Connect with us

Crypto

As Trump’s wealth skyrockets, accusations of conflicts of interest mount

Published

on

As Trump’s wealth skyrockets, accusations of conflicts of interest mount

They crane their necks to get a glimpse of the helicopter as it descends on the lawns of Donald Trump’s Virginia golf club.

The event is black tie, a gala, a chance to dine with the president of the United States.

This invite is one money can buy. A kind of money, at least.

To get into this room, the guests have had to invest real money into the official Trump cryptocurrency. Collectively, they hold about $US150 million ($229 million) worth of the coin.

The group watches as he exits the helicopter and cheers as he enters the room.

Advertisement

The gala was for the top 220 holders of the Trump cryptocurrency, $TRUMP. (Supplied)

Donald Trump’s wealth, and that of his family, is skyrocketing.

Trump says he has stepped back from his business ventures since taking office, and his interests are now held in trust by his sons.

But critics say he is operating like no president has before, mixing business and politics in a way that may violate the US constitution and threaten the very foundations of American democracy.

His links to a plethora of business activities and cryptocurrency ventures have opened him up to accusations of conflicts of interest and profiting from the presidency.

Advertisement

‘He can do whatever he wants’

The event in Virginia was billed as a reward for the top 220 holders of the Trump cryptocurrency, called $TRUMP, which launched three days before his inauguration.

The Trump family makes money when the currency is traded.

In crypto circles, it is considered a “meme coin”, a kind of collectible inspired by internet trends that can be bought and sold, but has no guaranteed real-world value or practical application.

One of the investors in the room was 25-year-old Nick Pinto.

A man in his 20s wearing a white t-shirt, navy hoodie and backwards cap stands in front a pink Lamborghini in a parking lot.

Nick Pinto wanted to film a TikTok with the president at the gala. (Four Corners: Cameron Schwarz)

The Lamborghini-driving Floridian got into crypto early and has made a lot of money from it.

Advertisement

He knows the money he has poured into $TRUMP has made the president and his family richer.

“I don’t mind that Trump is profiting off this currency because I am involved in the crypto space and the fact that he’s involved in cryptocurrency at all drives the price up, and when the price goes up, I’m profiting,” he tells Four Corners.

“So any time he tweets something about the currency, the price will go up or down.

As long as I can profit from it, I feel like he can do whatever he wants. If there’s a way for the average American to make money off of the president, I feel like it’s OK.

A young man wearing a suit and tie takes a selfie while Donald Trump speaks on stage at a private event.

Nick Pinto says Donald Trump’s involvement in crypto helps his investments. (Supplied)

Pinto bought $TRUMP early, and then topped up his holdings to guarantee he would get a ticket to the gala. By the big night, he held about $US370,000 worth.

All he wanted in return was to film a TikTok or at least get a selfie with the president.

Advertisement

Within four months of launching, the token had generated $US320 million in trading fees.

The bulk of this went to those behind the meme coin. This included the Trump family.

Skin in the game

A former cryptocurrency sceptic, Donald Trump’s conversion began on the 2024 campaign trail.

In May that year, he met members of a powerful crypto lobby spearheaded by leading Bitcoin advocate David Bailey. In July, he appeared at the group’s conference, where he pledged to run a crypto-friendly administration if re-elected.

Watching closely was Corey Frayer, a senior adviser for crypto markets and financial stability to the chair of the US Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) at the time. He and his boss, Gary Gensler, had been cracking down on crypto.

Advertisement

“Almost the entire crypto industry is propped up by a belief and faith that there is something behind all of the magic of creating a crypto token,” Frayer tells Four Corners.

So having the president get involved … just makes the entire market bigger and more dangerous.

A man wearing a suit and multi-coloured red, blue and beige tie sits at a table in a small office.

Corey Frayer says the president’s rhetoric on crypto changed once his family got into the industry. (Four Corners: Cameron Schwarz)

In September, just seven weeks out from the presidential election, the Trump family joined the crypto industry themselves.

Trump and his sons launched their own crypto platform called World Liberty Financial, with longtime Trump confidante Steve Witkoff and his sons as business partners.

The platform allowed people to invest through selling a token, with 75 per cent of the profit from each sale going to the Trump family.

It was a remarkable turnaround from the man who called Bitcoin a “scam” in 2021 and whose family had made its fortune from tangible assets like real estate, resorts and casinos.

Advertisement

Frayer noticed a change in the presidential candidate’s campaigning.

“He announced, to much applause, that he would fire the strong regulator, Gary Gensler, over his crypto policy,” he says.

“He started courting a lot of donations from the crypto lobby for his campaign, and all of that was very clearly driven by his new financial interests in this industry.”

