Detroit, MI
In “When Detroit Played the Numbers,” Felicia B. George looks at illegal gambling's heyday
For Black History Month, Michigan Public’s Morning Edition is featuring conversations with Michigan authors who have written new books about African-American history.
In her book, When Detroit Played the Numbers: Gambling’s History and Cultural Impact on the Motor City, Felicia B. George looks at the rise and fall of illegal gambling operations in the city.
The Library of Michigan has selected it for its 2025 Michigan Notable Books list.
George is an anthropologist and teaches at Wayne State University. She spoke with Stateside’s April Baer in 2024.
April Baer: I have to say, before I picked up your book, I was totally unaware of historically how very long lotteries have been with us. Maybe for younger folks who who’ve grown up with the legal lottery systems that exist today, can you explain where lotteries came from?
Felicia B. George: So it’s something that we adopted from England when we came over here in the United States to build the states. It was a fast and easy way to generate revenue without raising taxes. So the United States was literally built on a lot of different lotteries. It paid for roads. It paid for churches, hospitals, universities. You name it, and it was used to pay for it. It even helped pay for the American Revolution.
AB: The bulk of the book addresses this period starting in the early 20th century. Could you lay out for us what you consider to be the dawn of lotteries in the numbers in Detroit?
FBG: Eventually, like with everything, fraud kind of creeped its way into the lotteries. And so a lot of the states make them illegal. And so, after the Civil War, they were illegal. You’re not supposed to play the lotteries by the 1890s. They were done. For a while, Detroit had some illegal lottery going on and they declared that it was dead. And so it was dead just — probably for a few years — in the early 1900s.
But in 1920, something really interesting occurred. John Roxborough was a Black man that came from a elite family. He had his own business where he was a bail bondsman, and one day he went to bail out a numbers operator. And this numbers operator said to him, “Hey, you guys don’t have a policy game.” And that was another name for the numbers game. He said, “I can teach you this and you will make a ton of money.” And sure enough, he learned how to run this establishment from this numbers operator. And he promoted it to Detroit and it just blew up from there.
AB: You give us all kinds of evidence throughout the book that the numbers and lottery games were something that, very much like today with legal lotteries, everyone played. Rich people, poor people, all races. Another thing that you bring up pretty early in the book is pushing back and questioning the concept of gaming as predatory in Black communities. And you point out many different examples of how the games kept money in the community.
FBG: It was really important for Black people to have a financial institution. We’re talking about a period of time when redlining was going on, when Blacks were denied employment, when they were denied loans for businesses, where there was not money to be used to go to colleges and universities. And so these numbers men here in Detroit really considered themselves race men. Even though they became very rich and they made a lot of profit from it, they put it back into the community.
“The United States was literally built on a lot of different lotteries… It even helped pay for the American Revolution.”
Author Felicia B. George
A lot of these men would donate money to the Urban League, to the NAACP. And they would make sure that these organizations had money so that they could keep running. They provided scholarship funds for students. They gave loans for businesses, nightclubs, restaurants. When the Depression hit, these same men made sure that they were feeding the homeless and the people that didn’t have food. And so they really, really gave back economically and socially to the communities that they served.
AB: Felicia, the book also gives us a lot of detail on the very complicated relationship between “policy,” and “the numbers,” and law enforcement. Thank you also for explaining the policy was how people talked about the games where lottery numbers were selected, I guess in the way that we think about it now. And the numbers were a bit more of something that involved published results from from different kinds of things. I never really understood that distinction before.
Can you explain law enforcement’s relationship with illegal gambling in Detroit?
FBG: In order for the numbers game to be played, they had to have protection, and they had to have a way to ensure that they wouldn’t be raided and lose their money. And so they had a number of people, including the mayor of the city of Detroit, the sheriff for Wayne County, the prosecutor for Wayne County, and a number of police officers for Detroit Police Department were on their payroll.
AB: There’s a whole chapter devoted to a period in which John Roxborough … was indicted. And all of a sudden a lot of things that had been going on below the surface were very much more public. Can you explain what played out at the trial and the impact that it had on the numbers in the city?
FBG: There was a woman who worked for one of the Irish number houses, and she was a divorcee and was having an affair with the manager of one of these numbers houses. And he pretty much gave her a Dear John letter and, told her, “Hey, you know, I’m no good. I’m breaking up with you. You can do better than me.”
