Business
Column: The Trump shooting and the glorification of guns
Much is still not known about Saturday’s shooting at a Trump rally in Pennsylvania, but it’s clear that the incident placed the stupidity and hypocrisy of America’s gun culture in high relief.
Former President Trump was nearly assassinated while addressing the rally. One spectator seated in the bleachers near him, Corey Comperatore, 50, was killed and two spectators were critically injured and are currently hospitalized. The shooter, identified by the FBI as Thomas Crooks, 20, was killed at the scene.
That the glorification of guns erupted (again) into violence at a political gathering was always a case of not if, but when. Trump and his acolytes have infused their rhetoric with violent imagery.
They endorsed the tactics of the violent mob that stormed the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021; Trump himself promised to pardon those who have been convicted of federal crimes in connection with the insurrection.
‘Two-thirds of our [survey] participants in 2022 and three-fourths in 2023 rejected political violence as never justified — not just in general, but for one specific objective after another.’
— Garen Wintemute, director of the California Firearm Violence Research Center
Not three weeks ago I wrote about two developments that hinted, if hazily, that the long arc of our debate over guns might be trending toward rationality.
One was an “advisory” from U.S. Surgeon General Vivek Murthy identifying firearm violence as a public health crisis. The other was a Supreme Court decision upholding a ban on gun ownership by domestic abusers.
The instant reaction by the gun rights lobby to Saturday’s shooting shows that the obstacles to that trend remain powerful indeed.
Calls to tone down the rhetoric of the presidential campaign were heard from both sides of the aisle. But not proposals to ban weapons such as those reportedly carried by the shooter, much less to tighten the laws and regulations on gun sales.
Here’s an aspect of America’s relationship with guns relevant to Saturday’s shooting: The vast majority of Americans are fearful that political violence could affect the outcome of our elections. More on that in a moment.
The weapon used by the apparent shooter Saturday was a semiautomatic AR-15, law enforcement sources say. To experts in mass shootings, this was almost predictable. The AR-15 was used in 10 of the 17 deadliest mass shootings in America since 2022, according to a roster published last year by the Washington Post.
The death toll from those shootings was 207. Nevertheless, Republican members of Congress paraded around Washington last year with lapel pins bearing the weapon’s silhouette, handed out by a congressman who owned a gun shop. Among those wearing the pin was Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-Fla.), who was photographed with it on Feb. 1, 2023, two days after a mass shooting in her home state left 11 people wounded.
Some features of the aftermath of Saturday’s shooting are also predictable.
There will be pleas by the gun lobby not to “politicize” Saturday’s incident, as if gun control isn’t a political issue. But don’t be misled: Republicans and the right wing started politicizing the shooting within minutes.
Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.): “The Democrats and the media are to blame for every drop of blood spilled today.” Rep. Mike Collins (R-Ga.) called for Pennsylvania authorities to “immediately file charges against Joseph R. Biden for inciting an assassination.” Etc., etc. (Thanks to Kevin Drum for peering into the fever swamp and compiling the first acrid bubbles.)
As for the tone of political rhetoric, who’s responsible for its bloodthirstiness? Let’s take a look. After a violent attack at the San Francisco home of former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi seriously injured her husband, Paul, Trump lined up with a conspiracy theory that suggested that Paul Pelosi knew his attacker.
“It’s — weird things going on in that household in the last couple of weeks. … The glass it seems was broken from the inside to the out so it wasn’t a break in, it was a break out,” he said on a right-wing radio program.
The conspiracy claims have long since been debunked. The attacker, David DePape, has been sentenced to 30 years in prison on federal charges and is awaiting sentencing on five felony convictions in state court.
Appearing at the California GOP convention last year about 11 months after the attack, Trump mocked Pelosi and her family: “How’s her husband doing, anybody know?” Trump said to a jeering crowd. “And she’s against building a wall at our border, even though she has a wall around her house — which obviously didn’t do a very good job.”
During the 2016 campaign, Trump said that “maybe … 2nd Amendment people” could stop his Democratic opponent, Hillary Clinton, from being able to appoint Supreme Court judges. The 2nd Amendment covers the right to bear arms.
Republican Party policy on guns is on a one-way ratchet — toward more guns and less control. After being critically wounded by a gunman and fervant opponent of Trump who took aim at a congressional outing in 2017, Rep. Steve Scalise (R-La.), a member of the House leadership, could have taken a stand in favor of better gun control. He went in exactly the opposite direction, saying that the incident reinforced his support for gun rights.
“I was a strong supporter of the 2nd Amendment before the shooting,” he said, “and frankly, as ardent as ever after the shooting in part because I was saved by people who had guns.”
