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Zelle scams prompt federal probe into whether banks are doing enough to protect customers

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Zelle scams prompt federal probe into whether banks are doing enough to protect customers

The online-payment platform Zelle is extremely popular with consumers, which helps explain why it’s also become a hit with scammers.

Another reason: Zelle payments can’t be reversed once they’re sent. They’re a nearly instantaneous transfer of cash from your account to someone else’s, and if that someone else is a scammer, you can’t simply stop the payment (like a check) or dispute it (like a credit card).

Now, the federal regulator overseeing financial products is probing whether banks that offer Zelle to their account holders are doing enough to protect them against scams. Two major banks — JPMorgan Chase and Wells Fargo — disclosed in their security filings in the last week that they’d been contacted by the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau.

According to the Wall Street Journal, which reported the filings Wednesday, the CFPB is exploring whether banks are moving quickly enough to shut down scammers’ accounts and whether they’re doing enough to identify and prevent scammers from signing up for accounts in the first place.

The CFPB declined to comment on the story, and none of the banks contacted by The Times would talk about the details of the CFPB’s probe. JPMorgan Chase’s official response, though, was combative, suggesting the bank would fight the regulators if the CFPB demanded significant new protections for consumers.

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“The CFPB is fully aware we already go above and beyond what the law requires, reimbursing for all unauthorized transactions and even for certain types of scams, so they should expect to be challenged to ensure their actions stay within the bounds of the law,” a spokesperson for the bank said in a statement. “Our customers love Zelle, among the safest ways to pay people you know and trust, in real time and at no extra cost, and if necessary we will not hesitate to seek assistance from courts to uphold the integrity of how these services are provided.”

Here’s a rundown of the issues and how Zelle users might be affected by the CFPB’s inquiry.

Are scams a problem on Zelle?

A J.D. Power survey this year found that 3% of the people who’d used Zelle said they had lost money to scammers, which was less than the average for peer-to-peer money transfer services such as Venmo, CashApp and PayPal. The chief executive of Early Warning Services, which runs Zelle, told a Senate subcommittee in July that only 0.1% of the transactions on Zelle in 2023 involved a scam or fraud.

But Zelle operates at such a large scale — 120 million users, 2.9 billion transactions and $806 billion transferred in 2023, according to Early Warning Services — that even a tiny percentage of scam and fraud problems translates into a large number of users and dollars.

Scam activity generally is rising fast. According to the Federal Trade Commission, more than 41,000 consumers reported scams involving online-payment apps in the first half of 2024, with losses amounting to $171 million. That’s well over the pace of scams reported in 2023.

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Early Warning Services insists that Zelle is bucking the rising tide of cons. From 2022 to 2023, Zelle cut the rate of scams by nearly 50% even as the volume of transactions grew 28%, resulting in less money scammed in 2023 than in 2022, said Ben Chance, the chief fraud risk management officer for Zelle.

The company didn’t disclose the amounts involved, but if 0.1% of the $806 billion transferred in 2023 involved scam or fraud, that would translate to $806 million.

Do Zelle users get reimbursed for scams?

Only in certain cases, and this is where the banks that offer Zelle have drawn the most heat.

If you use Zelle to pay a scammer, banks say, that’s a payment you authorized, so they’re not obliged under law to refund your money. Federal law requires reimbursement only for unauthorized transactions, such as when someone hacks into your account or surreptitiously uses an app on your phone to make payments.

In June 2023, Zelle started requiring banks to reimburse customers who were duped into paying scammers who posed as representatives of the bank, the government or a service provider with whom the customer had an existing business relationship (for example, a phone company). The policy is similar to one Bank of America adopted in 2021.

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That change led to banks reimbursing more customers who were scammed on Zelle — according to a Senate report, reimbursements totaled $18.3 million in the last half of 2023 — but 80% to 85% of the consumers who reported being scammed still got none of their money back, the report said.

What do banks and Zelle do to try to stop scams?

The heart of the CFPB’s inquiry appears to be focused on this question.

