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Column: How DeSantis’ attack on education draws from Ronald Reagan’s war on UC Berkeley

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Column: How DeSantis’ attack on education draws from Ronald Reagan’s war on UC Berkeley

The candidate strides to the rostrum and launches into his assault on his state’s instructional system. College students are being “indoctrinated” with leftist propaganda by radical professors, he declares.

In workplace, he establishes a system of surveillance over what college students are studying and doing. He advocates firing school members who stray from the official line, requires narrowing the matters lined in textbooks (particularly these coping with minorities), and takes steps to switch directors with individuals nearer to his personal politics. It’s all about “saving” the system, he insists, not tearing it down.

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, marching towards the Republican Occasion nomination for president? Nope. It’s Ronald Reagan, stirring up public discontent with the College of California and driving it towards the California governorship and, ultimately, the White Home.

A small minority of beatniks, radicals, and filthy speech advocates have introduced disgrace on an incredible college.

— Ronald Reagan, 1966

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The stark similarities between DeSantis’ assaults on instructional practices in Florida and Reagan’s assaults on UC remind us that tradition wars directed at public training are perennial options of right-wing electoral campaigns.

The similarities between the 2 instances are hanging: an anti-intellectual undercurrent depicting academics as carriers of alien, even anti-American, values; the imposition of political litmus assessments on tutorial requirements; the enforcement of orthodoxy by means of authorities energy.

There are variations, after all, within the environment of the occasions, the specifics of the assaults, and the character and personalities of the lead figures. However that solely underscores the statement, usually attributed to Mark Twain, that “historical past doesn’t at all times repeat itself, however it usually rhymes.”

Let’s revisit Reagan’s struggle on Berkeley, then present how DeSantis, like different GOP tradition warriors, attracts from his playbook.

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Berkeley was simmering with discontent within the mid-Nineteen Sixties, manifesting at first in protests supporting the civil rights actions. When directors moved to quarantine political organizing and rallies off-campus, the Free Speech Motion, which turned the chief instrument of protest, was born.

In December 1964, when the FSM led a takeover of Sproul Corridor, the principle administration constructing, Gov. Pat Brown despatched within the police. Almost 800 college students had been arrested.

Protests towards the Vietnam Battle took root starting in 1965. That Could, the second nationwide “teach-in” towards the struggle (following an occasion in March on the College of Michigan) was held on campus, that includes distinguished struggle critics from college colleges across the nation.

Reagan and his marketing campaign group didn’t instantly acknowledge the political potential of the Berkeley concern. Upfront of the marketing campaign, Reagan advisor Stuart Spencer instructed oral historical past interviewers a decade after the 1966 election, “campus unrest didn’t present up in our analysis as a serious concern.”

Throughout question-and-answer periods at each marketing campaign look, nevertheless, “any person would rise up and say, ‘What are you going to do about these bastards at Berkeley?’… We felt this underlying feeling, and we jumped on it.”

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The difficulty turned the centerpiece of Reagan’s gubernatorial marketing campaign. Talking at a Could 12, 1966, GOP rally in San Francisco’s cavernous Cow Palace — when he was nonetheless operating for the Republican nomination — Reagan hammered away at how “a small minority of beatniks, radicals and filthy speech advocates have introduced disgrace on an incredible college.”

He cited a report printed solely days earlier than by a state Senate committee on un-American actions that referred to as the campus “a rallying level for communists and a middle for sexual misconduct.”

Reagan exploited the unrest at Berkeley to discredit his Democratic opponent, Gov. Edmund G. “Pat” Brown Sr., as weak and vacillating in a disaster. He additionally used the difficulty to undermine certainly one of Brown’s sign achievements as governor.

This was the 1960 Grasp Plan for Increased Schooling, which established the UC because the state’s main public tutorial establishment; targeted the California State College on undergraduate instruction and educating levels; and targeted the system of two-year neighborhood schools on tutorial and vocational training, remedial instruction, grownup programs and office coaching. The plan additionally confirmed the precept that the system must be tuition-free to state residents.

Reagan’s different goal was UC President Clark Kerr, a liberal educator of nationwide renown who had been the architect of the grasp plan however had been unable to determine tips on how to peacefully handle the Berkeley unrest.

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Reagan used the difficulty to solidify his credentials as a “get robust” politician. On the Cow Palace, he mentioned “the ringleaders” of the campus protests “ought to have been taken by the scruff of the neck and thrown out of the college, as soon as and for all.”

