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France, racial politics and why 'the Mbappe effect' is shaping a bitter election

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France, racial politics and why 'the Mbappe effect' is shaping a bitter election

The morning after France’s opening game of Euro 2024, the French Institute of Public Opinion (IFOP) published its latest poll ahead of the country’s legislative election.

The top line was that the seemingly unstoppable momentum behind the far-right National Rally Party (RN), bidding to form a government for the first time, seemed to have slowed – dropping from 35 per cent support a week earlier to 33 per cent. The New Popular Front, a coalition of left-wing parties, and President Macron’s centrist Renaissance party had both begun to close the gap.

Such fluctuations are normal during the course of an election campaign, particularly in a country whose political landscape changes as rapidly as that in France, but there was another finding that caught the eye.

IFOP reported a significant shift away from the RN among those between the ages of 18 and 34 (from 31 per cent to 27 per cent). They also reported that 57 per cent of 18-to-35-year-olds intended to vote in the first round — in contrast to the previous legislative elections in June 2022, when only 30 per cent of that age group did so.

Could this be the beginning of the Kylian Mbappe effect?

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This was the first poll since the France forward issued a plea to the public to recognise that “the extremes are knocking on the doors of power”. He urged young people in particular to “make a difference” and to “shape our country’s future” in the two rounds of voting on June 30 and July 7.

At a news conference to preview that first Euro 2024 game against Austria, Mbappe said he was “against extremes, against divisive ideas” but also against political apathy.

“That’s why I’m trying to give a voice to these people of my generation,” he said, “because that’s what I was like when I was younger, thinking my voice isn’t going to change (anything).”

Mbappe’s team-mate Marcus Thuram, whose Guadeloupe-born father Lilian was one of the most influential players in the history of the France national team, went further by explicitly urging the public to reject the RN.

“It’s the sad reality of our society today,” he said in response to the RN’s position leading the polls. “We must tell everyone to go out and vote. We all need to fight daily so the National Rally does not succeed.”

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Marcus Thuram has made clear his distaste for the National Rally (Dean Mouhtaropoulos/Getty Images)

For a time, it seemed Mbappe’s and Thuram’s words could make a difference in mobilising younger voters, particularly those from ethnic minorities who are fearful of a far-right government. But any “Mbappe effect” might have been short-lived. New polls over the past couple of days suggest the RN has surged ahead again.

France are many observers’ favourites to win this European Championship, but the prospect of a far-right government assuming power at home has left many players on duty in Germany with a feeling of dread.

As Mbappe said: “I don’t want to represent a country that doesn’t correspond to my values, that doesn’t correspond to our values.”


When France won the World Cup in 1998, it was widely acclaimed as a triumph for multiculturalism. The team included players who had been born in the overseas territories (like Lilian Thuram in Guadeloupe and Christian Karembeu in New Caledonia); or in French-speaking countries in Africa (like Marcel Desailly in Ghana and Patrick Vieira in Senegal); or who were sons of immigrants (like Zinedine Zidane, whose parents arrived from Algeria in the 1950s, and Thierry Henry, whose parents were from Guadeloupe and Martinique); and others like Youri Djorkaeff and Robert Pires, whose heritage was Polish-Armenian and Spanish-Portuguese respectively.

The team was fondly referred to as being “black, blanc, beur” (black, white and Arab) in a riff on the “bleu, blanc, rouge” of the French flag. Jacques Chirac, the president at the time, congratulated a “tricolour and multi-colour team” on creating a “beautiful image of France and its humanity”.

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France’s diverse 1998 World Cup winners, including (from left) Bernard Diomede, Lilian Thuram, Didier Deschamps and Thierry Henry (Daniel Garcia/AFP via Getty Images)

But not everyone was happy. Jean-Marie Le Pen, leader of the Front National (FN) party, which has since rebranded as the RN under the leadership of his daughter Marine, responded by downplaying this huge national celebration as “only a detail of history”. He had previously said it was “a bit artificial to bring players from abroad and call it the French team” and accused some of them of “not singing or not knowing La Marseillaise”, the national anthem.

The World Cup win was hailed in some quarters as a turning point for French society. But unity was short-lived.

