Business
Column: Taxpayer 'protection' or taxpayer 'deception'? A new ballot measure aims to destroy the California state budget

It’s indisputable that the decline of state fiscal management in California began with the passage of Proposition 13 in 1978.
The tax-cutting initiative upended the tax structure that provided most of the revenues needed by localities and school districts, undermining the locals’ control of their own spending.
It was sold to voters as relief for beleaguered middle-class homeowners, but that was largely a scam: The chief beneficiaries have been the richest homeowners and commercial and industrial property owners, who have received billions of dollars in property tax breaks at the expense of residential owners.
These provisions discourage new government efforts no matter how urgent the problem to be addressed,…[and] hang like a shadow over budgets to be adopted in summer 2025.
— League of California Cities, et al
So it may be unsurprising that the heirs of Proposition 13’s proponents are trying to pull another fast one on California taxpayers.
Their tool, pushed chiefly by the California Business Roundtable, apartment developers and others of that ilk, is the so-called Taxpayer Protection and Government Accountability Act.
The Business Roundtable spent $6.375 million in 2022 pushing the initiative and an additional $770,000 last year; about $310,000 came in 2022 from the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Assn., named after the chief promoter of Proposition 13, and about $400,000 last year from R.W. Selby & Co., a big apartment developer.
The initiative has been scheduled for the November ballot and will appear there unless the state Supreme Court throws it off; that’s what the measure’s critics have asked, citing numerous technical reasons.
The state’s political leadership is striking back in another way: through a public campaign targeting the Business Roundtable and its leading corporate members, and endorsed by Gov. Gavin Newsom, the Democratic legislative leaders, and organizations such as the League of California Cities, the Service Employees International Union, the California Medical Assn. and the California Teachers Assn.
Their strategem is to redefine the measure as the “Taxpayer Deception Act” and assert in public outreach that it would eliminate state funding for “paid family leave, disability insurance, gun violence prevention, and climate programs,” as well as funding for road and infrastructure maintenance.
Is this a fair assessment? It largely conforms to the judgment of the Legislative Analyst’s Office, which found that it would result in “lower annual state and local revenues, potentially substantially lower.”
As is so often the case when the business lobby starts whining about its difficulties operating in the largest economy and most vigorous consumer market in the United States, “deception” is an understatement.
But let’s start with the text of the initiative itself. Fundamentally, it would change the rule for the enactment of a tax increase from current law, which requires a two-thirds vote of each legislative chamber or passage by a majority of voters, to two-thirds of each chamber and a majority of voters. Obviously this raises the bar significantly.
The initiative also would redefine numerous governmental fees as taxes subject to the new rule. Perhaps most damaging, it would retroactively invalidate any revenue measures passed since Jan. 1, 2022, unless they’re re-ratified in 2025.
Taken together, “these provisions discourage new government efforts no matter how urgent the problem to be addressed, … hang like a shadow over budgets to be adopted in summer 2025, … and impair California governments’ ability to borrow,” a coalition of government advocacy organizations led by the League of California Cities told the Supreme Court in a friend-of-the-court letter. The prospect of passage is “already undermining certainty and impairing planning in government finance,” they wrote.
The initiative backers are plainly intent on riding generalized discontent with taxes to victory. The text bristles with shibboleths of the anti-tax movement, for example by blaming higher taxes on “unelected bureaucrats, empowered by politicians and the courts.” It ties itself to Proposition 13 by stating that its purpose is “to further protect the existing constitutional limit on property taxes” — i.e., Proposition 13.
Let’s take a closer look at the promoters’ lead slogans. One is that the initiative “stops politicians from using ‘hidden taxes’ disguised as fees to drive up the cost of government services.” This absurdly turns reality on its head. Taxes don’t “drive up” the cost of services — they’re levied to pay for government services, almost all of which are favored by taxpayers, and the disappearance of many of which would elicit a taxpayer revolt.
Another slogan holds that Californians are struggling with the “highest income tax, state sales tax, gas taxes, and poverty rate.”
It’s true that California’s top marginal income tax rate is the highest in the nation. But one can hardly blame that on “unelected bureaucrats”: Voters specifically endorsed the current top rates at the ballot box in 2004, 2012 and 2016 — the last by a 63%-37% vote.
The truth, moreover, is that the vast majority of California taxpayers don’t pay anywhere near the top rate, according to the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy. Who does? The special interests behind this initiative. The highest marginal rates, ranging from 10.3% to 13.3%, kick in for single filers with incomes over $350,000 and couples with incomes of nearly $700,000 and higher.
