Business
Musk-Tied Investor Clashes With One of World’s Biggest Asset Managers
A prominent Silicon Valley investor is in a bitter dispute with his former employer, one of the world’s largest asset managers, accusing it of fraud and attempted bribery.
In a lawsuit filed on Thursday in California, Josh Raffaelli, who until late last year was a fund manager at Brookfield Asset Management, said the company had mistreated investors in his funds as it sought to make up for losses in other parts of its business.
The 100-page complaint is notable in part because Mr. Raffaelli has close ties to Elon Musk, the world’s richest man. That relationship enabled Mr. Raffaelli’s funds to put money into Mr. Musk’s private companies, a coveted opportunity in Silicon Valley. But among Mr. Raffaelli’s allegations is that Brookfield improperly limited the amount that he could invest in a Musk company on behalf of Brookfield’s clients.
In December, shortly after Mr. Raffaelli filed a whistle-blower complaint with the Securities and Exchange Commission, Brookfield fired him, according to his lawsuit.
“Brookfield repeatedly betrayed the trust and best interests of its investors, and then fired the employee who challenged its behavior,” said Mark Mermelstein, Mr. Raffaelli’s lawyer.
Brookfield manages more than $1 trillion on behalf of pension plans, government investment funds and financial institutions. Until January, its chairman was Mark Carney, Canada’s new prime minister.
“This suit is absolutely without merit and these baseless claims run counter to how Brookfield manages its business,” said Kerrie McHugh, a spokeswoman for Brookfield. “We will vigorously defend against this meritless suit, which was brought by a disgruntled former employee.”
Mr. Raffaelli, 45, has had a long career in Silicon Valley. In 2004, he became an analyst at what was then called Draper Fisher Jurvetson, a leading venture capital firm. At the time, Mr. Musk was on the ascent in Silicon Valley. He had recently founded the rocket company SpaceX and made an early investment in Tesla, which would become the world’s most valuable car company.
By 2009, Mr. Raffaelli was a board observer at both SpaceX and Tesla, according to his LinkedIn profile. That entitled him to attend the companies’ confidential board meetings. The proximity to Mr. Musk also gave Mr. Raffaelli the opportunity to invest his clients’ money in the billionaire’s private ventures. In Silicon Valley, that access made Mr. Raffaelli a hot commodity in his own right.
In 2017 he joined Brookfield, working out of its San Francisco office. His job was to manage a handful of funds that would invest clients’ money in technology companies. His base salary was $500,000, but his bosses told him that if his funds performed well, his total compensation could ultimately be in the tens of millions of dollars, according to the lawsuit, filed on Thursday in Superior Court in San Mateo, Calif.
In part to attract outside investors, Brookfield agreed to put its own money in Mr. Raffaelli’s funds, meaning the company’s financial interests would be aligned with those of its clients. By 2024, his funds collectively managed more than $1.75 billion, which came from pension funds, other outside investors and Brookfield itself.
Tapping his contacts in Mr. Musk’s orbit, Mr. Raffaelli arranged for his funds to invest in several of Mr. Musk’s private businesses, including SpaceX, the artificial-intelligence company xAI and the tunnel-building venture known as the Boring Company, according to Mr. Raffaelli’s lawsuit and people familiar with the investments.
But Brookfield soon encountered financial problems, according to the lawsuit. The Covid-19 pandemic had hammered the commercial real estate industry, in which Brookfield and its affiliates were major investors. Brookfield Property Partners, the asset management firm’s sister company, lost about $2 billion in 2020.
That set the stage for Brookfield to begin engaging in fraud, Mr. Raffaelli said in the lawsuit.
Short on cash, Brookfield in 2024 backtracked on some of its pledges to put hundreds of millions of dollars into Mr. Raffaelli’s funds alongside outside investors, the lawsuit said.
Around the same time, Brookfield also vetoed a proposal from an unspecified “major foreign conglomerate” that wanted to invest up to $100 million in one of Mr. Raffaelli’s funds, the lawsuit said, describing that decision as “indefensible.”
