Business
Column: Most Americans have a negative view of crypto. So why are political campaigns rushing to embrace it?
The last year hasn’t been a very happy period in the cryptocurrency world.
News about the asset class has been almost invariably dire, full of reports of the fallout from bankruptcies among crypto firms, criminal convictions and sentencings of former crypto kings and other legal setbacks.
Yet there is one bright spot for the sector: In this election year, politicians are lining up to embrace crypto.
Many people who hold crypto…probably don’t identify as crypto advocates at all.
— Crypto critic Molly White
Some Democrats and Republicans have been long-term supporters of crypto. Among them is Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Fremont), who last month joined 13 of his Democratic colleagues in Congress to urge the Democratic National Committee to “take a forward-looking approach to digital assets and blockchain technology.”
Their letter to the DNC argued, implausibly, that these technologies will “have an outsized impact in ensuring victories up and down the ballot.”
Others are recent converts. Consider Eric Hovde of Wisconsin, who is running for the GOP nomination to challenge incumbent Democratic Sen. Tammy Baldwin this year. In 2021, when he was chairman and chief executive of Sunwest Bank, Hovde told an economic forum that the crypto market was “insanity…. There’s nothing backing it…. There’s nothing here.”
Hovde has since changed his tune. Last month he told Politico, “I support decentralized finance, and see Bitcoin as an asset for the future and fully support the community.” The industry lobbying organization Stand with Crypto designated him as “Very Pro-Crypto” on its website.
The industry’s big catch was Donald Trump. Back in 2021, he labeled crypto “a scam” in an interview on Fox News. “Bitcoin, it just seems like a scam,” he said. “I don’t like it because it’s another currency competing against the dollar.”
But there he was last month in Nashville, delivering the keynote address at the Bitcoin 2024 industry conference. He promised to fire Securities and Exchange Commission Chair Gary Gensler, a decided critic of crypto, if he’s releected president. (Trump would have no authority to fire Gensler before the latter’s SEC term runs out in June 2026.)
And Trump vowed to commute the 2015 life sentence of Ross Ulbricht, the creator of the crypto site Silk Road, who was convicted on charges of running what federal prosecutors called a “sprawling black-market bazaar” for drugs and other illegal goods. And he pledged to create a national “strategic reserve” of bitcoin, an idea that makes no coherent economic sense.
Even the campaign of Kamala Harris is treading carefully. Harris’ aides have approached leading crypto firms in quest of a “reset” of relations with the sector, according to the Financial Times. Those relations have been soured by Gensler’s anti-crypto initiatives and a general lack of enthusiasm for crypto in the Biden White House.
These developments are the offspring of a vast political campaign by crypto advocates. The campaign has two main elements. One is that feature common to all special interest campaigns: Money, dispensed by the pantload to current or wannabe members of Congress as well as aspirants to other positions, such as the presidency.
The other feature is deception. Crypto advocates have relentlessly flogged a claim that 52 million adult Americans are “crypto owners,” supposedly a single-issue voting bloc that politicians need to recognize.
The figure, which comes from a poll commissioned by the crypto firm Coinbase and would be equivalent to about 20% of the U.S. adult population, is manifestly absurd. As I’ve reported before, it’s flatly contradicted by a survey from the Federal Reserve System, which found that only 7% of adults had “bought or held” crypto in 2023. That would place ownership at about 18 million adults.
Moreover, the Fed found that ownership had declined sharply in recent years, down from 11% of adults in 2021. In 2023, only 1% of adults had used crypto to buy anything or make a payment (down from 2% in 2021).
That points to a fundamental truth about crypto: No one has yet identified a serious use for it in the real world — or at least in the world of legitimate finance. Crypto remains the tender of choice for criminals, including ransomware gangs.
What the crypto camp typically fails to acknowledge is that, for Americans outside of that shrinking cadre of holders, crypto emits a foul stench. According to a survey published in March, 61% to 77% of voters in six key swing states (Arizona, Michigan, Montana, Ohio, Nevada and Pennsylvania) have a negative perception of crypto.