California’s income tax is steeply progressive, meaning those who earn the most pay disproportionately more. The lowest-income 95% of households, with incomes of less than $25,200, pay less than about 4% of family income in state income tax; the highest 1%, with earnings of $862,000 or higher, pay nearly 9% of their earnings in income taxes.
If you’re wondering why executives sitting around the Business Roundtable might be agitating for lower taxes, there’s your answer.
It is true that the state sales tax rate of 7.5% is the highest in the nation. It’s also our most regressive tax, meaning it burdens lower-income Californians the most — costing the lowest-earning 20%, with household incomes of $25,200 or less, an average 7.6% of family income. That burden drops steadily as income rises, reaching a mere 1% for the blessed top 1% of earners.
One might reasonably ask why the income and sales tax rates are so high in California. The answer is Proposition 13, which eviscerated the property tax that was once the most stable and productive revenue source for local government. With the passage of Proposition 13, the revenue-raising responsibilities devolved to the state, which had no option for covering local needs except through the income and sales tax.
It should come as no surprise that the tax initiative backers don’t mention the property tax in their spiel. The reason is that California’s effective average property tax rate ranks only 33rd among the states; Texas and Florida, which boast of imposing no income tax, are both higher (6th and 26th, respectively, according to Census Bureau figures).
One other point bears mentioning, for perspective. It concerns who the beneficiaries are of these states’ tax structures. In Texas and Florida, it’s the rich. As a share of family income, the total tax burden in Texas falls heaviest on the lowest-income households — 12.8% of family income for those earning $21,700 or less — and lightest on the wealthiest — 4.6% of family income on the top 1%, earning $744,800 or more.
Florida looks the same: Households with earnings of $19,600 or less pay 13.2% of their income in state taxes, but the top 1%, earning $735,700 or more, fork over a mere 2.7% of their income in taxes.
California’s structure is much more equitable. All blocs in the income range, from the lowest 20% (less than $25,200) to the top 1% ($862,000 or more) shoulder burdens ranging from 10.3% to 12%.
Make no mistake: The promoters of the tax initiative want California to look more like Texas and Florida.
Gas taxes, which the initiative promoters also target, are a special case. It’s true that California’s gas tax is the highest in the country, at about 78 cents per gallon. But they also pay for benefits that most Californians would probably regret losing, including clean air, clean gas technology and road and bridge maintenance.
Also, a sizable contributor to the price Californians pay for gas is what Severin Borenstein of UC Berkeley has identified as the “mystery surcharge.” That’s a difference in gasoline prices, currently more than 40 cents per gallon extracted by oil producers, refiners or retailers at an unidentifiable point of the gasoline economy.
Borenstein originally traced the surcharge to a price spike following an explosion at Exxon Mobil’s Torrance refinery in 2015 that led to a more than year-long shutdown — but the spike never disappeared after the refinery came back online.
We can set aside the poverty rate for two reasons: First, its relationship to taxes is dubious, since households in poverty generally pay the lowest taxes (other than sales taxes) in California’s progressive system.
Second, according to the Census Bureau, California’s official poverty rate ranks 22nd among all states as measured by the percentage of residents living below the official poverty line, far better than states such as Mississippi, Alabama, Arkansas and West Virginia.
California does lead the nation in a calculation known as the supplemental poverty measure, but tax rates play almost no role in that calculation, which is based on factors such as housing costs.
Where does that leave us?
Proposition 13 was the child of legislative failure. Homeowners in the 1970s faced ever-higher property tax assessments due to a sharp run-up in home values. The Legislature could have crafted any of a myriad of solutions to deal with the crisis, but didn’t. The result was an outburst of voter fury at the ballot box in 1978, enacting the worst option of all.
Proposition 13 is what launched an era of government fees, for the simple if not obvious reason that the services and amenities California voters value have to be paid for somehow and Proposition 13 left few other options for doing so.
If California homeowners are struggling, one reason is that Proposition 13 shifted the burden of property taxes onto them: In 1975, single-family residences accounted for 39.9% of assessed values in Los Angeles County, and commercial-industrial properties for 46.6%. By 2018, the ratio had more than reversed, with houses accounting for 57.6% and commercial-industrial properties for 28.9%.