“There’s no magic bill you can file to stop people from doing evil things, whether it’s with a bomb or a knife or whatever weapon they choose,” Scalise said more than a year later.
And who can forget the Christmas card mailed out by Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) in 2021, depicting himself, his wife and five children brandishing assault weapons around the Christmas tree, under the legend, “Merry Christmas! ps. Santa, please bring ammo”?
Gun rights advocates assert that they’re only reflecting the people’s will. Nothing could be further from the truth. The Gallup poll has consistently shown a majority of respondents favoring stricter laws on gun sales over the last three decades; in 2023, the figure was 56%, with only 12% favoring less strict laws and 31% accepting the laws as they are now. Since 2000, only about 34% to 42% reported “having” a gun in their home. That’s a decline since the 1960s through the mid-’90s, when the figure reached as high as 50%.
Those latter figures may be misleading. Researchers at Northeastern and Harvard universities found that only about 28.8% of U.S. adults personally owned firearms in 2021, with an additional 10.4% living in households with guns but not personally owning them.
Research on Americans’ concerns about political violence may be more telling. That includes data assembled by the California Firearm Violence Research Center at UC Davis.
The center reported that in its annual nationwide surveys “nearly one-third of participants (32.8%) considered violence to be usually or always justified to advance at least one political objective.
But as the center’s director, Garen Wintemute, wrote in an op-ed for the Hill, that support for this notion has been concentrated in the right wing.
Among those “much more likely than others to endorse political violence” are “Republicans and MAGA-supporting Republicans in particular; those who endorse QAnon, the white supremacy movement, Christian nationalists and other extreme right-wing organizations and movements,” he wrote.
Americans overwhelmingly oppose using violence to achieve a political objective, but understand its use for self-defense or the defense of others.
(UC Davis)
Firearm owners also supported violence for political aims, “but only by a small margin, unless they owned assault-type rifles, had bought firearms during the COVID pandemic or regularly carried loaded firearms in public.”
The center’s 2023 survey added a few specifications to this list, all drawn from the sociopathic spectrum: “Racists, sexists, xenophobes, homophobes, transphobes, Islamophobes and antisemites,” Wintemute wrote.
He added these words of optimism: “Two-thirds of our participants in 2022 and three-fourths in 2023 rejected political violence as never justified — not just in general, but for one specific objective after another. Of the participants who considered violence justified in at least one instance, the vast majority (about 70% in 2022 and 60% in 2023) were unwilling to engage in it themselves. These findings provide grounds for hope and directions for a way forward.”
As Wintemute observed, silence about the implications of these findings won’t quell the potential that a political turn could be achieved by violence.
“It’s a time to mobilize,” he wrote. “The great majority of us who reject political violence need to make our opposition known, over and over and as publicly as possible. We need to create or join movements that do the same. People pay attention to what their family, friends, co-workers, social media contacts and well-known public figures say.
“Our task is to ensure that violence doesn’t determine the outcome of this year’s elections — that 2024 isn’t the year when the term ‘battleground states’ takes on a new and bloodier meaning. It begins with each of us making and acting on this commitment: Not if I can help it.”
Business
Elon Musk company bot apologizes for sharing sexualized images of children
Grok, the chatbot of Elon Musk’s artificial intelligence company xAI, published sexualized images of children as its guardrails seem to have failed when it was prompted with vile user requests.
Users used prompts such as “put her in a bikini” under pictures of real people on X to get Grok to generate nonconsensual images of them in inappropriate attire. The morphed images created on Grok’s account are posted publicly on X, Musk’s social media platform.
The AI complied with requests to morph images of minors even though that is a violation of its own acceptable use policy.
“There are isolated cases where users prompted for and received AI images depicting minors in minimal clothing, like the example you referenced,” Grok responded to a user on X. “xAI has safeguards, but improvements are ongoing to block such requests entirely.”
xAI did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Its chatbot posted an apology.
“I deeply regret an incident on Dec 28, 2025, where I generated and shared an AI image of two young girls (estimated ages 12-16) in sexualized attire based on a user’s prompt,” said a post on Grok’s profile. “This violated ethical standards and potentially US laws on CSAM. It was a failure in safeguards, and I’m sorry for any harm caused. xAI is reviewing to prevent future issues.”
The government of India notified X that it risked losing legal immunity if the company did not submit a report within 72 hours on the actions taken to stop the generation and distribution of obscene, nonconsensual images targeting women.
Critics have accused xAI of allowing AI-enabled harassment, and were shocked and angered by the existence of a feature for seamless AI manipulation and undressing requests.
“How is this not illegal?” journalist Samantha Smith posted on X, decrying the creation of her own nonconsensual sexualized photo.
