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Former candidates’ finance reports herald the past — and the future

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Former candidates’ finance reports herald the past — and the future

EVANSVILLE — For former Evansville Mayor Lloyd Winnecke, the required ritual of filing annual campaign fundraising reports signaled the end of an era in local politics.

The 2023 year-end report that Republican Winnecke filed Jan. 17 was accompanied by paperwork disbanding his political committee with no money in it. The former three-term mayor, who reported raising and spending more than $1.2 million for one of his re-election campaigns, didn’t run again last year. He did receive $18,000 in donations to go with $200,000-plus that he already had — but he spent it all in 2023 and shut the whole thing down.

For other former candidates who haven’t sought elected office in a while, the annual accounting of how much money remains in the kitty represents yet-to-be-realized hope. Or at least keeping the door open. Most don’t have anywhere near the amount a mayor typically raises, but they don’t need as much either.

More: Evansville mayoral candidates file reports painting very different pictures

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Jason Ashworth, a Democrat who ran unsuccessfully for Vanderburgh County sheriff in 2022, said the $1,043.62 still rattling around in his campaign account might be seed money for a future campaign for him — or his wife, Kendyl.

“She’s in her 31st year of school teaching, and she obviously is very invested in (Evansville Vanderburgh School Corp.), the kids in the corporation and in the community,” Ashworth said.

Whenever Kendyl Ashworth becomes eligible, her husband said, she might entertain the notion of seeking a seat on the EVSC school board. Or not. If neither of them runs for elected office, Jason Ashworth said, the leftover thousand dollars-plus will go “to charity or another candidate.”

Indiana state law 3-9-3-4 spells out ways money in campaign accounts may be spent, including “activity related to service in an elected office” and “continuing political activity.” The money can’t be used to pay personal expenses, but the law allows it to be spent for a variety of political actions. Giving money to other candidates is a common use of campaign funds.

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County Coroner Steve Lockyear still holds elected office, but he has served the maximum allowed two consecutive terms in office and may not seek re-election this year. Lockyear said he plans to retire — but there’s still the matter of the $519.06 left in his campaign fund.

“I think legally you can donate to another candidate or to the party, and that’s probably what I’ll do,” said Lockyear, a Democrat. “It’s been one of those things my wife (attorney Krista Lockyear) and I have discussed over the last four years, on getting rid of the account — but you fill out one of these papers and you kind of forget about it until the next year. Then you start going, ‘Oh darn, we’ve got to file that report again. We need to close that account.’”

For some former candidates, intrigue remains

Sometimes there’s enough in a former candidate’s still-active campaign account to raise eyebrows — and questions about the future.

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Former Vanderburgh County Prosecutor Nick Hermann, who last sought office more than a year and a half ago, reported that he still has more than $39,000 in his account.

Hermann is the subject of persistent rumors in legal and political circles that he will seek a Superior Court judgeship this year, but he did not return messages about his political plans or the money in his campaign account. The deadline for filing candidacy is Feb. 9.

School board member Amy Word, who is fighting a felony criminal charge that accuses her of “maintaining a common nuisance” at Lamasco Bar & Grill, has said she will not seek re-election in 2024.

But Word did file an annual campaign finance report Thursday, one day after the state deadline for doing so.

Word reported that she still has nearly $2,600 in her campaign account. She reported raising no money in 2023 and spending just 50 cents from her the account, an un-itemized expenditure.

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Phone and text messages to Word went unanswered.

More common is the report filed by Steve Ary, an unsuccessful mayoral candidate in 2019. The Committee to Elect Steve Ary reports having “$0.00” cash on hand, mainly because he hasn’t sought any elected office for several years.

But never say never.

“I intended on keeping (the campaign account) in case I was going to run again and, quite frankly, I don’t know that I am yet,” Ary said.

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Cheers Financial Taps into AI to Build Credit – Los Angeles Business Journal

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Cheers Financial Taps into AI to Build Credit – Los Angeles Business Journal

A credit-building tool fintech founder Ken Lian built out of personal need just got an artificial intelligence-powered upgrade.

Lian and co-founders Zhen Wang and Qingyi Li recently launched Cheers Financial – a startup run out of Pasadena-based Idealab Inc. which combines fast-tracked credit-building with “immigrant-friendly” onboarding.

“Our mission is really to try to make credit fair to individuals who want to have financial freedom in the U.S.,” Lian said.

