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Illinois’ soil conservation funding stagnates amid recent high-profile dust storms

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Illinois’ soil conservation funding stagnates amid recent high-profile dust storms


State Rep. Charlie Meier shows clover growing in a field on his Washington County farm in 2022. In 2009, Meier was cited with the award for the State of Illinois Conservation Farm Family of the Year.
Capitol News Illinois

Three main factors contribute to the formation of Midwest dust storms: strong winds, dry soil in farm fields and large amounts of loose soil.

That’s according to Andy Taylor, the Science and Operations officer at the National Weather Service’s office in Lincoln. He said these are key ingredients that meteorologists, farmers and experts in the agricultural community have found cause dust storms when they converge.

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On May 16, Chicago saw its first major dust storm since the Dust Bowl, which stretched from Texas to New York in the early 1930s and deposited 300 million tons of soil across the nation — 12 million tons of which settled in the Chicago region, according to the Bill of Rights Institute. The storm in May dropped visibility in the city to near zero as wind gusts blew over 60 mph at times, according to the National Weather Service.

Taylor said the atmospheric environment that day was more characteristic of the dry environments in the High Plains or Southwest U.S., not the Midwest. As rain began to fall near Bloomington, it quickly evaporated and cooled the atmosphere, creating strong pockets of wind that began to move North. And as winds sped up, the storm began to pick up and move dry and loose soil from fields it passed over, which created the dust storm.

“The type of dust storm event that we had that affected the Chicago area, I wouldn’t necessarily take that occurrence as saying we’re going to see an increase in those type of events from this point on,” he said. “Although, anytime you see all those ingredients come together, we certainly could see that again.”

While there were no deaths due to the storm in Chicago, a major dust storm that occurred in central Illinois on a portion of I-55 resulted in a multi-car pileup that took the lives of eight people and injured dozens more in May 2023.

That dust storm also dropped visibility to zero on the stretch of the interstate between Farmersville and Divernon, and was again caused by dry, loose soil being picked up and moved by winds.

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Although Taylor said dust storms are not new to Illinois — as his office has documented events back to the 80s — most of the storms don’t move across vast expanses of the state. Instead, he said they often occur in more localized areas, like the storm near Divernon in 2023.

“When we’re seeing the right weather-related factors coming together and the ground is fairly dry, which matches up with loose soil so we know we’re going to be more prone to blowing dust, we coordinate with partners in the agricultural community to determine when we might anticipate those blowing dusts events,” Taylor said.

The Association of Illinois Soil and Water Conservation Districts has been lobbying for increased funding for additional district employees. This year’s state budget allows for each district to staff one full-time employee, which AISWCD Executive Director Eliot Clay called “wildly inadequate” as he said each district needs at least two.

“I really, honestly think conservation funding has been deprioritized,” he said.

Soil and water conservation districts began to crop up across the U.S. in the late 1930s as a response to the Dust Bowl and Congress’ subsequent declaration of soil and water conservation as a national priority. According to the Association of Illinois Soil and Water Conservation Districts, that declaration prompted then-President Franklin D. Roosevelt to recommend legislation to state lawmakers that would enact districts in every state.

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Illinois has 97 districts, or nearly one district for every county in the state. Employees of the districts are responsible for a variety of tasks — including assessing farmland, educating farmers about conservation practices and connecting farmers with grants from the state and federal government. These all play a key role in the association’s mission of protecting Illinois’ natural resources.

“Unlike a group like the Department of Natural Resources or the EPA or even the Department of Agriculture, SWCDs are not a regulatory body,” Clay said. “We are not going out there and enforcing rules and laws on people, we’re just trying to help farmers do better. And that’s the reason a lot of farmers rely on SWCDs, is because they do not see us as like, the ‘government’ coming in and telling them, ‘this is how you’re going to do your operation.’”

The fiscal year 2026 budget signed by Gov. JB Pritzker last week allots $7.5 million to the state’s SWCDs — that’s a $1 million overall cut from the previous year, although funding for operations remained level. Funding had already been cut by $4 million total in fiscal year 2025.

Of that $7.5 million, $3 million will go to cost-share grants, which act as reimbursements to farmers for the costs of implementing both state and federal conservation policies, such as cover crops. The remaining $4.5 million will go to administrative costs.