Musk’s xAI has positioned Grok as an “anti-woke” chatbot that is programmed to be more open and edgy than competing chatbots such as ChatGPT.
In May, Grok posted about “white genocide,” repeating conspiracy theories of Black South Africans persecuting the white minority, in response to an unrelated question.
In June, the company apologized when Grok posted a series of antisemitic remarks praising Adolf Hitler.
Companies such as Google and OpenAI, which also operate AI image generators, have much more restrictive guidelines around content.
The proliferation of nonconsensual deepfake imagery has coincided with broad AI adoption, with a 400% increase in AI child sexual abuse imagery in the first half of 2025, according to Internet Watch Foundation.
xAI introduced “Spicy Mode” in its image and video generation tool in August for verified adult subscribers to create sensual content.
Some adult-content creators on X prompted Grok to generate sexualized images to market themselves, kickstarting an internet trend a few days ago, according to Copyleaks, an AI text and image detection company.
The testing of the limits of Grok devolved into a free-for-all as users asked it to create sexualized images of celebrities and others.
xAI is reportedly valued at more than $200 billion, and has been investing billions of dollars to build the largest data center in the world to power its AI applications.
However, Grok’s capabilities still lag competing AI models such as ChatGPT, Claude and Gemini, that have amassed more users, while Grok has turned to sexual AI companions and risque chats to boost growth.
Business
A tale of two Ralphs — Lauren and the supermarket — shows the reality of a K-shaped economy
John and Theresa Anderson meandered through the sprawling Ralph Lauren clothing store on Rodeo Drive, shopping for holiday gifts.
They emerged carrying boxy blue bags. John scored quarter-zip sweaters for himself and his father-in-law, and his wife splurged on a tweed jacket for Christmas Day.
“I’m going for quality over quantity this year,” said John, an apparel company executive and Palos Verdes Estates resident.
They strolled through the world-famous Beverly Hills shopping mecca, where there was little evidence of any big sales.
John Anderson holds his shopping bags from Ralph Lauren and Gucci at Rodeo Drive.
(Juliana Yamada / Los Angeles Times)
One mile away, shoppers at a Ralphs grocery store in West Hollywood were hunting for bargains. The chain’s website has been advertising discounts on a wide variety of products, including wine and wrapping paper.
Massi Gharibian was there looking for cream cheese and ways to save money.
“I’m buying less this year,” she said. “Everything is expensive.”
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The tale of two Ralphs shows how Americans are experiencing radically different realities this holiday season. It represents the country’s K-shaped economy — the growing divide between those who are affluent and those trying to stretch their budgets.
Some Los Angeles residents are tightening their belts and prioritizing necessities such as groceries. Others are frequenting pricey stores such as Ralph Lauren, where doormen hand out hot chocolate and a cashmere-silk necktie sells for $250.
People shop at Ralphs in West Hollywood.
(Juliana Yamada / Los Angeles Times)
In the K-shaped economy, high-income households sit on the upward arm of the “K,” benefiting from rising pay as well as the value of their stock and property holdings. At the same time, lower-income families occupy the downward stroke, squeezed by inflation and lackluster income gains.
The model captures the country’s contradictions. Growth looks healthy on paper, yet hiring has slowed and unemployment is edging higher. Investment is booming in artificial intelligence data centers, while factories cut jobs and home sales stall.
The divide is most visible in affordability. Inflation remains a far heavier burden for households lower on the income distribution, a frustration that has spilled into politics. Voters are angry about expensive rents, groceries and imported goods.
“People in lower incomes are becoming more and more conservative in their spending patterns, and people in the upper incomes are actually driving spending and spending more,” said Kevin Klowden, an executive director at the Milken Institute, an economic think tank.
“Inflationary pressures have been much higher on lower- and middle-income people, and that has been adding up,” he said.
According to a Bank of America report released this month, higher-income employees saw their after-tax wages grow 4% from last year, while lower-income groups saw a jump of just 1.4%. Higher-income households also increased their spending year over year by 2.6%, while lower-income groups increased spending by 0.6%.
The executives at the companies behind the two Ralphs say they are seeing the trend nationwide.
Ralph Lauren reported better-than-expected quarterly sales last month and raised its forecasts, while Kroger, the grocery giant that owns Ralphs and Food 4 Less, said it sometimes struggles to attract cash-strapped customers.
“We’re seeing a split across income groups,” interim Kroger Chief Executive Ron Sargent said on a company earnings call early this month. “Middle-income customers are feeling increased pressure. They’re making smaller, more frequent trips to manage budgets, and they’re cutting back on discretionary purchases.”
People leave Ralphs with their groceries in West Hollywood.
(Juliana Yamada / Los Angeles Times)
Kroger lowered the top end of its full-year sales forecast after reporting mixed third-quarter earnings this month.