After coming to the U.S. as an international student from China in 2008, Lian said he struggled for four years to get a bank’s approval for a credit card. Since 2021, the USC alumnus’ fintech ventures have aimed to break down the hurdles immigrants like him often face in accessing and building credit.

Since its launch in November, Cheers Financial has seen “healthy growth,” Lian said, with thousands using its secured personal loan product to build credit through automated monthly payments. At the end of the 24-month loan period, users get their principal back minus about 12.2% interest.

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“The product is designed to automate the entire flow, so users basically can set and forget it,” Lian said.

Cheers, partnering with Minnesota-based Sunrise Banks, boasts an average 21-point increase in credit scores within a couple of months among its users coming in with “fair” scores from the high 500s to mid-600s.

With help from AI data summary and matching, the company reports to the three major credit bureaus every 15 days – two times as frequent as popular credit-building app Kikoff. Lian hopes to shave that down to seven days.

Cheers is far from Lian, Wang and Li’s first step into alternative financial tools. An earlier venture launched in 2021, Cheese Inc., served a similar goal as an online platform providing credit-building loans alongside other services, including a zero-fee debit card with cash back.

Cheese folded when the company it used as its middle layer, Synapse Financial Technologies, collapsed in April 2024 and locked thousands of users out of their savings.

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For Lian and other fintech founders, Synapse’s fall was a wake-up call to the gaps and risks of digital banking’s status quo. As he geared up for Cheers, Lian knew in-house models and a direct company-to-bank relationship were key.

“That allows us to build a very secure and stable platform for our users,” Lian said.

Despite cooling investment in fintech, Cheers nabbed backing from San Francisco-based Better Tomorrow Ventures’ $140 million fintech fund. Automating base-level processes with AI has given the company a chance to operate at a lower cost, Lian said.

“You don’t need to build everything from the ground up,” Lian said. “You can let AI build the basic part, and then you optimize from that.”

Strong demand from high-quality users who spread the word to friends and relatives has helped, too. Some have even started Cheers accounts before arriving in the U.S., Lian said, to get a head start on building credit.

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How The Narrative Around ConocoPhillips (COP) Is Shifting With New Research And Cash Flow Concerns

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How The Narrative Around ConocoPhillips (COP) Is Shifting With New Research And Cash Flow Concerns
ConocoPhillips’ fair value estimate has been adjusted slightly, moving from about US$112.37 to roughly US$111.48, as recent research blends confidence in the company’s execution and balance sheet with more cautious views on crude pricing and near term cash flow. The core discount rate has been held steady at 6.956%, while modest tweaks to revenue growth assumptions, from 1.92% to 1.69%, reflect tempered expectations around demand and realizations that some firms are flagging. Stay tuned to…
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Africa’s climate finance rules are growing, but they’re weakly enforced – new research

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Africa’s climate finance rules are growing, but they’re weakly enforced – new research

Climate change is no longer just about melting ice or hotter summers. It is also a financial problem. Droughts, floods, storms and heatwaves damage crops, factories and infrastructure. At the same time, the global push to cut greenhouse gas emissions creates risks for countries that depend on oil, gas or coal.

These pressures can destabilise entire financial systems, especially in regions already facing economic fragility. Africa is a prime example.

Although the continent contributes less than 5% of global carbon emissions, it is among the most vulnerable. In Mozambique, repeated cyclones have destroyed homes, roads and farms, forcing banks and insurers to absorb heavy losses. Kenya has experienced severe droughts that hurt agriculture, reducing farmers’ ability to repay loans. In north Africa, heatwaves strain electricity grids and increase water scarcity.

These physical risks are compounded by “transition risks”, like declining revenues from fossil fuel exports or higher borrowing costs as investors worry about climate instability. Together, they make climate governance through financial policies both urgent and complex. Without these policies, financial systems risk being caught off guard by climate shocks and the transition away from fossil fuels.

This is where climate-related financial policies come in. They provide the tools for banks, insurers and regulators to manage risks, support investment in greener sectors and strengthen financial stability.

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Regulators and banks across Africa have started to adopt climate-related financial policies. These range from rules that require banks to consider climate risks, to disclosure standards, green lending guidelines, and green bond frameworks. These tools are being tested in several countries. But their scope and enforcement vary widely across the continent.