The “Taxpayer Protection Act” will make things worse. California voters will still want their services and amenities, but funding them will be much harder, so they’ll deteriorate. Voters will get angrier, but where will they turn and who will they blame?
The enduring rule of ballot measures applies here: If you want to know who will benefit from an initiative, just look who’s putting up the cash for it, and vote accordingly. The backers of the initiative say it’s “simple,” which is the clearest sign of all that it’s anything but.

Business
Commentary: MAHA report's misrepresentations will harm public health and hit consumers' pocketbooks

Serious followers of healthcare policy in the U.S. didn’t expect much good to emerge from its takeover by Donald Trump and his secretary of Health and Human Services, the anti-vaccine activist Robert F. Kennedy Jr.
But the agency and its leadership managed to live down to the worst expectations May 27, when HHS released a 73-page “assessment” of the health of America’s children titled “The MAHA Report” (for “Make America Healthy Again”).
A sloppier, more disingenuous government report would be hard to imagine. Whatever credibility the report might have had as a product of a federal agency was shattered by its obvious errors, misrepresentations and outright fabrications of source materials, some of it plainly the product of the authors’ reliance on AI bots.
I, and my co-authors, did not write that paper.
— Epidemiologist Katherine Keyes says a citation to her work by the MAHA report was fabricated
At least seven sources cited in the report do not exist, as Emily Kennard and Margaret Manto of the journalism organization NOTUS uncovered. HHS hastily reissued the report with some of those citations removed, but without disclosing the changes — an extremely unkosher action in the research community.
“I, and my co-authors, did not write that paper,” epidemiologist Katherine M. Keyes of Columbia told me by email, referring to a citation to a purported paper about anxiety among American adolescents resulting from the COVID pandemic. “It does make me concerned given that citation practices are an important part of conducting and reporting rigorous science.”
Keyes said she has done research on the topic at hand: “I would be happy to send this information to the MAHA committee to correct the report, although I have not yet received information on where to reach them,” she said.
We’ll go deeper into the fabrication fiasco in a moment. What’s important is its context: concerted attacks by Kennedy and his associates on the fundamentals of public health in America.
Those attacks have profound implications not only for Americans’ health, but on pocketbook issues and the U.S. economy generally. HHS bowed toward the latter issue by asserting in the report that the health profile of American children poses “a threat to our nation’s health, economy, and military readiness.”
As it happens, the recent actions at HHS and its subagencies, the Food and Drug Administration and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, increase those threats.
Take the agencies’ May 20 decision to remove COVID boosters from the CDC’s list of recommended vaccinations for healthy children and pregnant women. The decision opens the door for insurance companies to start charging full price for the shots, rather than covering them without copays as the law requires for preventive services.
That could mean out-of-pocket charges of $100 or more each booster, which could itself discourage families from getting vaccinated. This is a reminder of how family economics affect health.
The original version of RFK Jr.’s MAHA report cited this paper by Katherine Keyes and associates about adolescents’ pandemic-era mental health. The paper doesn’t exist; the citation to the Journal of the American Medical Assn. goes to a page saying it can’t be found. However …
(HHS)
The MAHA report attributes the rise in childhood obesity and diabetes in part to ultraprocessed foods, or UPFs. But it’s silent on what experts call the “social determinants of disease,” which are heavily related to economics. The report doesn’t mention “food deserts,” mostly low-income neighborhoods in which “children do not have access to anything other than UPFs, … or the cost of fresh food vs. the hyperpalatable and cheap UPFs,” observed the Delaware Academy of Medicine in its gloss on the report.

… after the fabrication was exposed, Heath and Human Services reissued the report, removing the citation without explanation.
(HHS)
And although the report mentions that safety net programs such as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program — SNAP, or food stamps, school lunch and breakfast programs, and the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children, or WIC, could play a role in promoting healthy eating, it doesn’t mention that those programs face severe budget cuts from the Trump White House.
Last month, HHS canceled nearly $800 million in grants to the pharmaceutical company Moderna for the development of a human vaccine against bird flu, part of a Biden administration effort to prepare for possible future pandemics, the potential social and economic impact of which should be self-evident, given our experience with COVID. Bird flu already has devastated the dairy and poultry industries in many regions and sickened dozens of farmworkers.
There was some hope in the research community that sound science might still live at HHS because some HHS appointees had scientific or medical credentials that Kennedy lacked. Those hopes get dashed on a regular basis.