Chance said that, under Zelle’s rules for participating banks, whenever a consumer reports a scam or fraudulent transaction, the bank has to report that to Zelle, which will in turn inform the receiving bank of the complaint. That’s true even for transfers within the same bank. The receiving bank is then required to conduct a fraud investigation on the recipient and report back to Zelle.

Some banks, such as Bank of America, say they will put a freeze on transfers by a suspected scammer as soon as a report comes in, then investigate and, if the report is substantiated, seize and return the money. But that works only if the scam is reported right away, before the scammer has the chance to withdraw the funds — which many will do immediately, said Iskander Sanchez-Rola, director of innovation at the cybersecurity company Gen.

Plus, the bank has to agree that a scam occurred. Adylia Roman of Los Angeles said she fought in vain with Bank of America for months to recover $2,700 lost from her savings account through Zelle; the bank insisted that the transfer was authorized by her son, who says he did no such thing and had no idea who the recipient was.

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If there is a second complaint about an individual committing scams or fraud, Chance said, Zelle will probably suspend that person’s access to the network until an investigation is completed. But Zelle can’t freeze the money in dispute — it’s up to participating banks to decide how to respond to the reports that Zelle forwards.

Early Warning Services also requires banks to take more steps to ensure that customers know the people they’re sending money to and that they understand the risk. Before allowing a transfer to a new recipient, Zelle requires banks to send in-app alerts showing the verified name of the person holding the account where the money is being sent, and then warning that money should be sent only to people the user knows and trusts because the transfer is irrevocable. The user has to accept those terms before the transfer can be completed.

At the same time, Chance said, Zelle sends screening information about the recipient to the sender’s bank, which the bank uses to decide whether the transaction is too risky to approve.

How might consumers get more protection?

One change that could make a difference would be to limit when funds transferred via Zelle are available for withdrawal, as banks do with check deposits. That would give senders time to call off transactions they realize are suspicious.

Anything less than near-instant transfers, however, would probably drive users to other instant-payment services, Sanchez-Rola said.

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Banks could also impose more restrictions on how Zelle users add new recipients. Although banks tell consumers that Zelle is designed for sending money to people they know and trust, there’s nothing stopping them from sending money to complete strangers, as long as contact information is available. That openness makes it easier for criminals to pull off their scams.

PayPal and Venmo address this issue through a buyer protection system for goods or services that’s mandatory on PayPal and optional on Venmo. Under this approach, the recipient of a payment has to pay a fee that helps reimburse consumers who are scammed.

Perhaps the biggest issue is making Zelle users more attuned to risks. Sanchez-Rola said that many people assume Zelle is risk-free because they access it through a regulated bank, and because people they know and trust use it for everyday things. So when someone they don’t know asks to be paid via Zelle, they’re not as skeptical as they should be.

“You shouldn’t use these kinds of [payment services] unless you fully trust the person,” he said. “That’s what they were designed for. They are not for getting your concert tickets quickly from some unknown guy.”

Sanchez-Rola suggested that Zelle could send more information about the recipient of a proposed transfer to the sender, displaying any potential red flags before the money is sent. He also recommended that Zelle users employ cybersecurity products that help detect scams and phishing attempts. (Gen owns Norton and Avast, which make cybersecurity products.)

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“Having solutions that can help people is important,” he said. “You cannot just fully trust your bank.”

Some consumer advocates are calling for a more sweeping approach, amending the Electronic Fund Transfer Act to require banks to reimburse consumers who are duped into authorizing payments to scammers. Rep. Maxine Waters (D-Los Angeles) and Sens. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) and Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.) introduced bills in the House and Senate this month to do just that.

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Nike to Cut 1,400 Jobs as Part of Its Turnaround Plan

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Nike to Cut 1,400 Jobs as Part of Its Turnaround Plan

Nike is cutting about 1,400 jobs in its operations division, mostly from its technology department, the company said Thursday.

In a note to employees, Venkatesh Alagirisamy, the chief operating officer of Nike, said that management was nearly done reorganizing the business for its turnaround plan, and that the goal was to operate with “more speed, simplicity and precision.”

“This is not a new direction,” Mr. Alagirisamy told employees. “It is the next phase of the work already underway.”