My research compiles the first continent-wide database of climate-related financial policies in Africa and examines how differences in these policies – and in how binding they are – affect financial stability and the ability to mobilise private investment for green projects.

A new study I conducted reviewed more than two decades of policies (2000–2025) across African countries. It found stark differences.

South Africa has developed the most comprehensive framework, with policies across all categories. Kenya and Morocco are also active, particularly in disclosure and risk-management rules. In contrast, many countries in central and west Africa have introduced only a few voluntary measures.

Why does this matter? Voluntary rules can help raise awareness and encourage change, but on their own they often do not go far enough. Binding measures, on the other hand, tend to create stronger incentives and steadier progress. So far, however, most African climate-related financial policies remain voluntary. This leaves climate risk as something to consider rather than a firm requirement.

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Uneven landscape

In Africa, the 2015 Paris Agreement marked a clear turning point. Around that time, policy activity increased noticeably, suggesting that international agreements and standards could help create momentum and visibility for climate action. The expansion of climate-related financial policies was also shaped by domestic priorities and by pressure from international investors and development partners.

But since the late 2010s, progress has slowed. Limited resources, overlapping institutional responsibilities and fragmented coordination have made it difficult to sustain the earlier pace of reform.

Looking across the continent, four broad patterns have emerged.

A few countries, such as South Africa, have developed comprehensive frameworks. These include:

  • disclosure rules (requirements for banks and companies to report how climate risks affect them)

  • stress tests (simulations of extreme climate or transition scenarios to see whether banks would remain resilient).

Others, including Kenya and Morocco, are steadily expanding their policy mix, even if institutional capacity is still developing.

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Some, such as Nigeria and Egypt, are moderately active, with a focus on disclosure rules and green bonds. (Those are bonds whose proceeds are earmarked to finance environmentally friendly projects such as renewable energy, clean transport or climate-resilient infrastructure.)

Finally, many countries in central and west Africa have introduced only a limited number of measures, often voluntary in nature.

This uneven landscape has important consequences.

The net effect

In fossil fuel-dependent economies such as South Africa, Egypt and Algeria, the shift away from coal, oil and gas could generate significant transition risks. These include:

  • financial instability, for example when asset values in carbon-intensive sectors fall sharply or credit exposures deteriorate

  • stranded assets, where fossil fuel infrastructure and reserves lose their economic value before the end of their expected life because they can no longer be used or are no longer profitable under stricter climate policies.

Addressing these challenges may require policies that combine investment in new, low-carbon sectors with targeted support for affected workers, communities and households.

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Climate finance affects people directly. When droughts lead to loan defaults, local banks are strained. Insurance companies facing repeated payouts after floods may raise premiums. Pension funds invested in fossil fuels risk devaluations as these assets lose value. Climate-related financial policies therefore matter not only for regulators and markets, but also for jobs, savings, and everyday livelihoods.

At the same time, there are opportunities.

Firstly, expanding access to green bonds and sustainability-linked loans can channel private finance into renewable energy, clean transport, or resilient infrastructure.

Secondly, stronger disclosure rules can improve transparency and investor confidence.

Thirdly, regional harmonisation through common reporting standards, for example, would reduce fragmentation. This would make it easier for Africa to attract global climate finance.

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Looking ahead

International forums such as the UN climate conferences (COP) and the G20 have helped to push this agenda forward, mainly by setting expectations rather than hard rules. These initiatives create pressure and guidance. But they remain soft law. Turning them into binding, enforceable rules still depends on decisions taken by national regulators and governments.

International partners such as the African Development Bank and the African Union could support coordination by promoting continental standards that define what counts as a green investment. Donors and multilateral lenders may also provide technical expertise and financial support to countries with weaker systems, helping them move from voluntary guidelines toward more enforceable rules.

South Africa, already a regional leader, could share its experience with stress testing and green finance frameworks.

Africa also has the potential to position itself as a hub for renewable energy and sustainable finance. With vast solar and wind resources, expanding urban centres, and an increasingly digital financial sector, the continent could leapfrog towards a greener future if investment and regulation advance together.

Success stories in Kenya’s sustainable banking practices and Morocco’s renewable energy expansion show that progress is possible when financial systems adapt.

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What happens next will matter greatly. By expanding and enforcing climate-related financial rules, Africa can reduce its vulnerability to climate shocks while unlocking opportunities in green finance and renewable energy.

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