(This was a survey commissioned by Digital Currency Group, a big crypto investor, which fiddled the findings by saying they showed that “more than three-in-ten [voters in those states] report positive feelings toward crypto.”)
How strongly do even pro-crypto voters feel about it as a political issue? Not very, probably. Molly White, that indispensable and indefatigable chronicler of newfangled financial technology, conjectures that “many people who hold crypto … probably don’t identify as crypto advocates at all.”
They’re more likely “worried about the climate, or their right to own firearms, or the safety and support of transgender people, … or their ability to obtain an abortion or retain access to contraceptives, or access to school vouchers, or any of the many other issues that factor in when people choose which candidates to support and oppose.”
The single-minded advocacy for crypto really comes only from a handful of financial types deeply invested in crypto for their own purposes.
There’s no doubt that they have lots of money to spend. The leading crypto campaign fund, Fairshake, has reported nearly $203 million in contributions as of June 30.
Fairshake spent more than $10 million starting last year in opposition to Rep. Katie Porter (D-Irvine) in her race for the Democratic nomination for U.S. Senate and Rep. Jamal Bowman (D-N.Y.) in his primary race for reelection. As it happens, both lost.
Porter was associated with Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) as a vociferous critic of crypto. Her victorious opponent in the primary, Rep. Adam B. Schiff, had taken a much more indulgent position, listing crypto among the “new developments in technology … we need to grow” in order to keep jobs and regulatory oversight in U.S. hands. Bowman had voted against a series of anti-crypto bills in the House.
Fairshake has smiled upon lawmakers who see things through crypto-colored glasses.
Among its top recipients in the current election cycle is Rep. Patrick McHenry (R-N.C.), who as chairman of the House Financial Services Committee pushed through a bill known as FIT21 that would take crypto regulation out of SEC hands and deliver it to the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, which is chronically underfunded and understaffed. (The measure hasn’t been taken up by the Senate.)
McHenry’s campaign has received $126,626 from the fund as of July 31, even though he has announced that he is not running for reelection this year and retiring from Congress.
Fairshake is nothing like a grassroots fundraising operation. Of its $203 million, more than $160 million has come from six major crypto firms or investors, including Coinbase ($46.5 million), Ripple ($50 million), the venture firm Andreessen Horowitz ($44 million) and the firm led by Cameron and Tyler Winklevoss ($5 million), according to Open Secrets. Marc Andreessen, his partner Ben Horowitz and the Winklevoss twins have stated publicly that they plan further contributions in support of Trump.
Crypto spending on the election needs to be watched carefully. This isn’t an industry crucial for American economic development, notwithstanding its supporters’ assertions about its importance to financial innovation. So far, crypto hasn’t advanced the cause of innovation other than giving drug lords and criminal gangs a new way to ply their trades and swindle their marks.
Trump was right when he called bitcoin a scam, and Gensler was right when he called out the sector’s “record of failures, frauds, and bankruptcies,” which occurred “because many players in the crypto industry don’t play by the rules.”
Like other businesses — legitimate and not so legitimate — that have mustered their millions in election campaigns, the crypto gang wants new rules to be written in its own interest.
The victims will be ordinary Americans who have been taken in crypto cons of one variety or another. Just because crypto users in the U.S. don’t really number 52 million, it doesn’t mean the rest of us shouldn’t be protected from a new breed of financial predator.
Business
California gas is pricey already. The Iran war could cost you even more
The U.S. attack on Iran is expected to have an unwelcome impact on California drivers — a jump in gas prices that could be felt at the pump in a week or two.
The outbreak of war in the Middle East, which virtually closed a key Persian Gulf shipping lane, spiked the price of a barrel of Brent crude oil by as much as $10, with prices rising as high as $82.37 on Monday before settling down.