In April 2002, Jean-Marie Le Pen stood in the presidential election, putting anti-immigration measures at the centre of his manifesto. He secured 16.9 per cent of the vote in the first round, beating the Socialist Party leader Lionel Jospin into third place and securing a spot alongside Chirac on the ballot form for the decisive second round.

In the build-up to the vote, Pires, then playing for Arsenal, warned that “if the extreme right were to win the election, I think more than several (France) players would refuse to take part in the World Cup. We are French, but the team’s roots are from everywhere”. Desailly said it was  “imperative to do everything possible to block (Le Pen’s) path to power”.

Chirac won the second round resoundingly, but Le Pen was now a significant player on the French political scene and continued his diatribes against the ethnic make-up of the national team. During the 2006 World Cup, he said that “France does not fully recognise itself in this team” and that their coach Raymond Domenech had “perhaps exaggerated the proportion of players of colour”.

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Lilian Thuram, who made 142 appearances for France between 1994 and 2008, responded on that occasion by saying Le Pen was “clearly unaware that there are Frenchmen who are black, Frenchmen who are white, Frenchmen who are brown”.

“If he’s got a problem with us, that’s down to him, but we are proud to represent this country,” Thuram added. “So Vive la France — but the true France, not the France that he (Le Pen) wants.”


On the tram from Dusseldorf central station to the Merkur-Spiel Arena last week, France’s supporters were in high spirits. At one point there was a stirring rendition of La Marseillaise. The whole carriage — other than a handful of Austria fans and a couple of journalists — joined in.

The supporters included Jean-Luc Rutil, 56, and his daughter, Loanne, 23, who had travelled from Paris.

“I personally agree with Mbappe,” Loanne said. “I think it’s right that football players don’t only stick to football. It’s great that they’re talking about politics because politics and the elections affect everybody. He is right to send out the message that it’s important to vote.”

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Her father Jean-Luc was less convinced. “I feel the footballers should concentrate on football,” he said. “It’s fine to encourage people to vote, but not to issue directives. We talk about social problems, about racism, but we have been talking about these things since the dawn of time.”


Jean-Luc Rutil, 56, and his daughter, Loanne, 23 (Oliver Kay/The Athletic)

Jean-Luc has been following the France team for decades. He remembers being inspired by the European Championship-winning side of 1984, which included Marius Tresor and Jean Tigana, born in Guadeloupe and Mali respectively. By 1998 there was Thuram, Desailly, Vieira, Karembeu, Henry and Zidane and a team that — much to Jean-Marie Le Pen’s disapproval — reflected the multicultural nation France had become.

Loanne said the team of today feels representative of modern France: “All walks of life, all colours in our team.”

But does it feel representative of a nation which, according to the most recent polls, is likely to elect a far-right, anti-immigration party as its government?

“The French national team is probably about as popular as it has ever been,” says Tom Williams, author of Va-Va-Voom: The Modern History of French Football. “It’s been a great era – finalists at Euro 2016 on home soil, World Cup winners in 2018, World Cup finalists in 2022.

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“But at the same time, we have seen the far right on the march and a notable rise in racism and racist abuse within French domestic football. There have been numerous incidents this season, including Nazi salutes, monkey chants. Bastia had a point deducted after a referee’s assistant was racially abused.

“When things go wrong, the cracks appear and far-right politicians try to make an issue of it. Every time French football has hit rock bottom since 1998, people have brought race into it.

“It has often been the non-white players who have been singled out. At Euro 2020, the only real disappointment during the recent era, the player who missed the fateful penalty against Switzerland (Mbappe) ended up being racially abused on social media — similar to the England players (Marcus Rashford, Jadon Sancho and Bukayo Saka) who missed their penalties in the final against Italy. There is always that kind of undercurrent.”


The discourse around French politics, race and the national team has never gone away. Alain Finkielkraut, a well-known French essayist, wrote in 2005 that the “black, blanc, beur” team had been replaced by one that was “noir, noir, noir” (black, black, black) and that it attracts derision across Europe as a consequence.