The combined result was that there was less money than expected for Mr. Raffaelli to invest. That, in turn, limited the potential upside for Brookfield’s outside clients, the lawsuit said.
Already, Mr. Raffaelli said, he had been forced to sharply reduce — from $25 million to $5 million — the amount that one of his funds planned to invest in Mr. Musk’s xAI. (The lawsuit did not identify xAI by name, but people familiar with the investments confirmed it.)
“That is like walking away from the chance to buy Facebook or Apple stock” at a bargain price, the lawsuit said. “The markets expected this investment to go nowhere but up, and that is exactly what has happened.” The estimated value of xAI has more than tripled to $80 billion over the past year.
Last summer, Brookfield informed Mr. Raffaelli that the firm was thinking of merging his funds into a company called Pinegrove Capital Partners, according to his lawsuit.
Ms. McHugh, the Brookfield spokeswoman, said Mr. Raffaelli’s funds were not performing well. Mr. Raffaelli’s lawyer disputed that, saying the funds were among the best-performing at Brookfield.
Mr. Raffaelli started looking into Pinegrove, an asset manager that was mostly owned by Brookfield. He was alarmed by what he found. He said that Pinegrove had exaggerated its capital levels by more than $100 million, making it appear financially stronger than it really was. Hundreds of institutions — including nonprofit organizations and pension funds for police officers and firefighters — had been persuaded under false pretenses to entrust their money to Pinegrove, according to the lawsuit.
Last October, Mr. Raffaelli anonymously reported his findings to Brookfield through the company’s whistle-blower website. A few weeks later, he said, he submitted a complaint to the S.E.C.
Shortly after, Mr. Raffaelli’s boss, Anuj Ranjan, told him that Brookfield’s chief executive had signed off on the decision to fold his funds into Pinegrove. According to the lawsuit, Mr. Ranjan acknowledged to Mr. Raffaelli that the move was not good for his clients but was designed to prop up Pinegrove and save money for Brookfield. Mr. Raffaelli viewed this as a violation of federal securities laws.
Mr. Ranjan did not respond to a request for comment.
The investors in Mr. Raffaelli’s funds needed to approve the Pinegrove merger. Brookfield pushed Mr. Raffaelli to pitch them on it “because his credibility would resonate better with the investors that trusted him,” the lawsuit said.
In exchange for his help, Mr. Raffaelli said, Brookfield offered to pay him an amount “way beyond” what he was currently owed. He said the head of the company’s human resources department then sent him a spreadsheet showing he could eventually be due as much as $46 million under his existing compensation agreement.
Mr. Raffaelli said he viewed that as Brookfield offering him a bribe.
The following week, Mr. Raffaelli sent the general counsel at Brookfield Asset Management the complaint he had previously sent to the S.E.C.
“As uncomfortable as this is for me, I wanted to share with you that I felt I had an obligation to blow the whistle on certain illegal conduct,” he wrote, according to the lawsuit.
Nine days later, Mr. Raffaelli said, he was fired.
Business
How ‘The View’ Landed at the Center of a Free Speech Battle
President Trump’s wide-ranging campaign to punish his perceived media critics has come for newspapers like The Wall Street Journal, The Des Moines Register and The New York Times; broadcast outlets like the BBC, NBC News and CBS News; and the late-night hosts Jimmy Kimmel and Stephen Colbert.
But now it is bearing down on a new opponent, one that remains politically potent and has a storied place in Mr. Trump’s oeuvre of media grudge matches — the long-running ABC daytime talk show, “The View.”
The Federal Communications Commission has been quietly investigating the program for months, looking into whether “The View” violated old federal rules requiring equal airtime to rival political candidates. The inquiry could also feed into the agency’s wider review of whether ABC should be allowed to continue to own some of the country’s most important local television stations.