And she met with him one final time to give him an opportunity to come back to her, and he wouldn’t. And so she picked up her child and she committed suicide and killed her child. But before she did this, she sent letters all over the city. She sent it to the Detroit News, the Detroit Times, the Detroit Free Press, the Michigan State Police, to the FBI. And in these letters, she said, Hey, there’s a lot of bias that’s going on in the City of Detroit. The police department is a part of it. They’re being paid off. These are the players. This is what’s going on.
When this hit the newspapers, the public was enraged and then a lot of the numbers men were exposed. John Roxborough, who was [famed boxer] Joe Louis’s manager, and a whole bunch of other numbers operators. And so they were indicted and eventually convicted. At that point, you start seeing some of the power that the Black numbers operators had, they really, really started to diminish.
“Even though they became very rich and they made a lot of profit from it, they put it back into the community.”
Author Felicia B. George on how Black numbers men in Detroit supported their communities in the early 20th century.
AB: One of the things that was so poignant about the book was seeing how the story of numbers games and policy were really entwined with the story of America and the larger story of Black Detroit. What was the confluence of how the lottery was changing in the years when Detroit’s neighborhoods, Black neighborhoods, were changing as well?
FBG: Before urban renewal, you have these clusters where Blacks were forced to live, and so you have these communities and numbers were a huge part of those communities. They were a way for people to socialize, to bond together, not just the economic part or the entertainment part. And so you would have these numbers writers, they would go door to door. They were the ones that, you know, would kind of pass on whatever news was going on in the community. And so they were important men and women in the community.
And when urban renewal comes, now these communities are being broken up. And so these number writers — who have been a part of the community for years that everybody knows who they are, plays the numbers with them — they’re now gone. The telephone had a part in it. You know, now people are calling in their numbers. And so with urban renewal, you’ve lost the sense of community for a number of reasons. And you can just kind of see how it gradually impacted not just those communities, but the relationships in the game overall.
Editor’s note: Quotes in this article have been edited for length and clarity. This transcript and the audio version of the interview near the top of this page are excerpted from a longer conversation that originally appeared on Stateside. You can find that interview here.
Detroit, MI
Detroit Lions ‘Ready’ for All-Pro Moving to Left Tackle
The Detroit Lions may indeed have a position switch in the cards for one of their top offensive linemen.
While no final decision has officially been made, the Lions appear to be bracing for three-time All-Pro selection Penei Sewell to move from right tackle to left tackle for the 2026 season.
Lions head coach Dan Campbell addressed the possibility during his media appearance Monday at the annual league meetings.
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Campbell told reporters that Sewell is ready to make the switch from the right side to the left and that the coach would like to make the move. The move would come after the departure of Taylor Decker, who requested his release from the team after 10 seasons playing the blindside spot.
Sewell has quickly become one of the top offensive tackles in the league. He was the first draft pick made in general manager Brad Holmes’ tenure, as the team picked him seventh overall in the 2021 draft.
In his five NFL seasons, the Oregon product has earned Pro Bowl honors four times and has been a First Team All-Pro three consecutive seasons.
Lions coach Dan Campbell says he’d like to move Penei Sewell to left tackle, and while no final call has been made yet, “He’s ready to do that.”
— Albert Breer (@AlbertBreer) March 30, 2026
Sewell has made 83 appearances for the Lions, all starts, and has performed at an exceptional level. He earned a four-year, $112 million contract extension prior to the 2024 season for his efforts.
The Lions have had somewhat of a topsy turvy offseason, as they’ve parted ways with key contributors in years past such as Decker, running back David Montgomery and linebacker Alex Anzalone.
Decker’s departure came after he initially announced his intention to return after mulling retirement, but talks with the front office broke down after they wanted him to take a pay cut.
As a result, the Lions now need a left tackle. They signed veteran Larry Borom to a one-year deal in free agency, but Borom’s starting experience has mostly come on the right side. As a result, there’s belief that Sewell could transition to the left side full time.
Sewell made the first eight starts of his career at left tackle in 2021, filling in while Decker was on injured reserve. Since then, he’s played exclusively on the right side with Dan Skipper predominantly filling in for Decker when the veteran was unable to go.
Skipper retired this offseason and has joined the Lions’ coaching staff as an offensive assistant.
The Lions also have 2024 fourth-round pick Gio Manu returning for his third NFL season. Manu was drafted as a developmental prospect, and has made just one start in his first two campaigns and spent the majority of last season on injured reserve.
Last season, Sewell earned a 95.2 overall offensive grade via Pro Football Focus and an elite 96.8 run-blocking grade. He’s proven to be one of the most durable players on the roster, missing just two possible starts in five seasons.