A view looking up at the Trump Tower skyscraper building in New York City on a sunny but cloudy day.

World Liberty Financial allows people to invest through selling a token, with a share of the profit going to the Trump family. (Four Corners: Cameron Schwarz)

Corey Frayer believes there are other potential risks in a president being so invested in crypto.

“The transactions can be nearly anonymous,” Frayer explains

Advertisement

If you want to use your presidency to sell influence or just make money, crypto is a great way to do that.

The World Liberty Financial website states that Donald Trump was removed from his role with the company when he re-entered the White House. Steve Witkoff, now Trump’s special envoy to the Middle East, also left his role after taking office. Both Trump’s and Witkoff’s sons, however, are still actively involved in the business.

In March this year, World Liberty Financial announced it had sold $US550 million worth of its token. Four Corners estimates this has delivered $US390 million in revenue to the Trump family.

The White House told Four Corners that Donald Trump’s personal assets were in a trust managed by his children and have nothing to do with his presidential decision-making.

Business and politics

Critics say the blurred lines between where Trump’s businesses end and the presidency begins heighten the risk of conflicts of interest.

While Frayer was at the SEC, it was pursuing Chinese-born entrepreneur and crypto billionaire Justin Sun over allegations of civil fraud.

Advertisement

Sun once bought a piece of conceptual art — a banana gaffer-taped to a wall — for $US6.2 million and then ate it.

He made two investments in World Liberty Financial totalling $US75 million — one was made the day before the inauguration.

Sun’s World Liberty Financial investments delivered close to $US50 million to the Trump family.

Not long after Trump returned to the White House, the SEC case against Sun was paused.

A young Chinese man with short hair, wearing a trench coat and hoodie, sitting in a white chair on stage.

Justin Sun made two investments in World Liberty Financial totalling $US75 million. (Getty Images: Steven Ferdman)

Sun later attended the $TRUMP meme coin gala as the coin’s largest holder — he had about $US22 million worth at the time of the dinner.

Advertisement

But it is not just individuals who are allegedly receiving favourable treatment.

An investigation by The New York Times, led by journalist Eric Lipton, raises questions about the impact business interests are having on US foreign policy.

The United Arab Emirates’ state-owned investment fund MGX, which is chaired by Abu Dhabi’s deputy ruler, invested $US2 billion in the crypto exchange Binance.

This investment was made using one of World Liberty Financial’s coins. The Trump family could earn tens of millions of dollars from this investment.

“That’s on a scale that we’ve never seen,” Lipton says.

Advertisement

“[It’s] the single largest transaction in cryptocurrency history.

“It’s tens of millions of dollars that is effectively going into the pockets of the Trump and Witkoff families and their business partners from that single transaction.”

A middle-aged man wearing glasses, a blue suit jacket and blue business shirt standing in an office.

New York Times investigative journalist Eric Lipton. (Four Corners: Cameron Schwarz)

Two weeks after the $US2 billion transaction, Trump announced the UAE would be allowed to buy hundreds of thousands of advanced AI chips from US technology giant Nvidia — something the Biden administration had refused to do.

There is no evidence that one deal was explicitly offered in return for the other.

Lipton says while the assertion was that the timing was coincidental, both involved “the same government officials and the same families that were benefiting”.

Advertisement

“The problem is, it creates questions about what is driving US foreign policy,” Lipton says.

It is impossible to put a precise figure on how much Mr Trump and his family have made since he retook office.

It is unclear how some profits are distributed from the array of real estate, crypto, media, and Trump-brand ventures.

Forbes Magazine estimates Trump’s current net worth is $US7.3 billion. Twelve months earlier, it was $US3.9 billion.

Questioning Trump

Donald Trump has strongly rejected suggestions that it is inappropriate for him to be involved in business activities while serving as the US president.

Advertisement

When Four Corners asked how much wealthier he was since returning to the White House, Trump replied:

“Well, I don’t know if the deals I made, for the most part, other than what my kids are doing. You know, they’re running my business. But most of the deals that I’ve made were made before [being re-elected]. And that’s what I’ve done for a life.”

Loading…

Trump said his children, not him, were running the business, and that the questions from Four Corners were “hurting Australia”.

“They want to get along with me. You know your leader is coming over to see me very soon. I’m going to tell him about you. You set a very bad tone.”

Advertisement

“Quiet,” he said when pressed further, pointing a finger.

Donald Trump standing on grass at the White House holding his right index finger near his mouth.

Donald Trump tells reporter John Lyons he is setting “a very bad tone”.

Trump supporters believe he is acting within the limits of the law.

“The president has to abide by US law. When it comes to businesses, that’s normal. There’s no conflict of interest laws related to the presidency and the president, and so he’s operating within that space,” former Trump adviser and communications director Bryan Lanza says.