Clay said the breakdown of that $4.5 million provides $40,000 to each Soil and Water Conservation district — meaning that every district will have enough funds to pay one full-time employee. He called the salary “wildly inadequate” for the district employees, most of whom have college degrees.

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“$40,000 — and that’s supposed to include benefits, so their take-home is less than that — is barely enough, I mean I would say it’s not enough even for one person” Clay said. “And it’s hard to keep people and incentivize people to come to work when there’s not the kind of money there that there should be.”

In addition, Clay said each district needs two full-time employees to be fully-staffed — one to make on-site visits to farms and one to coordinate schedules, receive phone calls and emails, and staff the office.

He said in recent years, the association was told by both the Department of Agriculture and the governor’s office that if they wanted more funding, they would have to advocate for the money to individual lawmakers outside of budget negotiations.

“I don’t know of any other agency or subsect of an agency that has to, on their own, go to the Capitol and get money,” he said. “That’s very peculiar to me and is something I’ve been trying to wrap my head around, and I have not gotten a good explanation from anybody.”

The governor’s office did not respond to a request for comment.

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Over the past two years, Clay said the association unsuccessfully lobbied for $10.5 million in annual funding.

“The bigger question I’m left with after being the executive director over the past six months and witnessing it from this angle is, what does the legislature and the administration value?” Clay said. “It really gets to bigger questions about how the state has dealt with conservation funding in general for the last 20-plus years.”

Kevin Brooks, a commercial agriculture educator at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign, said the agriculture community has identified practices farmers can use to reduce the amount of dry, loose topsoil in their fields.

“Measuring the humidity level as a cause is not the issue,” Brooks said in an interview with Capitol News Illinois. “I won’t say it’s not 100% not about the weather, but this is primarily about tillage.”

One suggestion he made was for farmers to till their fields less frequently and instead resort to strip-tilling or using no-till strategies whenever possible to reduce the amount of loose topsoil in fields.

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Strip-till is a tilling practice where only narrow rows of a field where seeds will be planted are tilled, leaving the rest of the field untouched. While there are many short- and long-term benefits to strip-tilling, no-till practices often don’t seem to benefit farmers right away but do often have long-term advantages, Brooks said.

Rep. Charles Meier, an Okawville Republican, farms 1,500 acres in southern Illinois with his family, including corn, wheat, beans, hay, and beef cattle. He said most crops are already minimally tilled by farmers.

“I’m 66 years old and we never no-tilled when I was a kid,” he told Capitol News Illinois. “All of our conventional soybeans are no-tilled now, all of our wheat is done by minimal-till, and our corn is all by minimal-till now.”

He said he’s in frequent contact with his SWCD, including a call on Monday with his district’s employee, and criticized Democratic leadership’s funding priorities, such as subsidies for renewable energy.

“They’re not funding the nuts and bolts of Illinois conservation,” Meier said. “I’m not against wind and solar but they don’t pay for themselves and they’re making us taxpayers pay for them.”

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Another main practice Brooks recommended farmers employ was planting cover crops, which are crops planted after harvest not for their produce, but for their benefits to the soil. Cover crops can be planted after a fall harvest for a variety of benefits, including to preserve topsoil through the winter, increase organic matter in the soil and dry the field earlier in the spring.

Brooks also attributed recent dust storms to the invention of high-speed discs — a tillage attachment with many more disks than normal tillage attachments, which tills at faster rates. He said these disks have taken tillage speeds from around 4 mph to over 10, and that farmers in Illinois quickly amassed these machines during and after the COVID-19 pandemic, due to the pandemic relief funds they received.

“In theory, they’re supposed to be a kind of conservation because they don’t go into the ground very deep,” Brooks said. “But they literally turn the top several inches of a farm field into powder.”



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Takeaways: Michigan basketball ends Illinois streak, wins Big Ten

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Takeaways: Michigan basketball ends Illinois streak, wins Big Ten


Michigan basketball entered Friday having lost nine straight games to Illinois. With the sole regular-season matchup coming in Champaign against the KenPom No. 4 Illini, it was going to be a tall task for the Wolverines to end that streak.