The price of the international standard dictates what motorists pay for gas globally, including in California, with every dollar increase translating to 2.5 cents at the pump, said Severin Borenstein, faculty director of the Energy Institute at UC Berkeley’s Haas School of Business.
That would mean drivers could pay at least 20 cents more per gallon, though how much damage the conflict will do to wallets remains to be seen.
“The real issue though is the oil markets are just guessing right now at what is going to happen. It’s a time of extreme volatility,” Borenstein said. “We don’t know whether the war will widen or end quickly, and all of those things will drive the price of crude.”
President Trump has lauded the reduction of nationwide gas prices as a validation of his economic agenda despite worries about a weak job market and concerns of persistent inflation.
The upheaval in the Middle East could be more acutely felt in the state.
Californians already pay far more for gas than the rest of the country, with the average cost of a gallon of regular at $4.66, up 3 cents from a week ago and 30 cents from a month ago, according to AAA. The current nationwide average is about $3 per gallon.
The disruption in international crude markets also comes as refiners are switching to producing California’s summer-blend gas, which is less volatile during the state’s hot summers. The switch can drive up the price of a gallon of gas at least 15 cents.
The prices in California are largely driven by higher taxes and a cleaner, less polluting blend required year-round by regulators to combat pollution — and it’s long been a hot-button issue.
The politics were only exacerbated by recent refinery closures, including the Phillips 66 refinery in Wilmington in October and the idling and planned closure of the Valero refinery in Benicia, Calif., which reduced refining capacity in the state by about 18%.
California also has seen a steady reduction in its crude oil production, making it more reliant on international imports of oil and gasoline.
In 2024, only 23.3% of the crude oil refined in the state was pumped in California, with 13% from Alaska and 63% from elsewhere in the world, including about 30% from the Middle East, said Jim Stanley, a spokesperson for the Western States Petroleum Assn.
“We could see a supply crunch and real price volatility” if the Middle East supply is interrupted, he said.
The Strait of Hormuz in the Persian Gulf, through which about 20% of the world’s oil passes, was virtually closed Monday, according to reports. Though it produces only about 3% of global oil, Iran has considerable sway over energy markets because it controls the strait.
Also, in response to the U.S. attack, Iran has fired a barrage of missiles at neighboring Persian Gulf states. Saudi Arabia said it intercepted Iranian drones targeting one of its refinery complexes.
California Republicans and the California Fuels & Convenience Alliance, a trade group representing fuel marketers, gas station owners and others, have blamed Gov. Gavin Newsom’s policies for driving up the price of gas.
A landmark climate change law calls for California to become carbon neutral by 2045, and Newsom told regulators in 2021 to stop issuing fracking permits and to phase out oil extraction by 2045. He also signed a bill allowing local governments to block construction of oil and gas wells.
However, last year Newsom changed his stance and signed a bill that will allow up to 2,000 new oil wells per year through 2036 in Kern County despite legal challenges by environmental groups. The county produces about three-fourths of the state’s crude oil.
Borenstein said he didn’t expect that the new state oil production would do much to lower gas prices because it is only marginally cheaper than oil imported by ocean tankers.
Stanley said the aim of the law was to support the Kern County oil industry, which was facing pipeline closures without additional supplies to ship to state refineries.
Statewide, the industry supports more than 535,000 jobs, $166 billion in economic activity and $48 billion in local and state taxes, according to a report last year by the Los Angeles County Economic Development Corp.
Bloomberg News and the Associated Press contributed to this report.
Business
Block to cut more than 4,000 jobs amid AI disruption of the workplace
Fintech company Block said Thursday that it’s cutting more than 4,000 workers or nearly half of its workforce as artificial intelligence disrupts the way people work.
The Oakland parent company of payment services Square and Cash App saw its stock surge by more than 23% in after-hours trading after making the layoff announcement.
Jack Dorsey, the co-founder and head of Block, said in a post on social media site X that the company didn’t make the decision because the company is in financial trouble.