Lanza rejects suggestions by critics that the business deals benefiting Trump and his family while in office are improper. 

“There’s nowhere in our constitution that requires family to be disqualified from earning a living,” he says.

Advertisement

“The president is not conducting these deals; it’s Don Jr and Eric.

“Every president benefits from their policies, every president benefits from a tax cut, every president benefits from their policies in the long term. Trump’s no different than any other president.”

‘Nobody does it like this’

Critics say, even if there are no quid pro quo deals, the president’s business activities fit within a broader definition of corruption. 

“The classical definition of corruption is the exploitation of public office and public power for private gain,” lawyer and former Obama White House ethics adviser Norm Eisen says.

“So when you look at … the $US2 billion World Liberty Financial investment where he has a stake in the crypto industry, the auctioning off access to those who purchase his meme coin … they’re all about Donald Trump using his office, the official nature of the presidency — public office — for his private gain, instead of for serving the public interest.

Advertisement

“He is the most corrupt president that we have had in the modern era.

The White House is seen from a distance, framed by green hedges and leaves of trees.

Trump supporters believe he is acting within the limits of the law. (Four Corners: Cameron Schwarz)

“When have we ever had a president who has huge financial interests, hangs onto them, gains from them, while regulating in that same area?

“Jimmy Carter put his peanut farm into a blind trust so that … there would be no question that he was making decisions about agriculture or farming or subsidies to benefit himself. Donald Trump is doing the opposite.”

His colleague, Virginia Canter, is one of America’s foremost ethics lawyers and has worked under both Republican and Democrat administrations, advising the US Department of Treasury and the Securities and Exchange Commission.

She says the UAE deal raises questions, given the immense benefit to the Trump family’s World Liberty Financial.

Advertisement

“You have to ask yourself, why didn’t the UAE state-backed investment fund called MGX just take their money and invest it directly in Binance?” Canter says.

MGX didn’t respond to questions from Four Corners.

A woman wearing glasses and black blazer sits at a wooden desk in an office. A brick building is seen through the window.

Virginia Canter says the American people deserve better. (Four Corners: Cameron Schwarz)

Canter says the American people expect their president to represent the public’s interests.

“You can’t be confident of that because now this money is coming in and undoubtedly influencing his official activity,” she says.

It’s an outrageous conflict of interest.

She rejects assertions that, because the deals are public knowledge, Trump isn’t doing anything wrong.

Advertisement

“It doesn’t look as scary or nefarious, and in fact it normalises it and it makes it look like it’s OK, and that’s a terrible thing,” she says.

“It perpetuates this idea that everybody does it. Nobody does it like this.

“We deserve much better.”

Lipton says Trump’s sons are using every avenue they can to create new businesses and intensify profits.

“The diversity of new ventures that they’re creating to profit off of policies that the president is involved with is just across the map, and it is creating a quagmire of ethics. The hardest part is that we just can’t keep up.”

Advertisement

Money maker

The scope of business activity Trump and his family are engaged in has surprised Republican strategist Doug Heye.

“The Trump family is certainly using this as a very big opportunity to make a lot of money, and they’ve been very successful at it,” he says.

He says Trump is such a unique figure, and no other president would be able to get away with what he does.

“The rules just don’t apply to him in the way they do to everyone else, and he exploits it,” he says.

“Business is Donald Trump’s DNA and it’s also hardwired in the American psyche.

Advertisement

“For most voters, it is so factored in because they’ve known Donald Trump as a successful businessman their entire lives.

“Many Americans don’t see a problem with this president enriching himself while in office.”

That was true of Nick Pinto, to a point.

The 25-year-old crypto entrepreneur never got to film his TikTok with Trump at the meme coin gala.

A man in his 20s wearing a white t-shirt, cap and hoodie sits in a Lamborghini dealership.

Nick Pinto was left disenchanted by the meme coin gala experience. (Four Corners: Cameron Schwarz)

Once Trump had arrived, he delivered a speech before heading back to his helicopter and leaving. His appearance lasted less than 30 minutes.

Advertisement

Pinto, who was served a meal of steak and mashed potatoes, was left disenchanted by the experience and unimpressed by Trump’s apparent disregard for those who had invested in his crypto.

“I would say the entire dinner was about making money,” he says.

“They did advertise it as having dinner with Trump, and Trump did not eat anything at all.

“If there was a big table … and he’d sat down at least and drank a Diet Coke with us or something like that.

I do feel like I maybe kind of got scammed.

Watch the Four Corners investigation, Chasing Trump’s Billions, tonight from 8:30pm AEDT on ABC TV and ABC iview.