The clash between ABC and the Trump administration could lead to a protracted, high-stakes legal battle over free expression. The network asserts that the F.C.C. action could have “a chilling effect on First Amendment-protected free speech on the eve of the 2026 elections” and affect which political guests — if any — talk shows will book.
The central role of “The View” is testament to the enduring influence of an old-fashioned broadcast television program that the ABC anchor Barbara Walters started 29 years ago, describing it “as a kaffeeklatsch with more caffeine.” People in both parties say the show continues to hold significant political power — even as streaming, podcasts and social media take up more attention.
“The View” draws 2.7 million viewers a day, more or less the audience it has had for a decade, according to Nielsen.
“It would be easy for our side to say, ‘Who watches that junk?’” said Tim Graham, a senior leader of the Media Research Center, a conservative group that has long been critical of the show. “But the answer is: Many people.”
Representatives for “The View” declined to comment, or to set up interviews with the hosts or anyone involved in the production.
Ms. Walters’s intention, as she said on the premiere episode in 1997, was to make the show destination viewing for a broad swath of women “of different generations, backgrounds and views.” The show’s panel has long included a conservative presence to balance the progressivism of its longstanding hosts Joy Behar and Whoopi Goldberg.
Mr. Trump, who was good friends with Ms. Walters, used to be a regular guest, once seeing the show as a great platform to promote himself, his business and his family. During a March 2006 appearance, Mr. Trump, sitting next to Ivanka Trump, notoriously mused, “If Ivanka weren’t my daughter, perhaps I’d be dating her.” (“Who are you, Woody Allen?” Ms. Behar blurted, sending Mr. Trump into a fit of laughter.)
Weeks later, Melania Trump gave the show her first interview after the birth of her son, Barron, revealing details about the delivery (“very, very easy”) and informing viewers that Mr. Trump had elected to stay out of the delivery room. Sometimes Mr. and Mrs. Trump even appeared together: In 2010, they made a joint appearance when Mrs. Trump promoted her QVC jewelry line.
But “The View” also set the scene for a foundational Trump feud — with the former host Rosie O’Donnell, starting in 2006. She called him a “snake-oil salesman”; he called her “a slob” and worse.
The final break in the relationship between the show and Mr. Trump came shortly after he entered politics. He clashed with Ms. Goldberg over his description of Mexicans as “rapists” in 2015, and he declined invitations from “The View” thereafter. He made 18 appearances in all.
The hosts became more critical of Mr. Trump over the past decade, and he attacked them back. The two Republicans on the panel — a first-term Trump spokeswoman, Alyssa Farah Griffin, and the longtime strategist Ana Navarro — are frequent Trump critics. And the anti-Trump critics are even tougher.
“It is unbelievable to me,” Sunny Hostin, a host, said this week, “that there are still people — despite the fact that they don’t have health care, despite the fact that the Department of Education has been gutted, despite the fact that they can’t afford to buy eggs — they are still with their guy.”
Conservatives accuse the show of interviewing mostly Democrats. This spring, the Media Research Center released a report titled, “The View Kicks Off Midterm Year With 27 Liberal Guests to 1 Republican.” (The study included celebrities in its tally.)
In its filing with the F.C.C., ABC noted that guest appearances did not reflect the full range of invitations. The network said the show had invited numerous Trump allies over the past two seasons, including Vice President JD Vance, Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Senator Lindsey Graham, Elon Musk and Secretary of State Marco Rubio — all of whom declined.
ABC’s lawyers said bookings were “based on newsworthiness, anticipated audience interest and their potential to ‘make news’ on the show.”
The administration has escalated its attacks over the past year. In July, it released a statement rooting for the show’s cancellation, after Ms. Behar compared Mr. Trump unfavorably with former President Barack Obama.
The seriousness of the F.C.C.’s inquiry into “The View” came to light when ABC responded forcefully to it this week. The agency is looking into whether the show was improperly operating outside longstanding broadcast rules requiring entertainment programs to provide equal airtime to candidates for the same office.