“We’re already seeing that the intelligence tools we’re creating and using, paired with smaller and flatter teams, are enabling a new way of working which fundamentally changes what it means to build and run a company,” he said.
Block is the latest tech company to announce massive cuts as employers push workers to use more AI tools to do more with fewer people. Amazon in January said it was laying off 16,000 people as part of effort to remove layers within the company.
Block has laid off workers in previous years. In 2025, Block said it planned to slash 931 jobs, or 8% of its workforce, citing performance and strategic issues but Dorsey said at the time that the company wasn’t trying to replace workers with AI.
As tech companies embrace AI tools that can code, generate text and do other tasks, worker anxiety about whether their jobs will be automated have heightened.
In his note to employees Dorsey said that he was weighing whether to make cuts gradually throughout months or years but chose to act immediately.
“Repeated rounds of cuts are destructive to morale, to focus, and to the trust that customers and shareholders place in our ability to lead,” he told workers. “I’d rather take a hard, clear action now and build from a position we believe in than manage a slow reduction of people toward the same outcome.”
Dorsey is also the co-founder of Twitter, which was later renamed to X after billionaire Elon Musk purchased the company in 2022.
As of December, Block had 10,205 full-time employees globally, according to the company’s annual report. The company said it plans to reduce its workforce by the end of the second quarter of fiscal year 2026.
The company’s gross profit in 2025 reached more than $10 billion, up 17% compared to the previous year.
Dorsey said he plans to address employees in a live video session and noted that their emails and Slack will remain open until Thursday evening so they can say goodbye to colleagues.
“I know doing it this way might feel awkward,” he said. “I’d rather it feel awkward and human than efficient and cold.”
Business
WGA cancels Los Angeles awards show amid labor strike
The Writers Guild of America West has canceled its awards ceremony scheduled to take place March 8 as its staff union members continue to strike, demanding higher pay and protections against artificial intelligence.
In a letter sent to members on Sunday, WGA West’s board of directors, including President Michele Mulroney, wrote, “The non-supervisory staff of the WGAW are currently on strike and the Guild would not ask our members or guests to cross a picket line to attend the awards show. The WGAW staff have a right to strike and our exceptional nominees and honorees deserve an uncomplicated celebration of their achievements.”
The New York ceremony, scheduled on the same day, is expected go forward while an alternative celebration for Los Angeles-based nominees will take place at a later date, according to the letter.
Comedian and actor Atsuko Okatsuka was set to host the L.A. show, while filmmaker James Cameron was to receive the WGA West Laurel Award.
WGA union staffers have been striking outside the guild’s Los Angeles headquarters on Fairfax Avenue since Feb. 17. The union alleged that management did not intend to reach an agreement on the pending contract. Further, it claimed that guild management had “surveilled workers for union activity, terminated union supporters, and engaged in bad faith surface bargaining.”
On Tuesday, the labor organization said that management had raised the specter of canceling the ceremony during a call about contraction negotiations.
“Make no mistake: this is an attempt by WGAW management to drive a wedge between WGSU and WGA membership when we should be building unity ahead of MBA [Minimum Basic Agreement] negotiations with the AMPTP [Alliance of Motion Picture and Television Producers],” wrote the staff union. “We urge Guild management to end this strike now,” the union wrote on Instagram.
The union, made up of more than 100 employees who work in areas including legal, communications and residuals, was formed last spring and first authorized a strike in January with 82% of its members. Contract negotiations, which began in September, have focused on the use of artificial intelligence, pay raises and “basic protections” including grievance procedures.
The WGA has said that it offered “comprehensive proposals with numerous union protections and improvements to compensation and benefits.”
The ceremony’s cancellation, coming just weeks before the Academy Awards, casts a shadow over the upcoming contraction negotiations between the WGA and the Alliance of Motion Picture and Television Producers, which represents the studios and streamers.
In 2023, the WGA went on a strike lasting 148 days, the second-longest strike in the union’s history.
Times staff writer Cerys Davies contributed to this report.
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