Nike, the world’s largest sportswear company, is trying to recover after missteps led to a prolonged sales slump, in which the brand leaned into lifestyle products and away from performance shoes and apparel. Elliott Hill, the chief executive, has worked to realign the company around sports and speed up product development to create more breakthrough innovations.

In March, Nike told investors that it expected sales to fall this year, with growth in North America offset by poor performance in Asia, where the brand is struggling to rejuvenate sales in China. Executives said at the time that more volatility brought on by the war in the Middle East and rising oil prices might continue to affect its business.

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The reorganization has involved cuts across many parts of the organization, including at its headquarters in Beaverton, Ore. Nike slashed some corporate staff last year and eliminated nearly 800 jobs at distribution centers in January.

“You never want to have to go through any sort of layoffs, but to re-center the company, we’re doing some of that,” Mr. Hill said in an interview earlier this year.

Mr. Alagirisamy told employees that Nike was reshaping its technology team and centering employees at its headquarters and a tech center in Bengaluru, India. The layoffs will affect workers across North America, Europe and Asia.

The cuts will also affect staffing in Nike’s factories for Air, the company’s proprietary cushioning system. Employees who work on the supply chain for raw materials will also experience changes as staff is integrated into footwear and apparel teams.

Nike’s Converse brand, which has struggled for years to revive sales, will move some of its engineering resources closer to the factories they support, the company said.

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Mr. Alagirisamy said the moves were necessary to optimize Nike’s supply chain, deploy technology faster and bolster relationships with suppliers.

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Senate committee kills bill mandating insurance coverage for wildfire safe homes

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Senate committee kills bill mandating insurance coverage for wildfire safe homes

A bill that would have required insurers to offer coverage to homeowners who take steps to reduce wildfire risk on their property died in the Legislature.

The Senate Insurance Committee on Monday voted down the measure, SB 1076, one of the most ambitious bills spurred by the devastating January 2025 wildfires.

The vote came despite fire victims and others rallying at the state Capitol in support of the measure, authored by state Sen. Sasha Renée Pérez (D-Pasadena), whose district includes the Eaton fire zone.

The Insurance Coverage for Fire-Safe Homes Act originally would have required insurers to offer and renew coverage for any home that meets wildfire-safety standards adopted by the insurance commissioner starting Jan. 1, 2028.

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It also threatened insurers with a five-year ban from the sale of home or auto insurance if they did not comply, though it allowed for exceptions.

However, faced with strong opposition from the insurance industry, Pérez had agreed to amend the bill so it would have established community-wide pilot projects across the state to better understand the most effective way to limit property and insurance losses from wildfires.

Insurers would have had to offer four years of coverage to homeowners in successful pilot projects.

Denni Ritter, a vice president of the American Property Casualty Insurance Assn., told the committee that her trade group opposed the bill.

“While we appreciate the intent behind those conversations, those concepts do not remove our opposition, because they retain the same core flaw — substituting underwriting judgment and solvency safeguards with a statutory mandate to accept risk,” she said.

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In voting against the bill Sen. Laura Richardson, (D-San Pedro), said: “Last I heard, in the United States, we don’t require any company to do anything. That’s the difference between capitalism and communism, frankly.”

The remarks against the measure prompted committee Chair Sen. Steve Padilla, (D-Chula Vista), to chastise committee members in opposition.

“I’m a little perturbed, and I’m a little disappointed, because you have someone who is trying to work with industry, who is trying to get facts and data,” he said.

Monday’s vote was the fourth time a bill that would have required insurers to offer coverage to so-called “fire hardened” homes failed in the Legislature since 2020, according to an analysis by insurance committee staff.

Fire hardening includes measures such as cutting back brush, installing fire resistant roofs and closing eaves to resist fire embers.

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Pérez’s legislation was thought to have a better chance of passage because it followed the most catastrophic wildfires in U.S. history, which damaged or destroyed more than 18,000 structures and killed 31 people.

The bill was co-sponsored by the Los Angeles advocacy group Consumer Watchdog and Every Fire Survivor’s Network, a community group founded in Altadena after the fires formerly called the Eaton Fire Survivors Network.