The game matched up the nation’s No. 2 defense against the No. 1 offense, and in front of a raucous Orange Krush, the maize and blue took a little while to get into an offensive rhythm. Because the No. 5 offense is no slouch, especially against the No. 31 defense. What’s more, Morez Johnson Jr. returned to Champaign after spending his first year with Illinois.

However, the Illini certainly showed how much Michigan appears to be their rival, and really played a physical brand of basketball. After Illinois got a five-point lead, the Wolverines bounced back and got a six-point lead. Illinois had a slight advantage in the first half on the boards, but the Wolverines had a field goal advantage. Both teams were relatively even on turnovers.

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Ultimately, Michigan ended up taking a seven-point lead into the locker room at halftime, but backup point guard LJ Cason appeared to have hurt his knee on the final score of the half.

The second half started with a Michigan layup and an Illinois 3. The next round of scoring went exactly the same way. But then Yaxel Lendeborg hit a 3 to stop the asymmetry. They traded baskets, but then after a few Illinois turnovers, the Wolverines pushed the lead to 10.

Cason returned to the game after the under-16 media timeout, providing (temporary) good news for the maize and blue (he would leave the game again shortly). But the Wolverines missed a few shots, and Illinois took advantage, getting a shot from the field by Mirkovic before Wagler hit a 3 to cut the lead to five, prompting a Michigan timeout with 13:09 remaining.

Illinois cut Michigan’s lead back down to six, but Yaxel Lendeborg stretched it back to nine with a layup-and-one. Then Aday Mara started taking over.

Mara was unguardable, scoring floaters, dunks, and putbacks. His quick 7 points put the Wolverines up to a game-high of 14 with 9:13 remaining. The Illini answered to end the nearly three-minute field goal drought, ending Michigan’s 7-0 scoring run. But the Wolverine defense held, and Trey McKenney finally hit his first (of three) 3-point attempts to push the lead to 15, and he hit again on the next trip, pushing the lead to 18 with 7:34 left in the game. It was a 13-2 scoring run for the maize and blue.

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After an Illinois timeout, they missed again, and Will Tschetter got in on the contagious, 3-pointer action, pushing the lead to 21. Cadeau finally broke the makes from deep, and Wagler hit to cut the lead back to 18 with 5:41 remaining.

Illinois couldn’t mount a comeback, and Michigan won, 84-70. Here are our five takeaways.

Homecoming for Morez Johnson Jr.

An Illinois native who spent his first year with the Illini, the Orange Krush did as much as it could to make it uncomfortable for the outgoing transfer. However, it wasn’t the case, as Johnson was often the best player on the floor.

He was the only Michigan basketball player in double digits at halftime, with 13 points, five rebounds, and a steal, and he was something of an energizer bunny out on the floor for the Wolverines. There were no qualms for Johnson returning to his old stomping ground, as he played one of his best games in a maize and blue uniform.

Johnson was quiet in the second half, but the damage was done, and it makes his former teammate’s pregame comments more prescient:

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What could have been.

Johnson finished with a double-double, scoring 19 points and netting 11 rebounds.

Michigan’s offense outplays Illinois’ offense

As noted, the Illini entered the game with the No. 1 overall offense, while the Wolverines were No. 5. Yet, when the rubber hit the road, it was the maize and blue who had the superior offensive attack, managing to shoot 52.5% overall and 60% in the second half. Illinois managed 41.3% and 43.3% respectively.

The Michigan defense forced Illinois to go through a series of uncomfortable stretches in the second half, with multiple three-minute droughts from the floor. And Illinois, which is accustomed to getting to the foul line, couldn’t seem to draw many fouls until relatively late in the game. Even when the Illini forced three Wolverine turnovers late, they couldn’t seem to take advantage.

Ultimately, Michigan was dominant on both ends of the floor.

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Bench, fastbreak, and points in the paint

The Wolverines dominated all three categories, finishing the game with 20 bench points, 10 fastbreak points, and 42 points in the paint. We already discussed Johnson and his homecoming, but we cannot leave out Aday Mara, who was just such a mismatch for Michigan vs. the Illini. As noted, Mara really flexed late in the game, taking it over. He was the catalyst for most of these stats.

Meanwhile, Illinois only had 7 bench points, 1 fastbreak point, and was just behind Michigan with 32 points in the paint.