In 2011, online newspaper Mediapart published transcripts of a meeting the previous year in which French Football Federation (FFF) officials, unaware they were being recorded, discussed the idea of limits on non-white youngsters entering the football academy system.

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Laurent Blanc, who was then coach of the national team, was heard saying that at some academies “we really train the same prototype of players: big, strong, powerful. What are the big, strong, powerful things out there right now? Black people. God knows that in training centres, in football schools, there are a lot of them”. Blanc added that the FFF should refocus and find more young players “with our culture, our history, etc”.

An investigation led by the French sports ministry cleared Blanc of allegations of discrimination. Francois Blaquart was briefly suspended from his role as national technical director pending an investigation, but he too was cleared of any wrongdoing and stayed with the FFF for another six years.

Blanc, Blaquart and others felt their words had been taken out of context. Chantal Jouanno, the sports minister at the time, said the comments made by various FFF officials had been “clumsy and uncalled for”, but that there was no evidence to suggest they had backed discriminatory practices.

“It just sort of died down and went away, but it left a sour taste within French football,” says Williams. “It was a controversy that threatened to have much more significant ramifications than it did.”

Since Jean-Marie Le Pen stood down in 2011, the nationalist movement has continued to grow in support, first under the leadership of his daughter Marine and now under 28-year-old Jordan Bardella, who has widened the RN’s appeal to a younger demographic.

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Posters showing Marine Le Pen and Jordan Bardella ahead of the legislative elections (Denis Charlet/AFP via Getty Images)

Some of its messaging has been toned down, but the anti-immigration message persists. As do the tensions with the France national team.

Mbappe did not mention any party specifically — and appeared to be referring to the NFP coalition as well when he spoke of extremism — but his comments last week were met with anger from the RN.

Bardella told French TV station CNews: “When you’re lucky enough to have a very, very big salary, when you’re a multi-millionaire, then I’m a little embarrassed to see these athletes (…) give lessons to people who can’t make ends meet, who don’t feel safe, who don’t have the chance to live in neighbourhoods protected by security agents.”

There was a similar message from one of the RN’s vice presidents, Sebastien Chenu, who said the French public didn’t want to be “lectured” or “told how to vote” by people “who are disconnected from reality” and “very far removed from their daily concerns”.

But Mbappe’s origin story is far from privileged. He grew up in the banlieue, the vast urban suburban sprawl beyond the centre of Paris. So did many of his team-mates. To suggest they cannot relate to “people who can’t make ends meet” — and vice-versa — seemed like a convenient put-down, but not an accurate one.

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Kylian Mbappe, aged 12, talking to French television about racism in football in Bondy in 2011 (Florian Plaucheur and Mehdi Lebouachera/AFP via Getty Images)

“The fact that they’re millionaires or multi-millionaires is irrelevant,” says Philippe Marliere, professor of French politics at University College London. “Mbappe comes from Bondy, which is on the outskirts of Paris but has a completely different landscape to the affluent city. There’s a lot of poverty, a lot of unemployment.”

Bondy is part of Seine-Saint-Denis, the French ‘department’ with the highest proportion of immigrants and the highest poverty rate, with 28.6 per cent of its 50,000-plus residents living below the poverty line according to INSEE (France’s national institute of statistics and economic studies).

“Mbappe’s father is originally from Cameroon and his mother’s family are from Algeria. They are known as very hard-working, law-abiding citizens who are heavily involved in their local community,” Marliere says. “Mbappe appears to share their values and it’s a positive thing when someone achieves great success and they remain true to the values they were raised with.”

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Could this kind of intervention make a difference? “In terms of the outcome, it is harder to say, but it could certainly have an impact because of Mbappe’s status as a national icon,” Marliere says.

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“This is a crucial and potentially historic election, in which France could elect a far-right government. This could mobilise younger voters who weren’t previously thinking of voting.”


In the days that followed Mbappe’s and Thuram’s comments, Arsenal defender William Saliba, also from Bondy, suggested the France squad might issue a collective statement. Nearly a week later, it has not materialised.

“We’ve talked about the press release and the subject will come up again,” Real Madrid midfielder Aurelien Tchouameni said at the France training camp in Paderborn on Sunday. “I can’t say we all have the same view of things. I don’t know.