Advertisement

Crypto

Crypto Asset Recovery in 2026: How MiCA Regulation and Global Crypto Laws Are Changing Cross‑Border Cryptocurrency Fraud Investigations – FinTech Weekly

Published

on

Crypto Asset Recovery in 2026: How MiCA Regulation and Global Crypto Laws Are Changing Cross‑Border Cryptocurrency Fraud Investigations – FinTech Weekly

Explore how MiCA regulation and global crypto laws are improving cross-border cryptocurrency fraud investigations and asset recovery through stronger compliance and blockchain forensics.

By Manuel Dueñas, Senior Fraud Lawyer at Crypto Legal

 


 

FinTech moves fast. News is everywhere, clarity isn’t.

Advertisement

FinTech Weekly delivers the key stories and events in one place.

Click Here to Subscribe to FinTech Weekly’s Newsletter

Read by executives at JP Morgan, Coinbase, BlackRock, Klarna and more.

 


 

Advertisement

Cryptocurrency fraud has evolved alongside the rapid growth of digital assets. As cryptocurrencies have become a mainstream component of global finance, fraudsters have increasingly exploited the borderless nature of blockchain technology to move stolen assets across multiple jurisdictions. For several years, victims faced a difficult reality: once digital assets were transferred through international exchanges and wallet networks, legal recovery options were often uncertain.

The legal and regulatory environment in 2026 looks markedly different. Regulatory frameworks, particularly the European Union’s Markets in Crypto‑Assets Regulation (MiCA), together with stronger compliance obligations for cryptocurrency exchanges and the development of blockchain forensic investigation techniques, have begun to reshape how digital asset fraud is investigated and addressed across borders. While challenges remain, the infrastructure supporting cryptocurrency fraud investigations and asset tracing has improved significantly.

Legal Recognition of Cryptoassets and the Foundations of Recovery

One of the most important developments in recent years has been the increasing recognition of cryptoassets as property within several legal systems. Courts in multiple jurisdictions have clarified that cryptocurrencies may constitute property capable of ownership, transfer and legal protection.

This recognition has important consequences for victims of cryptocurrency fraud. Once digital assets are legally recognised as property, traditional legal doctrines such as tracing, misappropriation claims and asset preservation measures can be applied to blockchain‑based transactions. Lawyers are therefore able to rely on established legal principles while adapting them to the technological realities of decentralised networks.

Courts have also become more comfortable accepting blockchain transaction records as evidential material. Public blockchains provide immutable transaction histories that can be analysed by forensic specialists to demonstrate the movement of assets between wallets, exchanges and service providers. This transparency has significantly strengthened the evidential basis for digital asset investigations.

Advertisement

Blockchain Forensics and Cryptocurrency Asset Tracing

The growth of specialised blockchain forensic analysis has been another critical factor in improving the investigation of cryptocurrency fraud. Advanced analytics platforms allow investigators to map transaction flows across thousands of wallet addresses and identify patterns that reveal how funds move through the blockchain ecosystem.

Even when assets are transferred through numerous intermediary wallets, forensic techniques frequently allow investigators to identify clusters of addresses controlled by the same entity. In many cases, funds eventually interact with centralised exchanges or custodial services where compliance obligations require the collection of customer identification information.

This intersection between blockchain transparency and regulatory compliance has become one of the most effective mechanisms for identifying individuals behind fraudulent activity. When assets interact with regulated platforms, lawyers and investigators may be able to engage with those institutions or relevant authorities in order to pursue investigative actions.

MiCA Regulation and the Transformation of the European Crypto Landscape

The implementation of the European Union’s Markets in Crypto‑Assets Regulation represents one of the most significant regulatory milestones in the history of digital assets. MiCA establishes a harmonised framework governing cryptocurrency exchanges, custodial wallet providers and other cryptoasset service providers operating within the European Union.

Under MiCA, regulated firms must obtain authorisation, maintain governance and risk management systems and implement robust anti‑money laundering controls. These requirements include customer due diligence procedures, transaction monitoring systems and reporting obligations designed to detect suspicious activity.

Advertisement

From the perspective of fraud investigations, these regulatory requirements are highly consequential. Exchanges operating under MiCA are expected to maintain compliance infrastructures capable of responding to legitimate investigative requests and cooperating with authorities when financial crime is suspected. This has gradually strengthened the ecosystem in which digital asset investigations occur.

Global Regulation and Cross‑Border Cooperation in Crypto Fraud Cases

Regulatory developments are not limited to the European Union. Several major financial centres, including the United Kingdom, the United States, Singapore and the United Arab Emirates, have introduced licensing regimes and compliance frameworks for virtual asset service providers.