But it also had broad support from groups such as the California Apartment Association, the California Nurses Association and California Environmental Voters.

Leading up to the fires, many insurers, citing heightened fire risk, had dropped policyholders in fire-prone neighorhoods. That forced them onto the California FAIR Plan, the state’s insurer of last resort, which offers limited but costly policies.

A Times analysis found that that in the Palisades and Eaton fire zones, the FAIR Plan’s rolls from 2020 to 2024 nearly doubled from 14,272 to 28,440. Mandating coverage has been seen as a way of reducing FAIR Plan enrollment.

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“I’m disappointed this bill died in committee. Fire survivors deserved better,” Pérez said in a statement .

Also failing Monday in the committee was SB 982, a bill authored by Sen. Scott Wiener, (D-San Francisco). It would have authorized California’s attorney general to sue fossil fuel companies to recover losses from climate-induced disasters. It was opposed by the oil and gas industry.

Passing the committee were two other Pérez bills. SB 877 requires insurers to provide more transparency in the claims process. SB 878 imposes a penalty on insurers who don’t make claims payments on time.

Another bill, SB 1301, authored by insurance commissioner candidate Sen. Ben Allen, (D-Pacific Palisades), also passed. It protects policyholders from unexplained and abrupt policy non-renewals.

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How We Cover the White House Correspondents’ Dinner

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How We Cover the White House Correspondents’ Dinner

Times Insider explains who we are and what we do, and delivers behind-the-scenes insights into how our journalism comes together.

Politicians in Washington and the reporters who cover them have an often adversarial relationship.

But on the last Saturday in April, they gather for an irreverent celebration of press freedom and the First Amendment at the Washington Hilton Hotel: The White House Correspondents’ Association dinner.

Hosted by the association, an organization that helps ensure access for media outlets covering the presidency, the dinner attracts Hollywood stars; politicians from both parties; and representatives of more than 100 networks, newspapers, magazines and wire services.

While The Times will have two reporters in the ballroom covering the event, the company no longer buys seats at the party, said Richard W. Stevenson, the Washington bureau chief. The decision goes back almost two decades; the last dinner The Times attended as an organization was in 2007.

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“We made a judgment back then that the event had become too celebrity-focused and was undercutting our need to demonstrate to readers that we always seek to maintain a proper distance from the people we cover, many of whom attend as guests,” he said.

It’s a decision, he added, that “we have stuck by through both Republican and Democratic administrations, although we support the work of the White House Correspondents’ Association.”

Susan Wessling, The Times’s Standards editor, said the policy is a product of the organization’s desire to maintain editorial independence.

“We don’t want to leave readers with any questions about our independence and credibility by seeming to be overly friendly with people whose words and actions we need to report on,” she said.

The celebrity mentalist Oz Pearlman is headlining the evening, in lieu of the usual comedy set by the likes of Stephen Colbert and Hasan Minhaj, but all eyes will be on President Trump, who will make his first appearance at the dinner as president.

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Mr. Trump has boycotted the event since 2011, when he was the butt of punchlines delivered by President Barack Obama and the talk show host Seth Meyers mocking his hair, his reality TV show and his preoccupation with the “birther” movement.

Last month, though, Mr. Trump, who has a contentious relationship with the media, announced his intention to attend this year’s dinner, where he will speak to a room full of the same reporters he often derides as “enemies of the people.”

Times reporters will be there to document the highs, the lows and the reactions in the room. A reporter for the Styles desk has also been assigned to cover the robust roster of after-parties around Washington.

Some off-duty reporters from The Times will also be present at this late-night circuit, though everyone remains cognizant of their roles, said Patrick Healy, The Times’s assistant managing editor for Standards and Trust.

“If they’re reporting, there’s a notebook or recorder out as usual,” he said. “If they’re not, they’re pros who know they’re always identifiable as Times journalists.”

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For most of The Times’s reporters and editors, though, the evening will be experienced from home.

“The rest of us will be able to follow the coverage,” Mr. Stevenson said, “without having to don our tuxes or gowns.”

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