On Sunday, for instance, FDA Commissioner Marty Makary — a former professor of medicine at Johns Hopkins — was reduced to incoherence when CBS’ “Face the Nation” moderator Margaret Brennan reminded him that on May 20 he co-authored a report in the New England Journal of Medicine that identified pregnancy as factor increasing the risk of “severe COVID-19” — warranting that pregnant women get the vaccine.
“Yet seven days later,” Brennan said, Makary joined with Kennedy in a video announcement recommending against giving pregnant women the booster. “So what changed in the seven days?” Makary argued that only 12% of pregnant women got the shot last year, “so people have serious concerns.”
What he didn’t say was that those concerns have been ginned up by FDA critics — including Makary — and vaccine opponents, even though clinical trials involving tens of thousands of subjects have validated the recommendation that pregnant women get the vaccine.
That brings us back to the MAHA report.
Let’s start with its core assertion — that “today’s children are the sickest generation in American history.” As soon as the report was issued, this trope was picked up uncritically by the news media, before the report’s citation errors were discovered. But it’s undoubtedly wrong, the product of cherry-picking official statistics and ignoring what they really say.
An attack on childhood vaccination gets a subject heading all its own in this report, which asserts that the number of recommended vaccines for children by 1 year of age has increased from three in 1986 to 29 now, including vaccines for pregnant mothers.
Pediatrician Vincent Iannelli has ably punctured this claim, which he identifies as anti-vax “propaganda.”
The report reaches its count of 29 by including some vaccines given to children older than 1 year and double-counting shots such as the RSV vaccine, given to either the mother or the infant, not both. An honest count would be as few as 17, not all of which are injections. The report also counts combination vaccines such as MMR and TDaP as three shots rather than one.
In pushing the “sickest generation” trope, the report glides over the heath threats faced by children — and adults — before vaccines were available for specific diseases. In the U.S., measles cases averaged more than 530,000 per year throughout the 20th century; as of 2023, the average was 47, according to the CDC.
Mumps fell from more than 162,000 cases annually to 429 and rubella from nearly 48,000 to three. Whooping cough, or pertussis, fell from nearly 201,000 cases to 5,611. And polio, the fearsome nemesis of American families in the 1950s, from 16,300 to zero.
One can trace the “sickness” of children in bygone generations through child mortality statistics. In 1900, the average life expectancy of a 1-year-old in the U.S. was about 56 years; that bespeaks a morbid population of infants. In 1950 it was still only about 70. Now it’s 79.
For all that the MAHA report purports to identify the leading health threats to America’s kids — processed foods, environmental chemicals, vaccines — it totally ignores what we know to be the single biggest cause of childhood mortality in the U.S.: firearms.
The CDC has reported that in 2021, firearm injuries killed 2,571 children. That rate of 3.7 deaths per 100,000 children aged 17 and younger was an increase of 68% since 2000. The firearm death rate of 6.01 per 100,000 children aged 1-19 was 10 times the rate in Canada and 20 times the rates in France and Switzerland. Why the silence in the MAHA report? What does that say about how far you should trust the MAHA team at HHS?
As for the multiple false citations in the report, they point to the sheer irresponsibility of a federal agency’s outsourcing of research to AI.
I asked HHS for an explanation of how these errors got into the MAHA report, but I received no reply. White House spokeswoman Karoline Leavitt, however, responded to a reporter’s question about the fiasco by claiming there were “formatting issues” with the report.
Her excuse made me laugh, because it was the same excuse offered by the big law firm Latham and Watkins when it was caught submitting AI fabrications to a judge as part of a legal filing, as I reported recently. In neither case did the excuses explain how “formatting issues,” whatever that means, resulted in the fabrication of source citations.
HHS attributes the report to a 14-member “Make America Healthy Again” commission, composed mostly of cabinet members and other officials with no responsibility for or expertise in public health, such as the secretaries of Housing and Urban Development, Education, Agriculture and Veterans Affairs and directors of White House budget and economic offices. Makary and Bhattacharya are on the panel. They lent their names and reputations to this product, much to their discredit.
But it’s unclear about who actually put pen to paper. Some of its language can be traced back to Kennedy’s own words. The report’s assertion that “today’s children are the sickest generation in American history” was picked up and amplified by media coverage of the report’s release, even though it’s not supported by the facts. It is a verbatim echo of a claim Kennedy has made repeatedly, however, mostly as a plank in his anti-vaccination platform. It was part of the title of a book his anti-vaccine organization, Children’s Health Defense, issued in 2018 (“The Sickest Generation”).