On a Ralph Lauren earnings call last month, CEO Patrice Louvet said its brand has benefited from targeting wealthy customers and avoiding discounts.
“Demand remains healthy, and our core consumer is resilient,” Louvet said, “especially as we continue … to shift our recruiting towards more full-price, less price-sensitive, higher-basket-size new customers.”
Investors have noticed the split as well.
The stock charts of the companies behind the two Ralphs also resemble a K. Shares of Ralph Lauren have jumped 37% in the last six months, while Kroger shares have fallen 13%.
To attract increasingly discerning consumers, Kroger has offered a precooked holiday meal for eight of turkey or ham, stuffing, green bean casserole, sweet potatoes, mashed potatoes, cranberry and gravy for about $11 a person.
“Stretch your holiday dollars!” said the company’s weekly newspaper advertisement.
Signs advertising low prices are posted at Ralphs.
(Juliana Yamada / Los Angeles Times)
In the Ralph Lauren on Rodeo Drive, sunglasses and polo shirts were displayed without discounts. Twinkling lights adorned trees in the store’s entryway and employees offered shoppers free cookies for the holidays.
Ralph Lauren and other luxury stores are taking the opposite approach to retailers selling basics to the middle class.
They are boosting profits from sales of full-priced items. Stores that cater to high-end customers don’t offer promotions as frequently, Klowden of the Milken Institute said.
“When the luxury stores are having sales, that’s usually a larger structural symptom of how they’re doing,” he said. “They don’t need to be having sales right now.”
Jerry Nickelsburg, faculty director of the UCLA Anderson Forecast, said upper-income earners are less affected by inflation that has driven up the price of everyday goods, and are less likely to hunt for bargains.
“The low end of the income distribution is being squeezed by inflation and is consuming less,” he said. “The upper end of the income distribution has increasing wealth and increasing income, and so they are less affected, if affected at all.”
The Andersons on Rodeo Drive also picked up presents at Gucci and Dior.
“We’re spending around the same as last year,” John Anderson said.
At Ralphs, Beverly Grove resident Mel, who didn’t want to share her last name, said the grocery store needs to go further for its consumers.
“I am 100% trying to spend less this year,” she said.
Business
Instacart ends AI pricing test that charged shoppers different prices for the same items
Instacart will stop using artificial intelligence to experiment with product pricing after a report showed that customers on the platform were paying different prices for the same items.
The report, published this month by Consumer Reports and Groundwork Collaborative, found that Instacart sometimes offered as many as five different prices for the same item at the same store and on the same day.
In a blog post Monday, Instacart said it was ending the practice effective immediately.
“We understand that the tests we ran with a small number of retail partners that resulted in different prices for the same item at the same store missed the mark for some customers,” the company said. “At a time when families are working exceptionally hard to stretch every grocery dollar, those tests raised concerns.”
Shoppers purchasing the same items from the same store on the same day will now see identical prices, the blog post said.
Instacart’s retail partners will still set product prices and may charge different prices across stores.
The report, which followed more than 400 shoppers in four cities, found that the average difference between the highest and lowest prices for the same item was 13%. Some participants in the study saw prices that were 23% higher than those offered to other shoppers.
At a Safeway supermarket in Washington, D.C., a dozen Lucerne eggs sold for $3.99, $4.28, $4.59, $4.69 and $4.79 on Instacart, depending on the shopper, the study showed.
At a Safeway in Seattle, a box of 10 Clif Chocolate Chip Energy bars sold for $19.43, $19.99 and $21.99 on Instacart.
The study found that an individual shopper on Instacart could theoretically spend up to $1,200 more on groceries in one year if they had to deal with the price differences observed in the pricing experiments.
The price experimentation was part of a program that Instacart advertised to retailers as a way to maximize revenue.
Instacart probably began adjusting prices in 2022, when the platform acquired the artificial intelligence company Eversight, whose software powers the experiments.
Instacart claimed that the Eversight experimentation would be negligible to consumers but could increase store revenue by up to 3%.
“Advances in AI enable experiments to be automatically designed, deployed, and evaluated, making it possible to rapidly test and analyze millions of price permutations across your physical and digital store network,” Instacart marketing materials said online.
The company said the price chranges were not dynamic pricing, the practice used by airlines and ride-hailing services to charge more when demand surges.
The price changes also were not based on shoppers’ personal information such as income, the company said.
“American grocery shoppers aren’t guinea pigs, and they should be able to expect a fair price when they’re shopping,” Lindsey Owens, executive director of Groundwork Collaborative, said in an interview this month.
Shares of Instacart fell 2% on Monday, closing at $45.02.
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