ABC’s lawyers noted that “The View” had received a news exemption from the agency in 2002 and that the exemption had not been challenged in the 24 years since.
Their response, which became public on Friday, accused the F.C.C. of violating the network’s First Amendment rights and indicated that they were prepared to take the case as far as the Supreme Court.
The network maintains that the mix of its guests should not be the government’s concern. “Of course, government officials are free to express their own views about ‘The View,’” ABC’s lawyers said in the filing. “But they cannot utilize the coercive powers of the state to punish viewpoints with which they disagree.”
The show has long been under a political microscope, not only because of what its hosts say but also because of the makeup of its audience.
The two highest-rated media markets for “The View,” according to Nielsen, are Philadelphia and the Flint-Saginaw-Bay City market in Michigan’s industrial corridor — both in swing states. The show also draws strong audiences in Pittsburgh, Atlanta, Milwaukee, Chicago and New York, Nielsen said, as well as in West Palm Beach, Fla.; Kansas City, Mo.; and Hartford, Conn.
That audience is made up of a prime voting demographic; two-thirds of its viewers are 65 or older, and nearly 90 percent are over the age of 50. Seventy percent are women. And 60 percent of its viewers are white and a quarter are Black, according to Nielsen.
“Women are one of the most important swing segments of the electorate,” said Daniel Suhr of the Center for American Rights, the conservative legal group that in March urged the F.C.C. to deny “The View” an exemption from the equal-airtime rules as a “bona fide” news program.
Having hosts who “constantly bash the president and the party” on a show that draws such swing voters, Mr. Suhr said, “has a real effect on our politics.”
Lis Smith, a Democratic strategist who has long seen “The View” as an important stop on any major candidate’s campaign schedule, said she thought conservatives were mainly picking on the show to whip up the faithful against a favorite media target. But, she added, “The View” does have its uses for Democrats.
“They reach a large audience of women, and Democrats need women to turn out to vote to win,” she said.
Business
Mattel investor campaigns to take the company private
A large investor in Mattel is asking the toy maker to sell itself to a big investor and take its shares off the stock market.
Southeastern Asset Management, which oversees 4% of Mattel’s stock, said in a letter released Thursday that the company would be better off if owned by a private equity firm, a toy competitor or a media company.
Mattel stock price was $15.41 as of Friday morning, up 2% from closing on Thursday. Its shares have fallen more than 20% this year.
Southeastern said Mattel’s current strategy would make shareholders wait too long for the company’s stock price to reach $30.
“We do not want to wait longer for that to be realized,” Southeastern said in the letter, addressed to Mattel Chief Executive Ynon Kreiz. “We would prefer you lead the effort to explore strategic alternatives given your industry knowledge and relationships.”
Mattel said in a release Thursday that it appreciates and will consider the perspectives shared by Southeastern and other shareholders. The company said it will maintain its focus on squeezing more profit from the many famous toys and other intellectual properties it controls.
“Our Board of Directors and management team are committed to acting in the best interests of all Mattel shareholders,” the company said in the release.
Southeastern sent the open letter to Mattel’s board and other shareholders on Thursday. It was originally sent to Kreiz in mid-March, shortly before the company announced it was laying off 65 employees.
Mattel has laid off hundreds of employees in the past year and a half.
The company’s shares and profit took a dip after it announced weak holiday sales in 2025, in part due to disappointing Barbie sales.
Last year, its net sales were about $5.3 billion, down 1% from the year before.
Southeastern suggested three potential buyers.
Private equity firms, which have expressed interest in Mattel for years, could help provide financial stability, the shareholder said. If the company delisted, it wouldn’t have to worry about quarterly reports or annual expectations, Southeastern said.
Another toy company could also be a potential buyer, the shareholder said, noting that Mattel and Hasbro have been in talks for years.
“We believe synergies between the two companies would be material, creating a stronger player in a global industry,” Southeastern said.