International bodies such as the Financial Action Task Force have also contributed to regulatory convergence by establishing global standards for anti‑money laundering compliance within the digital asset sector. As more jurisdictions adopt these standards, cooperation between regulators, exchanges and investigators has improved.

Many exchanges now maintain specialised compliance teams capable of responding to inquiries relating to fraud investigations and suspicious transactions. This growing cooperation between institutions has strengthened the ability to follow digital assets across jurisdictions.

Challenges That Still Exist in Cross‑Border Crypto Asset Recovery

Despite regulatory progress, recovering cryptocurrency from foreign jurisdictions remains legally and technically complex. Digital assets can still move rapidly through decentralised platforms that operate outside traditional regulatory structures. Certain privacy technologies may also complicate transaction analysis.

Advertisement

Jurisdictional boundaries continue to present practical limitations. Legal authority to compel disclosure or freeze assets is typically confined to specific jurisdictions, which means investigators may need to coordinate responses across several countries simultaneously.

Nevertheless, blockchain transparency remains a powerful investigative tool. Even when immediate recovery is not possible, transaction analysis frequently reveals the path taken by misappropriated funds and identifies platforms involved in the movement of assets.

What Victims of Cryptocurrency Fraud Should Know

Individuals affected by cryptocurrency scams often assume that digital assets cannot be traced. In practice, blockchain transactions create permanent records that frequently allow investigators to reconstruct the movement of funds.

Timing is often critical. The earlier a forensic investigation begins, the greater the likelihood of identifying exchange interactions or service providers involved in the transaction flow.

Cryptocurrency investigations require a combination of legal expertise and technical blockchain analysis. Lawyers working in this field typically collaborate with forensic investigators to analyse transaction data, identify responsible parties and assess potential legal strategies.

Advertisement

The Future of Crypto Fraud Prevention and Investor Protection

As the digital asset sector continues to mature, regulatory frameworks are expected to evolve further. Policymakers increasingly recognise that cryptocurrencies are likely to remain a permanent component of global financial infrastructure.

Future regulatory developments may involve deeper cooperation between exchanges, regulators and blockchain analytics providers in order to detect suspicious activity more rapidly. Improvements in transaction monitoring technologies may also allow platforms to identify fraudulent behaviour earlier.

Although digital asset fraud cannot be eliminated entirely, the regulatory and investigative environment surrounding cryptocurrencies is becoming progressively more sophisticated. Stronger compliance frameworks and improved forensic capabilities are gradually enhancing protections for investors and market participants.

About the Author

Manuel Dueñas is a Senior Fraud Lawyer at Crypto Legal, specialising in complex cryptocurrency and blockchain related disputes. He advises clients on fraud, misappropriation of digital assets, investment scams and cross border recovery strategies.

Manuel has extensive experience in fraud investigations, asset tracing, KYC and AML compliance, and works closely with forensic experts to build comprehensive recovery plans. His practice focuses on providing clear legal strategies to individuals, businesses and financial institutions facing fraud or regulatory challenges in the digital asset sector.

Advertisement

 

Continue Reading

Crypto

Questions swirl around US plans for record $15B Prince Group crypto seizure – ICIJ

Published

on

Questions swirl around US plans for record B Prince Group crypto seizure – ICIJ

The U.S. Justice Department last October announced the largest asset seizure in American history: a cache of bitcoin then valued at $15 billion tied to the Cambodia-based Prince Group that prosecutors alleged oversaw an empire of human trafficking and industrial-scale scamming.

The news offered a rare glimmer of hope for victims of sophisticated cryptocurrency scams. In part due to the ease of laundering cryptocurrencies, these victims have had a notoriously difficult time recovering their lost life savings or even getting law enforcement to begin tracing such funds.

“By dismantling a criminal empire built on forced labor and deception, we are sending a clear message that the United States will use every tool at its disposal to defend victims, recover stolen assets, and bring to justice those who exploit the vulnerable for profit,” U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi said in a joint statement.

But in the five months since the announcement, questions and frustrations have begun to swirl around the Justice Department’s handling of the historic cache of seized funds. The Justice Department has given little indication of what it plans to do with the 127,271 seized bitcoins, currently worth around $9 billion, as it has swiftly rejected claims on the funds made by attorneys representing hundreds of alleged victims.

Daniel Thornburgh and other attorneys representing hundreds of alleged victims of crypto scams say the government is not providing a viable path for returning seized funds to rightful owners.

Advertisement

Victims’ advocates and attorneys fear the agency may use the funds to capitalize President Trump’s national Strategic Bitcoin Reserve, a government crypto stockpile advocated by the cryptocurrency industry.

“This would lead to victims being revictimized by their own government,” said Thornburgh.