“Everyone in the group is entitled to their opinion. We’ve had strong messages via Marcus and Kylian and I share their point of view. I hate extremes in everyday life. I’m more for a policy of unity.”

The FFF outlined its own position within hours of Thuram’s statement on June 15. It said it is “deeply attached to freedom of expression and citizenship” and “supports the call to go out and vote”, but that it — and the national team — must remain politically neutral. “In this respect,” it said, “any form of pressure and political use of the French team must be avoided.”

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But it seems inevitable that the national team will be “used” politically one way or the other. While Jean-Marie Le Pen used to take pot-shots to score political points, Macron has flaunted his affection for the national team and, over recent years, his relationship with Mbappe.

Despite being a Marseille supporter, Macron took credit for helping persuade Mbappe to extend his contract at Paris Saint-Germain in 2022. Mbappe confirmed that the president “strongly advised me to continue in my country”.

Mbappe has attended dinners at the Elysee Palace, including earlier this year for a visit by the Emir of Qatar given PSG’s links to the Qatari state. Macron and sports minister Amelie Oudea-Castera visited the team’s training base in Clairefontaine on June 3 before the departure for Germany, standing either side of Mbappe during a photoshoot.


French president Emmanuel Macron with Kylian Mbappe before the squad’s departure to Germany (Sarah Meyssonnier/POOL/AFP via Getty Images)

Marliere is keen to point out that Mbappe’s statements, in condemning “extremes” (plural), “appear to put him down as a Macronite” rather than someone campaigning for the left-wing coalition.

“But it was still quite a bold and controversial statement,” Marliere says. “The players are celebrated and liked by the French public, particularly when the national team wins. But if they start making their way into political discussions, there is a risk that some will object to that. They will be aware of that risk, which is why I admire the boldness of the statements.”

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The stakes are high. This legislative election has been described by finance minister Bruno Le Maire as being potentially France’s most significant since the formation of the Fifth Republic in 1958. While the National Rally is expected to win the most votes in the first round on June 30, the outcome of the second round on July 7 is harder to predict.

It raises all kinds of possibilities: France’s players looking to the stands during a Euros semi-final in Munich or Dortmund and seeing Bardella looking down on them as prime minister; France’s players returning to Paris as European champions on July 15 to be greeted by the leader of a new far-right government that several of them have already denounced.

“I hope we will make the right choice and I hope we will still be proud to wear this jersey on July 7,” Mbappe said.

Mbappe is a patriot, often ending his news conferences or speeches in pre-match huddles with the words “Vive la France”. But his comments over recent weeks suggest that pride would be tested by the election of a far-right government.

In France – and in the French enclave that has been established in Paderborn over the past fortnight – tensions are running high.

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(Top photos: Getty Images; design: Eamonn Dalton)

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Mauricio Pochettino: Introducing his USMNT backroom staff — and what each of them do

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Mauricio Pochettino: Introducing his USMNT backroom staff — and what each of them do

When Mauricio Pochettino stands on the touchline at SoFi Stadium in Los Angeles on June 12, 2026, watching his US men’s national team (USMNT) begin their World Cup finals campaign, the eyes of the rest of the world will be on him. Nothing he has experienced in his career as a coach at club level will compare to becoming one of the main characters in the greatest show on earth.

There are some elite managers who change their team of assistants from job to job. Pochettino is not one of them. Joining him with the USMNT are four people he knows very well; Miguel ‘Miki’ D’Agostino, Antonio ‘Toni’ Jimenez, Jesus Perez, and his son Sebastiano Pochettino.

He first assembled the core of his team — Perez, Jimenez and D’Agostino — in his first role at Barcelona-based Spanish club Espanyol, where he became the manager in 2009 at the age of 36, a couple of years after ending his playing career with them. Sebastiano joined them as a fitness coach and sports scientist at Tottenham Hotspur, Paris Saint-Germain and most recently Chelsea.

There will be one new face too, Silvia Tuya Vinas, who speaks English, Catalan and Spanish and joins as a strength and conditioning coach.