Mattel also has valuable intellectual property that could interest large media companies, Southeastern said.
The three buyer options aren’t mutually exclusive and could be combined, the shareholder said.
“We are grateful for your leadership that stabilized the business during a difficult period,” Southeastern said in the letter. “We believe that now is the time for the company to explore strategic alternatives.”
Business
China’s Exports and Imports Set Records in April Amid High Energy Costs
China’s exports and imports each set monthly records in April, further cementing the country as the world’s leading trading nation as Beijing prepares to welcome President Trump for a summit next week with Xi Jinping, China’s leader.
China also ran a trade surplus — the excess of exports over imports — of $84.8 billion last month, according to data released on Saturday by the General Administration of Customs. However, that surplus did not set a record. The war in Iran and closure of the Strait of Hormuz pushed up the cost of imported oil and natural gas, causing China’s overall imports to increase slightly faster than exports.
The surplus in April keeps China on track for a third year of roughly trillion-dollar trade surpluses. China posted a $1.19 trillion trade surplus last year, easily breaking the world record of $992 billion that it had set the year before.
Mr. Trump is expected to press Mr. Xi to buy more American goods during their scheduled summit, part of his long-running effort to narrow China’s longtime trade surplus with the United States. But two recent court decisions overturning Mr. Trump’s tariffs on imports have eroded some of his leverage.
China’s exports to the United States jumped 11.3 percent last month compared to its shipments in April of last year, when President Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariffs produced a slump in imports from China.
The country’s imports from the United States rose only 9 percent in April this year. As a result, its trade surplus with the United States widened by 13 percent.
China has long used state-run purchasing collectives in big categories like farm goods and commercial aircraft to manage its trade with the United States, ensuring it sells three to five times as much as it buys. Mr. Trump and his advisers have criticized that imbalance.
Semiconductor exports doubled last month compared with April of last year. Chinese manufacturers cashed in on the artificial intelligence data center boom even though they cannot yet produce some of the fastest kinds of chips.
Overall exports of electronics and machinery were up 20 percent in April from a year earlier.
China acts in many ways as a shock absorber in global oil markets. Beijing buys more oil for its vast reserves when the price is low, then cuts back purchases when prices are high, as they were last month.
With oil prices spiking upward this spring, the tonnage of China’s oil imports dropped last month to its lowest level since July 2022, when Shanghai’s two-month Covid lockdown reduced demand. The lockdown hurt many of China’s oil-dependent industries.
Because prices rose faster last month than the tonnage declined, China’s overall bill for crude oil imports rose 13 percent from a year earlier. Rising oil prices helped drive China’s overall imports up 25.3 percent in April from a year ago, to a record $274.6 billion. Its exports surged 14.1 percent last month from a year earlier, to a record $359.4 billion.
China has been particularly successful this year in exporting electric cars as well as renewable energy products like wind turbines and solar panels. Exports of electric vehicles were up 52.8 percent last month from a year earlier.
China has been running large, and widening, trade surpluses over the past several years with most of the rest of the world. It has trade deficits with only a handful of countries, including those like Brazil and Australia which have very large commodity exports.
The European Union and many developing countries now find themselves with rapidly growing trade deficits with China. Practically all of them have run their own trade surpluses with the United States to fund their deficits with China, sometimes repackaging goods from China and shipping them on to the United States to do so.
China’s huge trade surpluses are not necessarily a sign of economic strength. They partly reflect very weak spending by Chinese households on imports and domestic goods alike after five years of sliding housing prices wiped out much of the savings of the middle class. This has prompted many families to scrimp on purchases like new cars, leaving Chinese automakers with more cars to export.
“The Chinese economy still demonstrates resilience in trade and industrial supply chains,” said Zhu Tian, an economics professor at the China Europe International Business School in Shanghai, after the release of the trade data.
But weak domestic spending and a leveling off in the trade surplus, he said, “suggest that economic growth will continue to face significant challenges for the rest of the year.”
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