The most frightening aspect of the MAHA report is that it’s likely to be the blueprint for a comprehensive attack on public health; scarier in that news media and political leaders are citing it as though it has scientific value. It’s so infected with falsehoods, misrepresentations and ideological blinkers that it will only subject the health of American children to the greatest risk they’ve faced in, yes, American history.
Business
Disney to cut hundreds of employees in latest round of layoffs

Walt Disney Co. launched another deep round of layoffs on Monday, notifying several hundred Disney employees in the U.S. and abroad that their jobs were being eliminated amid an increasingly difficult economic environment for traditional television.
People close to the Burbank entertainment giant confirmed the cuts, which are hitting film and television marketing teams, television publicity, casting and development as well as corporate financial operations.
The move comes just three months after the company axed 200 workers, including at ABC News in New York and Disney-owned entertainment networks. At the time, the division said it was trimming its staff by 6% amid shrinking TV ratings and revenue.
Disney declined to specify how many workers were losing their jobs. The cutbacks — the fourth round of layoffs in less than a year — come after Disney Chief Executive Bob Iger acknowledged to Wall Street that Disney had been pumping out too many shows and movies to compete against Netflix.
The programming buildup accelerated as the company prepared to launch Disney+ in late 2019, and it bulked up its staff to handle the more robust pipeline.
But the company has since retrenched, recognizing the need to focus on creating high-quality originals that meet Disney’s once lofty standards.
Disney has faced significant budget pressures after promising investors that its direct-to-consumer services — Disney+, Hulu and ESPN+ — would achieve profitability last year. The company lost billions of dollars over several years in its strategic shift to streaming, but it reached its goal to make money on streaming last fall.
Still, streaming subscribers can be fickle, creating a daunting new reality for the company that could long count on cable TV subscriptions as one of its most reliable economic pillars. Cord-cutting has taken a heavy toll.
The entertainment giant — one of Southern California’s largest private sector employers — has eliminated more than 7,000 jobs since 2023.
The traditional TV and film units felt the brunt of the downsizing during the last year. In July, the company slashed about 140 workers, primarily in its Disney entertainment unit. The company’s TV stations also lost staff members and ABC News shed about 40 employees last October.
ABC News largely escaped this week’s cuts, according to one knowledgeable person who was not authorized to discuss the internal moves.
ABC News still boasts healthy audiences for its newscasts, but the ABC television network and Disney-owned entertainment channels have seen dramatic viewer defections as consumers switch to streaming services, including Netflix, Paramount+ and Disney+.
ABC’s prime-time schedule has lost considerable steam. For the just-ended broadcast television season, ABC mustered only three shows in Nielsen’s top 20 rankings. “Monday Night Football on ABC” ranked seventh by averaging more than 10 million viewers, “Saturday Night Football” ranked 18th with 7.4 million viewers and freshman drama “High Potential” made the cut at 20th with an average audience of 7.1 million, according to Nielsen.
Monday’s eliminations come three weeks after Disney presented its fall lineup to advertisers, leaning heavily on its sports stars including Peyton and Eli Manning rather than actors from its entertainment programming.
ESPN was spared the ax as the sports unit is preparing for its high-stakes launch this fall of a stand-alone ESPN streaming service, the knowledgeable person said.
The move comes amid a strong run for Disney’s film studio, which has celebrated blockbuster box office results from its live-action “Lilo & Stitch,” which has earned $610 million in ticket sales globally, according to Box Office Mojo.
A month ago, Disney issued strong fiscal second-quarter earnings. The company reported $23.6 billion in revenue for the three months that ended March 29, a 7% increase compared with the same quarter a year earlier. Earnings before taxes totaled $3.1 billion, up $2.4 billion from last year.
Hollywood trade site Deadline first reported the news of the latest Disney cuts.
The landscape has been increasingly challenging for traditional companies. In addition to Disney, Warner Bros. Discovery, Paramount Global and even such tech companies as Amazon and Apple have fired workers.
In late May, NBCUniversal cut 54 jobs in Los Angeles, according to state employment records. Six Flags Entertainment Corp. laid off 140 workers.
Disney shares closed down 9 cents to $112.95.
Business
The Imports the U.S. Relies On Most From 140 Nations, From Albania to Zimbabwe

President Trump’s on-and-off tariffs have created deep uncertainty about the cost of imported goods — and it’s not always clear what goods will be most affected with any given country.