Pochettino will tap into the expertise of those already in the U.S. Soccer set-up, and is open to the possibility of adding a coach who is more familiar with American soccer and this group of USMNT players.

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Speaking at his first USMNT press conference in New York earlier this month, he said: “I think we have very qualified people working in the federation that can very quickly help us. But of course, we are flexible and we are always open to adding people because we know that football is changing; technology is here and now we need hands to work, people to work, because we need to analyze (lots of things).

“We have tools to work really, really hard. In the past, many years ago, you had only one coach, one fitness coach, one analyst and that’s it. But now in this business it’s really important to have all that you need to cover (everything), and you need qualified people working next to us to provide us information to be better and to help the players to perform.”

It is impossible to understand Pochettino’s work and his journey to date without understanding the coaching staff who have followed him every step of the way so far, from Spain to England, to France, back to the UK and now across the Atlantic.

Here, The Athletic profiles the coaches who will help prepare the USMNT for the 2026 World Cup on home soil — and how they operate as a team…


First, there is Miguel ‘Miki’ D’Agostino, who played with Pochettino for Newell’s Old Boys, a club in their native Argentina (named after an Englishman who was among the pioneers to first bring soccer to that South American country), in the early 1990s.

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The two men have been close since they were teenagers playing for Newell’s under now world-famous coach Marcelo Bielsa, marvelling at the routines Bielsa had them going through to get them in tip-top shape. Pochettino loves telling the story of how he used to give D’Agostino a lift to training in his battered old Fiat Uno, only for D’Agostino to accidentally break off one of its doors, something for which he has never paid Pochettino back.

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D’Agostino did not have as stellar a playing career as his friend, who won 20 caps for Argentina and played for them in the 2002 World Cup, but when Pochettino took over at Espanyol, he quickly called him in to work on his backroom team, filming sessions from a hastily-constructed tower at the training ground. Even now, he oversees analysis and scouting for Pochettino — hugely important work for a staff who want all possible information at their fingertips. Also, because D’Agostino spent six years playing and coaching in France in the early to mid-2000s, he would interpret for Pochettino in press conferences when they were together more recently at Paris Saint-Germain.

Then there is Antonio ‘Toni’ Jimenez, who played in goal for Espanyol in the 1990s and 2000s. He had a great playing career, including being part of the Spain team that won gold in the football tournament at the 1992 Olympics in Barcelona, alongside future global stars Pep Guardiola and Luis Enrique. He, naturally enough, became Pochettino’s goalkeeping coach at Espanyol and has been part of the backroom team ever since.

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Pochettino and Jimenez celebrate Spurs’ Champions League semi-final win over Ajax in 2019 (Bradley Collyer/Getty Images)

Jesus Perez is Pochettino’s assistant manager and his right-hand man. Perez was a fitness coach with a background in sports science who worked for various clubs across Spain in the 2000s. He initially joined Pochettino’s Espanyol as an analyst, in part because he knew how to use the software Sportscode, while also working with the youth academy. Three months later, he became part of the first-team coaching staff.

Perez is Pochettino’s closest confidante, so much so that the new USMNT boss has described him as an “extension of himself”. It was Perez, along with Pochettino’s wife, Karina, who convinced him to move to the Premier League as Southampton manager in early 2013 — one of the most important moments of his whole career — two months after leaving Espanyol by mutual consent.

Pochettino’s work is unimaginable without Perez by his side. He oversees so much of what Pochettino does, from the training loads of players to the monitoring regime to assess their injury risk. He is Pochettino’s eyes and ears, across everything that he needs to know, right down to details like whether players have arrived with a new car or new watch.


The Athletic has every angle covered on Mauricio Pochettino’s appointment as USMNT head coach:


Perez can be tough and is not averse to speaking his mind, but he is also the perfect complement to Pochettino. One of the strengths of their relationship is that they interchange the roles of good and bad cop. If Pochettino is going easier on the players, Perez will take a harder view and vice-versa. In contrast, it was often remarked at Tottenham, who sacked Pochettino and his staff after a poor start to their 2019-20 season, that one of the problems with successor Jose Mourinho and his No 2 Joao Sacramento was that they always echoed one another rather than delivering different messages.