He is part of a growing number of attorneys and victim advocates who are calling for a special victim fund to take over responsibility for the historic sum of seized assets. They argue that this alternative offers a clearer path to victims receiving restitution.

The Department of Justice declined to comment on the case.

In November, the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists and 36 partner publications released The Coin Laundry investigation that showed how cryptocurrency scam victims face immense difficulty recovering funds due to the rapidly expanding illicit crypto economy. In interviews, dozens of victims told ICIJ and its media partners that they faced financial ruin as criminals rapidly laundered their stolen funds through secretive crypto wallets. In many cases, reports to law enforcement yielded no response at all.

Advertisement

The U.S. seizure of billions in bitcoin from the Prince Group’s founder Chen Zhi stemmed from allegations that he operated a transnational criminal organization that used forced labor in scam compounds to defraud victims worldwide. After the group was hit with U.S. and U.K. sanctions, Chen was taken into custody in Cambodia and sent to China in January 2026.

Even as victim attorneys strategize how to get their clients’ money back, fundamental questions hang over the case, including how and when U.S. authorities obtained the funds in the first place. Attorneys say that more information could help victims make stronger claims on the assets, while the Prince Group argues the lack of detail points to a flimsy case for the government holding the crypto at all. Although the Justice Department declined to comment on how it obtained the Bitcoin, the Chinese government recently accused the U.S. of stealing it through sophisticated hacking.

The government’s indictment of Chen contains apparent irregularities that are especially striking given the case’s significance. Prosecutors’ evidence against Chen relied in part on photographs alleged to illustrate the Prince Group’s violent methods.

ICIJ confirmed that one disturbing photo included in the indictment showing a man bound to an overturned chair appears to have nothing to do with the Prince Group. The exact photo was part of a light-hearted post published on a Mongolian-language website in April of 2020, describing an unusual medical incident. In another case, a man portrayed in the indictment as a victim of the Prince Group told ICIJ in an interview he had never been the victim of organized crime.

Victim claims have been swiftly rejected

When government authorities seize assets, they can keep those assets for public sector use, distribute the assets to victims who lost money to the crime in question, or do a combination of both. The process of determining if and how assets should be returned to victims is complicated and can take years.

Advertisement

In the wake of the Prince Group seizure, one U.S. senator said the assets could be used in part to strengthen Donald Trump’s national strategic bitcoin reserve, a U.S. government stockpile of cryptocurrency that industry proponents say will help boost the prominence of bitcoin. At the same time an array of alleged scam victims and their lawyers flooded the Justice Department with claims on the seized assets.

The department rapidly rejected many of them, asserting a wide variety of reasons why the victims had no legitimate claims, including that victims had not put forth specific evidence linking their cases to the seized funds and that they had no legal basis to credibly claim the funds in the first place.

Victims and their attorneys told ICIJ that a troubling picture is emerging of a Justice Department that appears set on rejecting claims.

Without more information about the seizure, scam victims are at a disadvantage because the alleged laundering was highly complex, making it difficult to directly link any specific scam to the cache of digital currency, according to lawyers.

“What’s happening here is not normal at all,” said Marc Fitapelli, a New York-based attorney who represents victims of cryptocurrency scams. “There should be an independent person appointed by the court to have control over these assets.”

Advertisement
The Phnom Penh headquarters of Prince Holding Group in Cambodia, with the Prince Group logo missing from the building’s facade. Image: Patrick Chengzhi Wang/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images

Thornburgh told ICIJ that recent conversations with Justice Department lawyers convinced him that the government was committed to denying victim claims, so he booked a trip to Cambodia on a long-shot mission to collect additional evidence linking his cases to the Prince Group. Thornburg said he spent a grueling week in early March interviewing dozens of former workers at the country’s notorious scam compounds, but had little luck finding the documentation to connect his client’s cases to the DOJ’s seized funds.

“It was an incredible amount of work to demonstrate what I probably already knew, which was: this was going to be impossible,” Thornburgh said. “Even if I was successful, victims or their lawyers should not have to travel all the way across the world to recover their assets.”

Thornburgh expressed concern about the Justice Department’s tactics in a separate high-profile crypto forfeiture action announced in June. Last month, government attorneys argued that victims did not deserve to recover funds from this seizure because the victims had freely given it away to scammers. “Although their voluntary transfers may have been induced through misrepresentations, those transfers were made voluntarily nonetheless,” the Justice Department said in a filing.

Several experts pointed to legislation as the most promising path to recovering victim funds. Erin West, the founder of Operation Shamrock, an advocacy group for victims of cyber scams, told ICIJ the organization would be working with partners to push for legislation that allocates the seized funds to victims. “We have an amazing opportunity to put found assets back into the hands of those who deserve it most,” West said.