The largest U.S. imports from many countries are oil and gas, electronics, cars and pharmaceuticals. But there’s another way to look at what Americans import: trying to measure a country’s distinct contribution to the U.S.’s total needs.
For example, China’s largest exports to the U.S. — by dollar value — are electronics. But the U.S. also imports large quantities of electronics from elsewhere. Nearly 100 percent of imported baby carriages, however, come from China.
Switzerland, meanwhile, is responsible for nearly all of America’s imported precious metal watches. Ethiopia, on the other hand, sends the U.S. around 2 percent of its imported knit babies’ clothes — but that’s a larger share than for any other item it exports to the U.S.
The table below shows the item the U.S. relies on most from each of 140 trading partners. (We took out items that the U.S. also exports in large quantities, such as petroleum.)
What the U.S. is most reliant on from each country
COUNTRY | ITEM | Pct. of U.S. imports from here |
|
---|---|---|---|
Canada | Live pigs | >99% | |
Peru | Calcium phosphates | >99% | |
South Africa | Chromium ore | 98% | |
Switzerland | Precious metal watches | 98% | |
China | Baby carriages | 97% | |
Mexico | Self-propelled rail transport | 94% | |
Portugal | Natural cork articles | 93% | |
India | Synthetic reconstructed jewelry stones | 89% | |
Italy | Vermouth | 86% | |
Indonesia | Palm oil | 85% | |
Madagascar | Vanilla | 80% | |
Turkey | Retail artificial filament yarn | 79% | |
Brazil | Semi-finished iron | 76% | |
Vietnam | Coconuts, brazil nuts, and cashews | 75% | |
Australia | Sheep and goat meat | 74% | |
New Zealand | Misc. animal fats | 73% | |
Gabon | Manganese ore | 71% | |
Chile | Refined copper | 71% | |
Netherlands | Bulbs and roots | 70% | |
Spain | Olive oil | 62% | |
Taiwan | Tapioca | 62% | |
Argentina | Groundnut oil | 60% | |
Colombia | Cut flowers | 60% | |
Bolivia | Tungsten ore | 59% | |
Dominican Republic | Rolled tobacco | 59% | |
Cote d’Ivoire | Cocoa paste | 59% | |
Germany | Felt machinery | 58% | |
Finland | Cobalt oxides and hydroxides | 56% | |
Japan | Pianos | 52% | |
Israel | Phosphatic fertilizers | 50% | |
Philippines | Coconut oil | 50% | |
France | Insect resins | 50% | |
Thailand | Sugar preserved foods | 47% | |
Malaysia | Rubber apparel | 46% | |
Ireland | Sulfonamides | 45% | |
Pakistan | Light mixed woven cotton | 43% | |
Singapore | Glass with edge workings | 39% | |
Guatemala | Bananas | 38% | |
Ecuador | Cocoa beans | 38% | |
South Korea | Rubber inner tubes | 33% | |
Jamaica | Aluminum ore | 33% | |
Bangladesh | Non-knit babies’ garments | 31% | |
Austria | Handguns | 29% | |
United Kingdom | Antiques | 28% | |
Cambodia | Gum coated textile fabric | 25% | |
Nicaragua | Rolled tobacco | 24% | |
Guyana | Aluminum ore | 24% | |
Ukraine | Seed oils | 24% | |
Belgium | Flax woven fabric | 22% | |
Bahrain | Stranded aluminum wire | 22% | |
Sri Lanka | Coconut and other vegetable fibers | 21% | |
Morocco | Barium sulphate | 20% | |
Romania | Steel ingots | 19% | |
Norway | Carbides | 19% | |
Sweden | Stainless steel ingots | 17% | |
Costa Rica | Bananas | 16% | |
Honduras | Molasses | 16% | |
Paraguay | Wood charcoal | 16% | |
Denmark | Casein | 15% | |
Tunisia | Pure olive oil | 15% | |
Russia | Phosphatic fertilizers | 15% | |
Fiji | Water | 15% | |
Hong Kong | Pearls | 13% | |
Nepal | Knotted carpets | 13% | |
Poland | Processed mushrooms | 12% | |
Lebanon | Phosphatic fertilizers | 12% | |
Croatia | Handguns | 12% | |
Bulgaria | Non-retail combed wool yarn | 12% | |
Laos | Barium sulphate | 12% | |
Mozambique | Titanium ore | 11% | |