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Ultimately, Perez’s energy and ideas make him an indispensable part of the Pochettino team. One former colleague once described him as the most intelligent person he had ever worked with in football, someone who could run every department on the football side of the club better than each one’s actual head.

The final addition was Pochettino’s son, Sebastiano, who earned a university degree in sports and exercise when his father was Southampton manager in 2013 and 2014. He has worked for his dad as a fitness coach and sports scientist at Spurs, PSG and Chelsea and is an established part of the team.


D’Agostino, Pochettino and Perez at Chelsea in 2024 (Darren Walsh/Getty Images)

Silvia Tuya Vinas joins them with the USMNT as a strength and conditioning coach. Vinas, who studied for a PhD in sports science at Barcelona University and speaks English, Catalan and Spanish, most recently worked with the Levante Badalona women’s team in Spain.


The close links between Pochettino’s long-term associates allow them to oversee the holistic approach that has defined Pochettino’s coaching career so far.

At the heart of it — the first aspect of his coaching — is the style of play.

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Pochettino teams want to play the positional game, a style of football where you control the space through the positions you take on the pitch. They want to dominate possession, but only as a way to dominate the game rather than an end in itself. His teams always play out from the back and they are especially proud of having done this at two smaller clubs in Espanyol and Southampton rather than only when they inherited elite players. By the end of Pochettino’s one season at Chelsea back in the spring of this year, you could see them playing his football, too.

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This is a very structured style of play, more similar to the football of Guardiola than to any other coach, but slightly less rigid than that. The structure of a Pochettino side is integral to being able to press well: you need the players to be in the correct positions if you want to win the ball back within three seconds. You defend the way you attack, as Pochettino’s staff say, rather than the other way around. And so it needs a lot of time on the training ground to get it right.

This brings in the second aspect of the Pochettino approach: building the relationship between the coaches and the squad.

This is often called ‘team-building’, but it will not work if it does not extend beyond the first XI. Pochettino wants to create an environment where every player feels included and respected, famously introducing handshakes every morning at Tottenham. He always makes time to talk to his players as individuals. It is about achieving ‘buy-in’, making sure the players form that shared ethos that is indispensable to any good team. This is in part why Pochettino does not believe in fining players for ill-discipline: he wants them to do the right things because they want to, not because they have to.

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If the squad are fully invested, that helps the crucial third aspect of the Pochettino methodology: improving the individual players on the training ground. There are some managers who see their job as just building up to every matchday, tweaking the tactics, motivating the players, but Pochettino and his staff put much more emphasis on constant daily improvement.


Sebastiano Pochettino, centre, has worked under his father as a fitness coach and sports scientist (John Berry/Getty Images)

It is hard work and players do not always relish it at first, but the viewpoint has always been that the ultimate way to respect players is to help to make them better. So there are not many days off and, when the schedule allows, double sessions. There is an emphasis on fitness because there is no point in simply wanting to press if the players do not have the gas in the tank to do it, as well as the understanding of when and how to do so.

Pochettino has a reputation for running his players hard.

At Southampton, he would have the players doing ‘horseshoe’ runs around the pitch, even on a Monday after they had played a match two days before. And during pre-seasons, he loves to give his players the ‘Gacon Test’, invented by Georges Gacon, a French fitness coach who worked at PSG just before Pochettino’s time playing there. The Gacon Test involves 45 seconds of running, then 15 seconds of rest, over and over again, with the distance covered in that running portion increasing steadily each time. It was designed to push players’ maximum aerobic capacity, inspired by Gacon’s work with middle-distance track and field athletes, although in reality these runs are just a small fraction of the overall process and are always done with a specific goal in mind.

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There is gym work, too, not traditional weight-lifting but sessions geared towards the functional movements that make up football: running, jumping, kicking or throwing and competing for the ball. Repeating these actions with varying resistance and repetitions builds up the players’ power and endurance over the season. Then there is cognitive training in the gym, asking players to react to lights turning on in a panel in front of them.

The purpose of all of this is fitness and injury prevention and Pochettino players are carefully monitored with saliva tests every morning to assess muscle damage and hormone response. The aim is to know as much about them as possible to establish how they are coping with the rigours of competition.

