanting to change votes, you would probably try to explain why we should be doing this, in a positive way. That never happened, so, you know, I think they get what they get.”
Nationally, the defeat complicates the picture for Republicans as they seek to redraw districts to shore up their majority in an increasingly messy redistricting battle. The effort began earlier this year when Trump pushed Texas Republicans to redraw the state’s congressional map to pick up GOP seats, a highly unusual move since redistricting is usually done once at the start of the decade.
“This isn’t the first time a Republican state legislature has resisted pressure from the White House, but it is the most significant, both because of the over-the-top tactics President Trump and speaker Johnson employed, and also the fact that there were two seats on the line,” said Dave Wasserman, an expert in US House races who writes for the non-partisan Cook Political Report. “It changes the trajectory of this redistricting war from the midpoint of possible outcomes being a small, being a modest Republican gain to a wash.”
Republicans in Texas and Democrats in California have both redrawn their maps to add as many as five seats for their respective parties, cancelling each other out. Republicans in North Carolina and Missouri have also redrawn their congressional districts to add one Republican seat apiece in each of those states. The Missouri map, however, may be blocked by a voter initiated referendum (Republicans are maneuvering to undercut the initiative). Democrats are also poised to pick up a seat in Utah after a court ruling there (state lawmakers are seeking a way around the ruling).
Ohio also adopted a new map that made one Democratic district more competitive, and made a new Democratic friendly and Republican friendly district out of two different competitive districts.
The biggest remaining opportunity to pick up seats for Democrats is in Virginia, where they currently represent six of the state’s 11 congressional districts. Don Scott, the House speaker, has said Democrats are considering adding a map that adds four Democratic seats in the state. Republicans could counter that in Florida with a new congressional map that could add as many as five Republican seats. There is also pending litigation challenging a favorable GOP congressional map in Wisconsin.
The close tit-for-tat has placed even more significance on a supreme court case from Louisiana that could wind up gutting a key provision in the Voting Rights Act that prevents lawmakers from drawing districts that weaken the influence of Black voters. After oral argument, the court appeared poised to significantly curtail the measure, which could pave the way for Louisiana, Alabama, and other southern states to wipe out districts currently represented by Democrats. It’s unclear if the supreme court will issue its decision in time for the midterm elections.
“The timing of that decision is a huge deal with two to four seats on the line,” Wasserman said. “We haven’t seen the last plot twist in this redistricting war, but the outlook is less rosy for Republicans than it was at the start.”
Indiana
Indiana redistricting: Senate Republicans side with Democrats to reject Trump’s voting map
Indiana Republicans have defied intense pressure from President Donald Trump by rejecting his demands that they pass a voting map meant to favour their party in next year’s midterm elections.
In one of the most conservative states in the US, 21 Republicans in the Senate joined all 10 Democrats to torpedo the redistricting plan by a vote of 31-19. The new map passed the House last week.
If it had cleared the legislature, Republicans could have flipped the only two Democratic-held congressional seats in the state.
Trump’s call for Republican state leaders to redraw maps and help the party keep its congressional majority in Washington next year has triggered gerrymandering battles nationwide.
Republican-led Texas and Democratic-led California, two of the country’s largest states, have led the charge.
Other states where redistricting efforts have been initiated or passed include Utah, Ohio, New Hampshire, Missouri and Illinois.
Republican state Senator Spencer Deery said ahead of Thursday’s vote: “My opposition to mid-cycle gerrymandering is not in contrast to my conservative principles, my opposition is driven by them.
“As long as I have breath, I will use my voice to resist a federal government that attempts to bully, direct, and control this state or any state. Giving the federal government more power is not conservative.”
Indiana Governor Mike Braun, a Republican, said he was “very disappointed” in the outcome.
“I will be working with the President to challenge these people who do not represent the best interests of Hoosiers,” he said on X, using a popular nickname for people from the Midwestern state.
The revolt of Indiana Republicans came after direct months of lobbying from the White House.