He depicted himself as protector of the general public’s funding within the college. The taxpayer, he mentioned, is questioning “why some instructors are in a position to make use of the school rooms to indoctrinate and propagandize his kids towards the normal values of a free society on this nation.” As governor, he charged that “there are political assessments in sure departments. … If a person will not be far sufficient left, he doesn’t get employed.”

Quickly after taking workplace, Reagan goaded the UC Board of Regents, a 24-member physique on which he had a single vote, into firing Kerr. Not like his predecessors, he usually attended regents conferences in particular person, turning the board into his “private political enviornment,” an unnamed member complained to The Occasions in 1967. The board turned down Reagan’s demand to institute tuition at UC, however did conform to a “pupil cost” of unspecified measurement; this is able to open the door to tuition later.

The low level of Reagan’s battle with Berkeley got here through the “Peoples Park” controversy of 1969, which involved a weed-choked vacant lot that the college determined to show right into a taking part in area, over the objections of activists and native residents who agitated for a public greensward.

Issues escalated till Could 15, recognized since then as “Bloody Thursday,” when state and native police summoned by Reagan arrived to quell avenue combating. Some 128 residents had been injured and one uninvolved spectator, watching from a distance, was shot and killed by police.

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The park ultimately turned a homeless encampment, however controversy over its improvement has erupted once more, now regarding UC’s proposal for pupil housing on the location.

DeSantis is plainly satisfied — as was Reagan — that the gulf between abnormal voters and academics and professors he describes as “elites” is extensive sufficient to take advantage of for partisan ends.

Like Reagan, he’s averse to compromise; decided to extirpate what he depicted as liberalism on the public New School of Florida, DeSantis put in a clutch of right-wingers on its board. They promptly fired its president, Patricia Okker, and set about remaking one of many nation’s main progressive instructional establishments within the picture of the right-wing christian Hillsdale School of Michigan.

(At a gathering with UC professors through the Peoples Park battle, Reagan erupted on the statement by Berkeley physicist Owen Chamberlain, a Nobel laureate, that the park’s destiny was being negotiated. “Negotiate?” he requested incredulously. “What’s there to barter?” Then he stormed out of the assembly.)

DeSantis has strived to strip down classroom therapies of U.S. historical past, in ways in which successfully whitewash the complicated racial and racist currents of America’s previous. That is the core of DeSantis’ struggle on “wokeness,” the definition of which he leaves obscure — the higher to intimidate academics and textbook publishers cautious of stepping over an invisible line — however which is correctly seen as a willingness to acknowledge the variety of American cultures.

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In keeping with antiracism skilled Ibram X. Kendi, Reagan additionally held a dismissive perspective towards Black and ethnic research, topics that had been attracting pedagogical curiosity throughout his public profession, disdaining them in a 1969 interview as efforts to seek out “sanctuary” from the conventional rigors of educational research. As a UC regent, he demanded that the board fireplace Black activist Angela Davis from her put up as a UCLA philosophy professor.

Exterior the academic area, he launched his presidential marketing campaign in Philadelphia, Miss., the place civil rights staff James Chaney, Michael Schwerner and Andrew Goodman had been murdered in 1964. In his speech, Reagan pronounced himself a supporter of “states’ rights,” a coded phrase for racism.

DeSantis is hardly the one Republican politician to focus on academics and school professors for partisan functions. The College of Wisconsin Board of Regents dramatically loosened tenure protections in 2016 on the behest of then-Gov. Scott Walker. Comparable efforts have surfaced extra not too long ago in Texas, Kansas, Louisiana, Georgia and South Carolina.

Final April, DeSantis questioned whether or not tenure protects tutorial freedom, as its supporters preserve. “If something, it’s created extra of an mental orthodoxy the place those that have dissenting views, it’s more durable for them to be tenured within the first place,” he mentioned, echoing Reagan’s complaints about discrimination towards academics who should not “far sufficient left.”

It’s true that DeSantis doesn’t have Reagan’s means to mission a honest perception in his personal phrases, a attribute that contributed a lot to his reputation. Reagan additionally selected his targets fastidiously. As Kerr noticed to The Occasions in 1973, Reagan by no means acted on his threats to do away with politically energetic professors.