Ghana | Cocoa beans | 11% | |
Bahamas | Gravel and crushed stone | 10% | |
Greece | Dried, salted, smoked or brined fish | 10% | |
Jordan | Knit men’s coats | 10% | |
Czech Republic | Rolling machines | 10% | |
El Salvador | Molasses | 10% | |
Egypt | Spice seeds | 10% | |
United Arab Emirates | Raw aluminum | 9% | |
Uganda | Vanilla | 9% | |
Nigeria | Raw lead | 9% | |
Uruguay | Bovine, sheep, and goat fat | 9% | |
Latvia | Book-binding machines | 9% | |
Kazakhstan | Ironmaking alloys | 8% | |
Cameroon | Cocoa paste | 8% | |
Lithuania | Wheat gluten | 8% | |
Oman | Metal office supplies | 8% | |
Hungary | Seed oils | 7% | |
Belize | Molasses | 7% | |
Faroe Islands | Non-fillet fresh fish | 6% | |
Qatar | Pearls | 6% | |
Myanmar | Misc. knit clothing accessories | 5% | |
Zambia | Precious stones | 5% | |
Slovenia | Packaged medications | 5% | |
Senegal | Titanium ore | 5% | |
Algeria | Cement | 4% | |
Haiti | Knit T-shirts | 4% | |
Kenya | Titanium ore | 4% | |
Liechtenstein | Iron nails | 4% | |
Georgia | Ironmaking alloys | 4% | |
Liberia | Rubber | 4% | |
Serbia | Rubber inner tubes | 4% | |
Iceland | Fish fillets | 4% | |
Democratic Republic of the Congo | Refined copper | 3% | |
Botswana | Diamonds | 3% | |
Chad | Insect resins | 3% | |
Zimbabwe | Leather further prepared after tanning or crusting | 3% | |
Luxembourg | Polyamide fabric | 3% | |
Panama | Non-fillet fresh fish | 3% | |
Albania | Ironmaking alloys | 3% | |
Estonia | Fishing and hunting equipment | 2% | |
Ethiopia | Knit babies’ garments | 2% | |
Namibia | Wood charcoal | 2% | |
Venezuela | Processed crustaceans | 2% | |
Slovakia | Rubber tires | 2% | |
Lesotho | Knit men’s shirts | 2% | |
Tanzania | Precious stones | 2% | |
Papua New Guinea | Vanilla | 1% | |
Mauritius | Processed fish | 1% | |
Saudi Arabia | Iron nails | 1% | |
Moldova | Wine | ||
Suriname | Non-fillet fresh fish | ||
Angola | Pig iron | ||
Armenia | Diamonds | ||
Trinidad and Tobago | Non-fillet fresh fish | ||
Macau | Knitted hats | ||
North Macedonia | Curbstones | ||
Togo | Fake hair | ||
Bosnia and Herzegovina | Non-knit women’s coats | ||
Republic of the Congo | Antiques | ||
Azerbaijan | Ironmaking alloys | ||
Iraq | Antiques | ||
Libya | Misc. vegetable products | ||
Cyprus | Olive oil | ||
Kuwait | Ironmaking alloys | ||
Malta | Air conditioners | ||
British Virgin Islands | Diamonds | ||
Brunei | Knit T-shirts | ||
Cayman Islands | Phones | ||
Equatorial Guinea | Knitted hats | ||
Sint Maarten | Hard liquor |
Curious where the U.S. imports a particular item from? You can look it up below.
Searchable table
Computers $138.5 billion in imports | ||
Mexico | 35% | |
China | 26% | |
Taiwan | 19% | |
Vietnam | 11% | |
Thailand | 5% | |
Phones $119 billion | ||
China | 42% | |
Vietnam | 17% | |
Mexico | 9% | |
India | 7% | |
Thailand | 7% | |
Packaged medications $100.4 billion | ||
Ireland | 16% | |
Switzerland | 12% | |
India | 12% | |
Italy | 7% | |
China | 6% |
About the data
We analyzed U.S. International Trade Commission data on goods imported for consumption in 2024. We used product descriptions from the Observatory of Economic Complexity to label the goods, and edited these descriptions lightly.
We grouped goods using the first four digits of their code in the Harmonized Tariff Schedule, which lists categories of products.
We excluded goods that are widely produced in the U.S., using export data to remove goods where the U.S. exports at least 25 percent of what it imports by value.
We included only trading partners that export at least $50 million of goods each year to the U.S.
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