The streak was emphatically broken

As we said in the open, the Illini had beaten the Wolverines nine straight times. Even the Fab Five couldn’t beat Illinois in Champaign, as the maize and blue have historically struggled at State Farm Arena. Though it took some time for the Wolverines to flex, flex they did, and this was as emphatic of a win as Michigan had all season.

The final score may have been just a 14-point gulf, but honestly, the game wasn’t really that close (and it hadn’t been for most of the final 10 minutes). This was a huge win for the Wolverines, one that’s been years in the making. If not decades.

With the win over Illinois, Michigan has won the outright Big Ten regular-season title.

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No. 1 overall seed back in the realm of possibility

It may come down to the Big Ten Tournament now that Michigan has lost the head-to-head with Duke. And the Blue Devils’ 54-point win over Notre Dame pushed them into the No. 1 NET ranking, stealing it away from the maize and blue. But with a win over the No. 4 NET-ranked Illini, the Wolverines have the second-best win in college basketball (behind Duke, of course). They also have wins over No. 5 Gonzaga, No. 7 Purdue, No. 11 MSU, No. 12 Nebraska, and will face No. 26 Iowa on the road next week.

There’s a strong case for the maize and blue to have the No. 1 overall seed given the levels of domination over most all of the aforementioned teams.



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Wisconsin man, woman killed in head-on Wadsworth crash involving semi ID’d: officials

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Wisconsin man, woman killed in head-on Wadsworth crash involving semi ID’d: officials


WADSWORTH, Ill. (WLS) — Two people who were killed in a head-on crash involving a semi in the north suburbs on Thursday morning have been identified, officials said on Friday.

The Lake County sheriff’s deputies and the Newport Township Fire Protection District responded to the Route 173 crash, which happened west of North Kilbourne Road in Wadsworth, around 7:50 a.m.

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Witnesses told investigators that the driver of a 2009 Acura sedan, which was traveling eastbound, appeared to be having difficulty staying in his lane and drifted into the path of a Freightliner semi-truck, which was heading westbound.

The two vehicles then collided head-on, officials said. A third vehicle was also hit.

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Chopper 7 was over the scene at 9 a.m., capturing the damage.

The sedan’s driver, a man, and a passenger, a woman, were pronounced dead on the scene.

The Lake County Coroner’s Office identified them as 51-year-old Kelly Wooten and 45-year-old Jacklyn Bradley of Stoughton, Wisconsin. Preliminary autopsy results indicate that both Wooten and Bradley died from blunt-force injuries.

The driver of the third vehicle, a 54-year-old Salem, Wisconsin woman, suffered non-life-threatening injuries.

The crash shut down Route 173 between Kilbourne Road and U.S. 41 in both directions.

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The Lake County Sheriff’s Office Technical Crash Investigations Team is investigating.

The video in the player above is from a previous report.

Copyright © 2026 WLS-TV. All Rights Reserved.



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AIPAC faces test of its power in Illinois primary as Democrats debate future of Israel relationship

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AIPAC faces test of its power in Illinois primary as Democrats debate future of Israel relationship


WASHINGTON — A crowded primary season in Illinois is shaping up as the next test for the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, a powerful advocacy organization that’s generating fresh turmoil over the Democratic Party’s relationship to Israel and the role of undisclosed campaign cash in this year’s midterm elections.

AIPAC, which was founded decades ago to lobby for U.S. support for Israel, has reserved at least $1.9 million in advertisements through its super PAC in the race to replace Rep. Danny Davis, a veteran politician who is retiring. The organization hopes to boost Melissa Conyears-Ervin, the city treasurer in Chicago, to victory over a dozen other candidates in the March 17 primary.

Other organizations that critics believe are tied to AIPAC are also spending heavily in Illinois, a source of bitterness and recriminations in a state already known for its bare knuckled brand of politics.

The aggressive spending comes after AIPAC put almost $2 million into a recent Democratic primary for a special election in New Jersey, an effort that’s widely considered to have backfired. AIPAC targeted Tom Malinowski, a former congressman who narrowly lost to progressive candidate Analilia Mejia — who has been outspoken in criticism of Israel.

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But AIPAC appears undaunted by the experience, despite an outpouring of criticism from across the political spectrum.