Detroit, MI
Wolverines make Frozen Four
The Michigan Wolverines are the last Michigan team standing in college hockey as both Western Michigan and Michigan State lost in the round of eight.
Michigan will face Denver, while Wisconsin and North Dakota face off in the other semi-final game this week.
Detroit, MI
The onlookers who stumble upon a No Kings Day protest in Michigan
No Kings protesters march down Woodward Ave. in Detroit
Hundreds of protesters take Woodward Ave. to protest the Trump administration on March 28, 2026 as part of the No Kings day of action.
For some passersby in Detroit, the thousands of people who took to the streets on Saturday, March 28, to denounce President Donald Trump and his administration’s policies were a comfort. To others, they were an annoyance or worse.
But across the state, protesters sought to catch their eye and share with each other encouragement and concerns on the third so-called No Kings Day in a year protesting the president.
Crowds gathered in Holland, Adrian, West Bloomfield and Lansing. One sign in Ann Arbor read, “I’m tired of this, Grandpa,” and one in Battle Creek read, “End The War.” In Romulus, politicians rallied against the potential for an immigration detention center to be built there, and in Dearborn, a lawyer once detained by such agents called for the dismantling of their department. In Detroit, a teacher described the empty chairs of detained students, and a mother held up a painting of an explosion taking place in front of a child, symbolic of American military actions.
In a statement released ahead of the protests, White House spokeswoman Abigail Jackson made little of the efforts.
“The only people who care about these Trump Derangement Therapy Sessions are the reporters who are paid to cover them,” she said.
Onlookers, politicians and participants weighed in during conversations with the Free Press.
Onlookers
Jackee Oliver, 37, of Detroit, made her way back from her neighborhood store with her mom and 11-year-old daughter sporting stickers that read, “I Stood Up For Democracy Today,” and included a symbol of a crossed-out crown.
They’d been running their errand when they passed through the No Kings gathering about 11 a.m. on the east side of Detroit bordering Grosse Pointe on Mack Avenue between Cadieux and Neff roads. Oliver said she didn’t realize the protest was happening but hoped to come back out to join.
It was “a good thing,” she said, with her mom, Devita Williams, 58, of Ypsilanti, adding her thoughts on the Trump administration: “I’d like to get them all out the White House.”
Community members eyeing the crowd of roughly 200 people who marched through their Southwest Detroit neighborhood west of Clark Park on Saturday afternoon offered differing takes on the matter.
One man, translated by his nephew, said it was good and should be everywhere. Another said the group probably didn’t live in Southwest Detroit. Still others called it awesome or said the group should take their protest elsewhere.
In downtown Detroit, as at least a couple of thousand protesters marched along Woodward Avenue, several people headed to see the band the Black Label Society at The Fillmore said they got stuck in backups because of the march.
Shawn Roy, 49, drove from the Lansing area on his birthday with his son for that concert, he said while stuck behind a police SUV blocking Woodward for the marchers.
Roy is a Trump supporter but said he didn’t take issue with people using their right to protest. He just didn’t think their tactic was reasonable with so many events in town.
“This wouldn’t sway my mind even if I was on the fence,” he said.
Shortly thereafter, as the marchers started to depart, Milan Anderson-Whitfield, 19, of Northville, strolled up with her teenage little sister to see a group of drummers still playing and learn more. She held a sign she’d been given that read, “Keep your theology off my biology.”
She was tearing up as she spoke to a Free Press reporter, she said.
She’s anti-Trump. Seeing the gathering means a lot when you “don’t have anyone to talk to about this,” she said.
Elsewhere in the region, U.S. Rep. John James, a GOP candidate for governor, attended the Michigan Republican Party endorsement convention and called the demonstrations “just another manifestation of Trump Derangement Syndrome.”
War, immigration, high costs and hope
Speakers across three rallies in Detroit spoke about not giving into despair, how immigration enforcement is causing harm in their view, their concern for voting rights, and how they disagree with Trump’s moves to attack Iran, remove Venezuela’s leader and to eye Cuba as “next.”
Speakers called for local policy change too. Faith leaders spoke, as did union members, activists and politicians such as Lt. Gov. Garlin Gilchrist II, a Democrat who is a candidate for Michigan secretary of state, and U.S. Rep. Rashida Tlaib, D-Detroit.
In Clark Park, with more than 600 people listening, speakers called for Detroit police to release unedited video in use of force situations. They also called for college and city institutions to divest from businesses with ties to Israel.
The fight for immigrant rights and the fight against wars are interrelated, said Daniel Weber Alatorre of the Wayne State University chapter of Students for a Democratic Society.