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“He wasn’t restrained with the scholars,” Kerr mirrored, “however he was with the college. A few critical tutorial freedom instances may have blown the place aside.” Reagan didn’t need that, for he seen UC as “the inspiration upon which California’s high-tech business was primarily based,” historian Gerard J. De Grott famous in 1996. Throughout his tenure, UC was receiving 25% of all Protection Division analysis contracts.

DeSantis, against this, comes throughout much less affably, as a bully considering energy for its personal sake. He has particularly taken goal at colleges in Florida’s state college system, jeopardizing their reputations as analysis facilities.

Reagan additionally by no means made the error of making an attempt to chisel his instructional insurance policies into regulation, which might expose them to judicial scrutiny. Against this, DeSantis and his sycophantic GOP-controlled Legislature have enacted legal guidelines dictating how academics ought to train and what textbooks ought to say.

Because it occurs, the courts have begun to select aside DeSantis’ instructional legal guidelines. On March 17, a federal appeals courtroom maintained a block on DeSantis’s “Cease WOKE Regulation” that had been imposed in November by a federal choose who referred to as it “positively dystopian.” The regulation prohibits sure faculty and college teachings associated to race and gender historical past and relations.

DeSantis isn’t completed but. His lickspittle Legislature has taken up consideration of a brand new regulation that requires the elimination of majors and minors in race or gender research, the top of “variety, fairness and inclusion” applications, and the top of assured tenure safety.

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Undoubtedly, as he continues his race for the GOP nomination for president, DeSantis can have extra up his sleeve. If there’s trace that he might not reach his ambitions, it might be that we’re all accustomed to Ronald Reagan, and we all know he’s no Ronald Reagan.

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Dear USPS: This California town wants its post office back

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Dear USPS: This California town wants its post office back

On the outskirts of this coastal village — just past the road sign telling visitors they are “Entering a Socially Acknowledged Nature-Loving Town” — a big wooden placard displays a set of hand-painted numbers. They are changed each morning.

“Days Without a Bolinas Post Office,” the sign reads.

On June 1, that number hit 456.

That’s how long it has been since the U.S. Postal Service was booted from its office in downtown Bolinas amid a fight with its longtime landlord.

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In this artsy little town in west Marin County — a haven for poets and painters, writers and actors — the loss hit hard. The 1,500 citizens of ZIP Code 94924 have fought to get their post office back with their most cherished tool: creativity.

They have picketed with placards reading, “Real Mail Not Email!” They have marched in local parades dressed as letter carriers. They have composed songs and written poems and sent thousands of letters, in hand-painted envelopes, to USPS officials.

They even drafted their own plan for a temporary post office, offered to fund it, and sent it to Congress.

“It’s a very Bolinas approach, breaking through bureaucracy through art and culture and pleas,” said John Borg, who is helping lead the citizens campaign. “This has taken way longer than it should.”

The approach is quirky, but the loss is serious.

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A sign at the entrance of Bolinas counts the days the small coastal town has been without its post office.

(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)

Most people in this aging rural community abutting the Point Reyes National Seashore do not get home delivery. They relied upon daily trips to the post office for parcels, pension checks and mail-order prescriptions, not to mention the chance to catch up on the small-town scuttlebutt.

Now, they must drive at least 40 minutes round-trip, through the forest on Highway 1, to a flood-prone post office at a campground in the even smaller town of Olema.

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Enzo Resta, a longtime resident and founder of the new Bolinas Film Festival, compared reaction to the loss of the post office with the so-called “hype cycle” around new technologies.

“There was the crash, where there was a lot of hope and indicators we would get it back — the peak of inflated expectations,” he said. “When it got pushed a little further, we kind of went into the valley of despair, and we’re just trying to crawl back out.”

The Bolinas post office shut down on March 3, 2023. It had occupied half of an unadorned single-story wooden building on Brighton Avenue — most recently shared with a liquor store — for six decades.

The USPS already was a tenant when Gregg Welsh, of Ventura County, acquired the building about 50 years ago. His family trust currently owns it.

The relationship between landlord and tenant soured long ago.

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A woman in a black wetsuit carries her surfboard down an empty street.

Most people in Bolinas do not get home delivery and relied upon daily trips to the post office for their parcels, pension checks and mail-order prescriptions.

(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)

According to a statement provided by Welsh through his attorney, Patrick Morris, the USPS for years violated its lease, which required it to maintain and repair the flooring at its own expense.

The postal service, the statement reads, discovered asbestos in the floor tiles in 1998, but essentially kept it hidden from the landlord for more than two decades and did not post warning signs for the public or employees.