So many of these methods and techniques are based around the daily life of club football. They rely on constant exposure to the players, to build up their fitness, monitor their physical response and to build that fraternal feeling between a group of players who all suffer together.

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The fascinating thing about Pochettino’s move to international football will be how these ideas and techniques work in that format, where managers can go months during a season without seeing their players. Longer still if there are untimely injuries.

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Because Pochettino and his staff will naturally only get their hands on the players for limited amounts of time between now and that 2026 World Cup, which the United States is co-hosting (albeit staging the bulk of the matches, including all games from the quarter-finals onwards) with neighbours Canada and Mexico.

Whatever habits and principles they instil will always be diluted by whatever those players do with their clubs in the intervening periods.

International get-togethers, when they happen, are often more about fine-tuning rather than putting in the hard yards. And yet the success of Pochettino and his staff — and, by extension, the USMNT in a home World Cup — may stand or fall by how much of a positive impact they can make.

(Top photo, from left: Sebastiano Pochettino, Toni Jimenez, Mauricio Pochettino, Jesus Perez and Michel D’Agostino; John Berry/Getty Images)

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How the planned Mets-Braves doubleheader could negatively impact the entire NL wild-card field

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How the planned Mets-Braves doubleheader could negatively impact the entire NL wild-card field

The collateral damage from the Great Rainout Debacle could extend to the Milwaukee Brewers and San Diego Padres, two teams that hardly deserve to be disadvantaged.

If the New York Mets and Atlanta Braves need to play a doubleheader Monday to determine one or two of the final National League postseason berths, it will severely compromise them in the wild-card series, forcing either or both clubs to play eight games in seven days.


Rain soaked Truist Park on Wednesday and forced the postponement of the final two games of the Mets-Braves series. (Kevin D. Liles / Atlanta Braves / Getty Images)

But what if the doubleheader is necessary only for seeding, and commissioner Rob Manfred exercises his discretion to cancel it entirely? The Mets and Braves would end up playing 160 games rather than the 162 required of every other club. Which hardly seems fair to the Brewers and Padres, both of whom are on the verge of earning home field advantage for the best-of-three wild-card round.

Seeding is not as inconsequential as some might think. If either or both NL East teams land wild cards, it could have major implications, both for travel and home-field advantage in subsequent rounds.

For starters, the flight from Atlanta to Milwaukee is shorter than the flight from Atlanta to San Diego. And remember two years ago, when the fifth-seeded Padres met the sixth-seeded Philadelphia Phillies in the National League Championship Series? Seeding determined home-field advantage, though the Phillies won the series, anyway.

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Manfred would need to consider the entire picture and strive for the fairest outcome. If the Mets and Braves play two fewer games, that’s 18 fewer innings their pitchers must throw, 18 fewer innings their hitters must play. A small thing? Perhaps. But one Brewers person, granted anonymity for his candor, put it like this: “It would not be fair. We should forfeit the last game and not use pitchers in game 162.”

Brewers general manager Matt Arnold was more diplomatic, saying, “We’re focused on controlling what we can control and not worried about who we’ll play or how they get there.”

Padres general manager A.J. Preller did not respond to a request for comment.

Nothing has been decided. The situation is unique, and perhaps was unavoidable. As The Athletic’s Britt Ghiroli wrote, the Mets and Braves acted out of self-interest with their scheduling choices. Neither club, however, imagined it would end up in this position. And while Major League Baseball could have been more proactive, forcing the teams to play earlier in the week, it held out hope, not unreasonably, that the forecast might improve.

The Arizona Diamondbacks potentially face more immediate consequences than the Brewers and Padres. If only one of the Mets or Braves clinches a wild card this weekend, that team could mostly use its reserves and low-leverage pitchers in the one or two games that would take place Monday (it could be one if the outcome of the opener decided the race). The other team, if it is still competing with the Diamondbacks, then would have an easier path to the final spot.

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The Mets, Braves and Diamondbacks warrant only so much sympathy — all three teams could have avoided this predicament by winning more games. The same, to a degree, can be said for the Brewers and Padres, who got stuck in the wild-card round by failing to earn a first-round bye.