“We create atrocities over there, immigrants come here and we beat them,” he told the crowd.
As those from the Clark Park rally marched, they chanted, “Trump wants war, Trump wants oil, hands off Iranian soil.”
As those at Detroit’s downtown Grand Circus Park marched later in the day, they chanted, “Hey, hey, ho, ho, Donald Trump has got to go.”
Before the start of that rally, Rubina Javed, 60, of Warren, held up a painting her daughter had made. It showed a child looking out at the site of an explosion, an apparent bombing of sorts. It represents Iran, Lebanon and beyond, and Trump lied when he campaigned on no wars, she said.
“We don’t need bombing,” Javed said. “We want peace, dignity and love.”
She urged others to join the cause of protesting Trump, saying more voices can make change.
Kristen Schoettle, who said she works as an English as a second language teacher at Western International High School in Detroit, also told the crowd to act after sharing her story of five students being taken by immigration agents. It’s harmed fellow students, too, she said.
She called on people to push back against police cooperation with immigration agents or do whatever else they can, whatever that may look like.
Metro Detroit protests
Robin Gillis and her husband, Michael, both 73, of West Bloomfield, braved the cold in their town with temperatures in the 20s and a dusting of snow on the ground to talk about the Iran war, the economy, worry for upcoming elections, and the president’s imperious tone.
“He likes to label people so he can denigrate them, humiliate them, and make them feel less important,” said Michael Gillis, who was among more than 100 people out on Orchard Lake Road.
In Macomb County, Susan Diliberti, 69, of Clinton Township, walked among hundreds in Sterling Heights with a sign saying “juntos somos América” on one side with the translation “together we are America” on the other.
She came out to the protest at Hall and Schoenherr roads because she’s worried about future generations and wants to fight for everyone to have the right to accessible, quality public education, universal healthcare and the environment, she said.
“I’m hoping that we’re going to have hope to move into something that is even better than what we had before all the chaos happened,” Diliberti said.
The war in the Middle East affects many Dearborn residents with loved ones overseas, said Dearborn Democratic Club recording secretary Diane Hall.
Her group organized the No Kings gathering of about 300 people Saturday at the Henry Ford Centennial Library in Dearborn. It featured speakers from Arab Americans for Progress and the ACLU of Michigan, among others.
“This is hitting hard for the people in Dearborn, and we want to be able to show our support, but also express our rage, and our grief, and our optimism, that we can come together, elect candidates that will stand up against the war, stand up against the regime, and make the pain stop,” Hall said. “So, it’s political, but it’s also moral for us. It’s life. It’s a question of life and death.”
A site of controversy
Bubbles floated in the air, music played and an organizer handed out chalk for demonstrators to leave messages for immigration agents at a Romulus No Kings protest.
By 3:30 p.m. roughly 300 people had made it out to the event at the site of 7525 Cogswell St., a property the U.S. Department of Homeland Security purchased with plans to make it a detention facility.
Demonstrators of all ages joined local politicians including U.S. Rep. Shri Thanedar, D-Detroit, and Washtenaw County Prosecutor Eli Savit at the rally. Tlaib made an appearance in Romulus, at least her third protest of the day, along with U.S. Rep. Debbie Dingell, D-Ann Arbor, and Wayne County Commissioner Allen Wilson.
The Romulus protest differed from some others in Michigan because it demands specific, local, achievable action, said Chris Boyd, a member of organizing group Coalition to Shut the Camps.
Boyd said the recently developed group has already sent letters to companies and governmental organizations that would need to approve utilities for the facility.
His group has asked those institutions not to collaborate with the facility and more, and will hold those institutions accountable, he said.
There isn’t a clear timeline for the detention center’s construction. DHS officials previously said the facility’s construction and operation would lead to more than 1,400 jobs and create millions in tax revenue. On March 24, Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel and Romulus officials announced they are suing DHS to prevent the opening of the planned facility.
Boyd said many protests show solidarity with groups being harmed by ICE, but few explore strategies to prevent people from being harmed. He said it’s going to take a shift to preventative strategies to stop harm.
“It’s not bad but it’s not sufficient,” Boyd said. “It’s OK to bring moms from Ann Arbor to go hang out with each other and hang out in the park and sing protest songs. That’s beautiful. It’s wonderful. It doesn’t change our outcomes. So we have to come up with other strategies that are sufficient and I think that’s what this is an example of.”
That said, he called the collective No Kings protests a powerful message and said the energy of such actions often fuel the practical work that follows.
Staff writer Paul Egan contributed to this story.
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