Fitapelli said that a call with Justice Department lawyers last month yielded little in direct answers. “I was told that victims will be contacted by the government if/when the DOJ determines it is appropriate,” he said. “So victims should hope that some lawyer at the Justice department stumbles on their file and contacts them? This is so unfair.”

Advertisement

Deeper questions about the money

Scam victims aren’t the only ones seeking more information from the Justice Department about the case.

Almost immediately after the government’s announcement of the historic seizure, cryptocurrency experts began to ask basic questions about the origin of the enormous pile of bitcoin. According to the U.S. officials, the Prince Group’s alleged laundering methods diverted proceeds of fraud to fund a bitcoin mining company called LuBian that created new, “clean” bitcoins. Attorneys representing thousands of alleged victims of Iranian terrorism say that this bitcoin mining operation had extensive ties to Iran and are also making claims on the seized bitcoin.

But there is a twist in the history of these coins: On the blockchain, the publicly available ledger of most cryptocurrency transactions, experts could see that the huge sum of seized bitcoin, which was reportedly stolen by an unknown hacker in 2020 and then sat dormant in crypto wallets of unknown ownership for years. This crypto remained untouched between late 2020 and mid-2024, when the cache of bitcoin moved to a new set of wallets where it has remained since, crypto analyst Yury Serov told ICIJ.






The U.S. government filings that ICIJ reviewed do not provide details on how it came into possession of the bitcoin. This lack of an official explanation has created an opening for speculation among experts, interested parties and a rival superpower. A Chinese cybercrimes agency recently suggested that the U.S. government originally stole the bitcoin through sophisticated hacking in 2020.

Advertisement

Last week, lawyers representing Chen demanded that the Justice Department explain how it seized the funds.

The Justice Department’s asset forfeiture filing, which describes the government’s rationale for taking the $15 billion, has also created some confusion about which victims may be entitled to the funds.

After the government announced its seizure in 2025, analysts quickly pointed out that the $15 billion in bitcoin had sat dormant in crypto wallets for years after their reported theft in 2020. Chen’s defense attorneys have argued these dormant assets have had no opportunity to commingle with any money taken from scam victims after 2020. But, in its asset forfeiture filing, some of the government’s most specific descriptions of the Prince Group’s alleged scams involve frauds that took place in 2021 and 2022 — after the seized bitcoin went dormant.

Attorneys for Chen last week criticized the asset forfeiture complaint’s use of these alleged crimes to justify seizing money that had been out of circulation since 2020.

The Prince Group argues that the U.S. government somehow took the coins and then created a story to justify keeping them. “This indictment is simply air cover for a giant cash grab — one that both does a disservice to the victims of these crypto scams and injustice to an innocent man,” a spokesperson for the Prince Group told ICIJ in a statement.

Advertisement

“Prosecutors used exaggerations, deceit, and outright impossibilities to convince a court to retroactively approve their theft of Bitcoin and to convince a grand jury of everyday Americans to indict an innocent man, Chen Zhi,” the spokesperson said. “Not only did prosecutors use salacious rumors and innuendo to make wild accusations completely unconnected to Chen, they made serious errors, generated falsehoods out of whole cloth, and acted with egregious negligence all in an effort to justify their desperate, unfounded allegations.”

In court filings last week, Prince Group lawyers highlighted another possibly problematic part of U.S. authorities’ case against Chen. Several photos that the indictment claimed as evidence of wrongdoing appear to have no ostensible relationship to the Prince Group or its alleged crimes.

One of these photos, offered up by U.S. prosecutors as an example of the Prince Group’s violence, shows a man bound to an overturned plastic lawnchair. But ICIJ was able to confirm that the same photo was featured on a Mongolian-language website six years ago in a post about a man whose testicles became stuck in a lawn chair and had to be extricated from the chair by medical workers. This article contains no mention of the Prince Group or any wrongdoing.

Side-by-side screenshots showing identical photos of a man attached to a lawn chair in a hospital bed, one from the US prosecutor's indictment, the other from a Mongolian website.
Left, a photo included in the U.S. indictment against Chen Zhi shows a man attached to a lawn chair in a hospital bed; Right, the same image was published in an unrelated article on a Mongolian-language website in 2020.

Another photo in the indictment shows a purported victim of the Prince Group with blood flowing from a head wound. However, on a Zoom call arranged by representatives for the Prince Group, the man, who requested anonymity, told ICIJ that the photo depicted injuries he sustained in a drunken fight in 2015, and that he has never been the victim of violence by an organized crime group.

Hany Farid, a visual forensics expert at the University of California at Berkeley, confirmed that the man ICIJ spoke with via Zoom is the same person pictured in the indictment.