On Wednesday, Trump warned on his social media platform Truth Social that Republicans who did not support the initiative could risk losing their seats.
He directly addressed the Republican leader of the state Senate, Rodric Bray, calling him “the only person in the United States of America who is against Republicans picking up extra seats”.
To liberals, it was a moment of celebration. Keith “Wildstyle” Paschall described the mood on Thursday as “jubilant”.
“There’s a lot of relief,” the Indianapolis-based activist told the BBC. “People had thought that we would have to move on to a legal strategy and didn’t believe we could defeat it directly at the statehouse.”
The new map would have redistricted parts of Indianapolis and potentially led to the ouster of Indiana’s lone black House representative, André Carson.
In the weeks before Thursday’s vote, Trump hosted Indiana lawmakers at the White House to win over holdouts.
He also dispatched Vice-President JD Vance down to Indiana twice to shore up support.
Nearly a dozen Indiana Republican lawmakers have said they were targeted with death threats and swatting attacks over the planned vote.
Ultimately, this redistricting plan fell flat in another setback for Trump following a string of recent Democratic wins in off-year elections.
The defeat appears to have added to Republican concerns.
“We have a huge problem,” said former White House chief strategist Steve Bannon during his podcast, The War Room.
“People have to realise that we only have a couple opportunities,” he said.
“If we don’t get a net 10 pickup in the redistricting wars, it’s going to be enormously hard, if not impossible, to hold the House.”
Texas was the first state to respond to Trump’s redistricting request.
After a lower court blocked the maps for being drawn illegally based on race, the Supreme Court allowed Texas Republicans to go ahead.
The decision was a major win for Republicans, with the new maps expected to add five seats in their favour.
California’s map is also expected to add five seats for Democrats.
Indiana
Trump post signals Indiana redistricting vote too close for comfort
Indiana redistricting doomed by lobbyists who misread Senate | Opinion
Deputy Opinion Editor Jacob Stewart: The out-of-state donors funding redistricting lobbyists need to ask for their money back.
President Donald Trump issued a lengthy late-night plea to Indiana lawmakers on the eve of their critical Dec. 11 redistricting vote, seemingly betraying a lack of confidence in a favorable outcome.
“Rod Bray and his friends won’t be in Politics for long, and I will do everything within my power to make sure that they will not hurt the Republican Party, and our Country, again,” Trump concluded the Truth Social post. “One of my favorite States, Indiana, will be the only State in the Union to turn the Republican Party down!”
This afternoon, the Indiana Senate will decide the fate of Trump’s desire to redraw the state’s congressional map to give Republicans two more favorable districts. But this fate has been very uncertain: Republican senators are split on the issue, with a number of them having remained silent. The vote count is expected to be tight.
Trump’s post last night is leaving many with the impression that it’s too close for comfort.
He repeated some familiar refrains noted in other posts over the last few weeks: lambasting the leadership of Senate President Pro Tempore Rodric Bray, promising to support primary challengers against those who vote down mid-decade redistricting, emphasizing the importance of holding the Republican majority in Congress to beat back the “Radical Left Democrats.”
But in length and in detail, this post delved deeper. He lumped Bray in with the likes of former Gov. Mitch Daniels, who Trump called a “failed Senate candidate,” though Daniels never formally entered the race against U.S. Sen. Jim Banks in 2024. Trump made statements about the Republican “suckers” Bray found to vote against redistricting with him, as though the vote had already occurred.
Those conclusion sentences alone ― promising that Bray and others will not hurt the country “again” ― seems to foretell an outcome.
That outcome will ultimately come to light in the mid to late afternoon when senators take a final vote on House Bill 1032, the redistricting bill.
It had passed the Indiana House by a 57-41 vote last week.
The proposed map gives Republicans the advantage in all nine of Indiana’s congressional districts, chiefly by carving up Indianapolis voters into four new districts. The current congressional map has seven seats held by Republicans and two by Democrats.
Contact IndyStar Statehouse reporter Kayla Dwyer at kdwyer@indystar.com or follow her on X @kayla_dwyer17.
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