The Brewers and Padres, however, played well enough to gain home-field advantage in the wild-card series. And that advantage will be mitigated if the Mets and Braves do not play two games on Monday.

— The Athletic’s Jayson Stark contributed to this story.

(Top photo of Pete Alonso, left, and Matt Olson: David J. Griffin / Icon Sportswire via Getty Images)

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Derrick Rose’s complicated legacy needs to reconcile the brilliant with the brutal

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Derrick Rose’s complicated legacy needs to reconcile the brilliant with the brutal

It was one of the ugliest off-court moments in recent NBA history. After Derrick Rose was found not liable for the alleged gang rape of his former girlfriend in 2016, jurors took pictures with the former league MVP outside the Los Angeles courthouse.

Rose, the longtime Chicago Bull, was free to start his career with the New York Knicks as just a basketball player, a former superstar felled by injuries who was trying to approach his previous heights after repeated recoveries knocked him off his seemingly divined path. That is a story, as sports fans, we have seen before and innately understand. He wouldn’t have to face the pesky distractions of an ongoing case or the incongruous blemish a different verdict would have caused. The verdict made it easier to forget about the case and focus on his career, if you were so inclined.

Rose went on to play in the NBA for eight more seasons, a noble professional career he ended officially on Thursday when he announced his retirement. After some rocky years trying to relocate his early brilliance, he became a valuable depth guard and a veteran mentor. Rose’s path, strictly on the court, is similar to the career arc of Vince Carter, who will go into the Hall of Fame next month in no small part for figuring out that transition better than any player ever.

With Rose, it isn’t that easy, is it? Nor should it be. Being found not liable is not the same thing as being found innocent. And if Rose is allowed to speak glowingly about how basketball was his first love and how it has allowed him to grow and evolve, then it is only right that his retirement serves as an opportunity to remind us who he was as one of the league’s brightest stars.

And for at least one moment, he was awful — and it showed us how unwell our culture was at the same time.

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Almost by definition, a civil trial asks a jury to determine whether the plaintiff’s or defendant’s version of events is more believable. Even without spending time getting into the history of women’s sexual history being used against them in cases like this one — and that is a hell of a sentence fragment to consider — what Rose conceded did happen was and remains jarring.

• Yes, he and his friends went over to have sex with the woman, who was Rose’s girlfriend for two years.

• Yes, Rose repeatedly sent sexually explicit videos to the woman, asking her to engage in group sex, despite her refusal.

• No, Rose did not understand the concept of consent.

Those things aren’t up for debate. Sure, it would be naive to think some of those things don’t happen regularly with other athletes, celebrities and just regular people. That does not make it OK to slide the findings of the case under the on-court moments of a memorable and unique career. Those things did happen; that was how he operated in this instance.

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That it happened 11 years ago and was tried eight years ago is irrelevant. Yes, Rose put together a remarkable career, a hometown player bringing one of the league’s marquee teams out of a lost decade and into the thick of title contention. It is understandable that Rose’s fans, and particularly his Chicagoan fans, developed a deep emotional link to him.

That doesn’t condone us forgetting about the people for whom Rose’s continued presence in the league made it harder to follow the sport. Rose’s case reminded us of the entitlement that athletes can enjoy and from which they can benefit. Rose likely wouldn’t have been impacted by this, but the NBA and NBPA collectively bargained a new policy on domestic abuse, sexual violence and child abuse that went into effect within a year of Rose’s case ending. It is an imperfect policy because we live in an imperfect society, and we cannot say if it has changed the behavior of people within the league. Incidents still occur, of course, and it can sometimes feel as if the main thing the policy has done is make team-building easier.

All of that makes Rose’s retirement complex. It is nearly impossible to hold what he did on the court and what the trial revealed about him together, but it is also irresponsible not to try. We don’t live in a world that affords us that luxury. Any attempt to separate the two is fundamentally selfish, an effort to neatly cordon off the brilliant from the brutal.

The best thing about being a sports fan is discovering what humans are capable of in exceptional circumstances. It’s the worst thing, too.

(Photo: Elsa/Getty Images)

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