The Department of Justice declined to comment on the photographs.

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Crypto

Cryptocurrency and AI industries tested their influence in the Illinois primary elections. It didn’t go that well

Published

on

Cryptocurrency and AI industries tested their influence in the Illinois primary elections. It didn’t go that well

The artificial intelligence and cryptocurrency industries spent big and lost often in this week’s Illinois primaries, an early setback for technology firms that are trying to reshape the midterm elections and establish themselves as power players in American politics.

The companies flooded the state’s Democratic primaries with millions of dollars to promote candidates they believed would have a light touch when it came to regulating technologies that have begun to upend how people do their jobs and manage their finances.

Using super PACs that are allowed to spend unlimited sums of money, they ran television advertising and distributed campaign fliers that only occasionally alluded to their industries. Instead, the messaging focused on promises to combat President Donald Trump’s administration and support liberal policies, a strategy used by other organizations like the American Israel Public Affairs Committee.

But the coy strategy did not stop the AI and crypto industries’ interventions from becoming a lightning rod in the rowdy primaries in Illinois, where there was a rare glut of open seats that led to competitive races.

The crypto-backed political action committee Fairshake spent more than $10 million against Illinois Lt. Gov. Juliana Stratton, who ultimately won the Democratic nomination to succeed Sen. Dick Durbin, D-Ill.

Advertisement

Fairshake and Protect Progress, which is also tied to the crypto industry, spent millions more to unsuccessfully support Stratton’s main rivals, U.S. Reps. Raja Krishnamoorthi and Robin Kelly, according to filings with the Federal Election Commission.

In Illinois’ U.S. House primaries, the tech-backed groups’ campaign spending had mixed results.

State Rep. La Shawn Ford, who had supported state legislation regulating the AI and crypto industries, won the Democratic primary to succeed U.S. Rep. Danny Davis. Fairshake spent nearly $2.5 million opposing Ford’s candidacy in a race that featured at least four other political groups spending against the progressive lawmaker or for his opponents.

Meanwhile, Cook County Commissioner Donna Miller prevailed in the Democratic primary to succeed Kelly after Fairshake spent more than $800,000 against state Sen. Robert Peters, another progressive who supported legislation to regulate the crypto industry.

That race also saw the AI-backed spending at loggerheads.

Advertisement

The AI-backed Think Big PAC invested more than $1 million to boost the candidacy of Jesse Jackson Jr., a former congressman who pleaded guilty in a fraud scandal in 2013. But Jobs and Democracy PAC, another AI-backed group, also mounted about $1 million in negative campaign spending against Jackson during the race.

Think Big is a subsidiary of Leading the Future, a political group that is funded by major Silicon Valley executives, including the venture capitalist Marc Andreessen. Andreessen opposes federal regulations for AI and has been a staunch backer of the Republican president’s AI policies.

Jobs and Democracy PAC, by contrast, is funded by the AI company Anthropic, which favors some safety regulations on AI as the technology develops. Both PACs opposed progressive candidates who called for relatively heavy regulations on the technologies and higher taxes on wealthy Americans.

In a bright spot for the AI industry, former congresswoman Melissa Bean won the nomination to reclaim her old seat after a crowded and intense primary. Bean was supported by about $1 million in funding from AI-backed groups.

“She recognizes that the United States must work toward a national regulatory framework on AI that creates jobs, helps us stay ahead of China, and protects the safety of kids, users, and the community,” said Josh Vlasto, a political strategist for Leading the Future, an umbrella organization for AI political groups. “Leading the Future was proud to support her campaign and looks forward to working with leaders who will prioritize innovation over doomerism.”

Advertisement

The late-stage infusions of cash into the Illinois races totaled almost $20 million across races and served as a declaration of both industries’ political ambitions, raising the stakes in primaries that were already hotly contested.

“Corporate money is being used to paint corporate-backed candidates as fearless progressives,” said Adam Green, co-founder of the Progressive Change Campaign Committee, a political group that works to elect anti-corporate progressives.

“The question for the Democratic Party is whether we elect people who actually believe in these positions or will we elect milquetoast candidates who give lip service to these values but don’t back them in actual policy,” Green said.

Campaign finance experts and rank-and-file voters alike are still struggling with what to make of the technology industry’s political influence.

“They’re so new to the game that public opinion isn’t very well formed about them,” said Brian Gaines, a political science professor at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. “You don’t get a clear signal for who is the progressive and who is the moderate on AI and crypto policies.”

Advertisement

“People are wary of the technology,” Gaines said, “but they don’t know what to think yet.”

___

Maya Sweedler contributed to this report.

Continue Reading

Trending