“We expect to be involved in dozens of races both in primaries and general elections this cycle,” said Patrick Dorton, a spokesman for AIPAC’s affiliated super PAC, the United Democracy Project, or UDP.

AIPAC has more urgently pursued its mission as Democratic skepticism and even hostility toward the U.S.-Israel relationship increases because of the war in Gaza, jeopardizing traditional bipartisan support for military assistance to a historic ally. But the group’s assertive interventions in this year’s primaries, which are expected to expand in the months to come, also risk further fracturing the party and eroding any remaining goodwill.

AIPAC has been dividing line in Illinois primary

Campaign finance laws involving super PACs make it nearly impossible to ascertain who is behind much of the money being spent in Illinois. Although UDP is open about its affiliation, recently created groups like Elect Chicago Women and Affordable Chicago Now haven’t yet been required to disclose the sources of their money.

Neither group is obligated to disclose its funding until after the Illinois’ primary. Critics suspect they’re conduits for AIPAC money, and AIPAC has declined to say whether there’s any connection.

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UDP, Elect Chicago Women and Affordable Chicago Now are three of the top four spenders on advertisements in House races so far, with almost $11 million total, and the majority going to Illinois. Financial numbers are drawn from AdImpact, a nonpartisan ad-tracking service.

None of the organizations mention Israel in their campaign messaging, a strategy that AIPAC-affiliated groups have used in the past as well.

For example, the United Democracy Project assailed Malinowski in New Jersey as sympathetic to President Donald Trump’s deportation efforts, undermining him with liberal voters. In Illinois, it is promoting Conyears-Ervin to replace Davis in the 7th congressional district by saying she will fight to lower costs and protect healthcare.

The strategy has contributed to speculation and angst about AIPAC’s influence in politics. Supporters of Israel accuse critics of using antisemitic tropes about dual loyalty, and others say the focus on AIPAC is misplaced.

“I think the folks who are talking the most about AIPAC are seeking to demonize Israel and create a break in the U.S.-Israel relationship,” said Rep. Brad Schneider, a Democrat who represents Illinois’ 10th district.

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“The problem is Citizens United and the decision to allow dark money,” said Schneider, the co-chair of the Congressional Jewish Caucus. “The problem is the rules. Let’s fix the rules.”

Candidates have been criticizing each other for their perceived willingness to accept help from AIPAC. Four progressive candidates vying for different Illinois congressional seats jointly condemned the organization’s role in the state’s primaries during a press conference in February. Another candidate is selling shirts on her website with anti-AIPAC messaging.

AIPAC has increased its campaign spending in recent years

Malinowski is still raw over his experience as AIPAC’s target in New Jersey, and he said that he won’t support any candidates backed by the organization this year. He described himself as pro-Israel even though he opposed unconditional assistance for the country, a stance that drew AIPAC’s ire.

“Obviously, we were going to talk about Israel and Gaza in the campaign because many voters would be asking questions about it,” Malinowski said. “But I wanted those discussions to be about the substance, not colored by baggage of endorsements from groups that are controversial now.”

AIPAC said in a statement that Mejia’s success in the primary was “an anticipated possibility,” suggesting they had no regrets that their role could have helped pave the way for a candidate who has described Israel’s actions in Gaza as genocide.

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Although AIPAC has always been politically active, it began spending directly on campaigns during the 2022 midterms.

Since then, it has spent more than $221 million through its traditional PAC and its super PAC, according to Federal Election Commission filings between December 2021 and January 2026.

The super PAC has mostly focused on Democratic primaries. In the 2022 and 2024 cycles, UDP spent at least $1 million supporting or opposing 18 candidates, 16 of whom were Democrats. Many of those candidates were running in open races.

Traditional PACs are allowed to raise and donate up to $5,000 per candidate per election, and may coordinate directly with campaigns. Super PACs don’t have fundraising or spending limits but are not allowed to make direct or in-kind contributions to candidates nor coordinate communications.

In 2024, UDP’s biggest investments were made in support of centrist challengers to progressive incumbents. It spent more than $13 million in the 2024 Democratic primary in New York’s 16th District, in which current Rep. George Latimer defeated former Rep. Jamaal Bowman. It also spent $8.5 million opposing former Rep. Cori Bush, who lost her primary to Rep. Wesley Bell.

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