When Welsh visited the Bolinas post office in late 2020, the statement reads, he saw worn and broken tiles and exposed, deteriorating subfloor materials.
The landlord and the postal service tussled over who should pay for repairs and asbestos abatement.

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The USPS lease, according to the statement, ended in January 2022, with the parties still arguing over the floor. The postal service continued to occupy the building, sans lease, as a “tenant at sufferance.”

In a February 2023 email to USPS officials, which Morris provided to The Times, Morris said his client had not yet evicted the post office, in part because he had not wanted to deprive Bolinas residents of postal facilities before it could find a new location. But at that point, Welsh had had enough. He demanded the post office vacate the building within a month.

Kristina Uppal, a Bay Area-based spokeswoman for the USPS, did not respond to questions from The Times about accusations made by the landlord or about the alleged presence of asbestos in the building. She said the USPS was “forced from the old facility due to the unexpected termination of a lease,” but that there are no plans to permanently close the Bolinas post office.

“We are just as eager to resume retail operations in Bolinas as the community and provide enhanced accessibility such as expanding street delivery to alleviate any inconvenience,” Uppal wrote.

A colorful envelope with a big red heart asks the U.S. Postal Service to save the Bolinas post office.

Bolinas residents sent more than 2,500 “art” letters with personalized appeals asking U.S. Postal Service officials to resurrect mail service in their town.

(John Borg)

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Residents want their post office back, but their trust in the USPS has frayed.

The dust-up in Bolinas comes as U.S. Postmaster Louis DeJoy, appointed when former President Trump was in the White House, is under fire for efforts to consolidate postal facilities. In a May letter, a bipartisan group of U.S. senators criticized his 10-year plan, Delivering for America, arguing that cost-cutting measures have degraded service and disproportionately affected rural communities.

Bolinas residents say they have had little direct communication from the USPS over the last 15 months. Bolinas, they note, had a post office since 1863, but townsfolk were given less than two weeks’ notice before it closed.

Their mail has been bounced around — rerouted first to Olema, then to nearby Stinson Beach because of flooding, then back to Olema. Sometimes, their letters were left in unsecured bins on outdoor tables.

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The relocation has been more than just an inconvenience for the town’s elderly residents, many of whom cannot drive. There is little public transit, and more than half the town’s residents are 65 or older.

People began reporting problems getting mail-order medication soon after the post office closed, according to the Marin County Board of Supervisors. They also have struggled to get lab results and healthcare coverage updates.

Borg, 62, is a type 1 diabetic who had his insulin delivered through the mail before the closure. Now, he said, package delivery is so iffy that he drives two hours round-trip to San Rafael each month to pick it up at a pharmacy.

An artist paints a white sign that will call out how many days Bolinas is without a post office.

Bolinas’ poets and painters have been integral to the town’s campaign for a post office. Here, an artist who goes by StuArt, creates the sign that will count the days Bolinas goes without service.

(John Borg)

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Borg runs a small business, making stainless steel drinkware, and has had two five-figure checks for his company lost in the mail.

He said residents of the unincorporated town — which has no mayor or city attorney advocating on their behalf — had to band together to make their voices heard.

Appealing to the outside world is a tall order for a place so famously reclusive that, for years, a vigilante band called the Bolinas Border Patrol stole road signs on Highway 1 directing travelers into town. Once, when the California Department of Transportation tried painting BOLINAS on the blacktop, sneaky citizens promptly blacked them out with tar.

“We’re a small village that kind of likes to keep to ourselves and deflect attention and not be super profile. But we’re in the process where the town is changing,” said Borg, noting that a growing share of Bolinas’ limited housing stock is being used as second homes for the wealthy and short-term vacation rentals.

“The one thing that holds this place together is the post office.”

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There has been no viable commercial real estate in tiny Bolinas for the post office to move into permanently. And a 1971 water meter moratorium has effectively prohibited development for the last 53 years. The moratorium, which has been challenged and upheld in court, was put into place because Bolinas has a limited water supply, mostly coming from the Arroyo Hondo Creek in the Point Reyes National Seashore.

Last spring, residents drafted a detailed proposal for a temporary facility — a mobile office trailer on a parking lot next to the fire station — and offered to raise $50,000 for its installation.

A hand-painted sign tacked to a picket fence calls for saving the Bolinas post office.

Bolinas residents note they were given just two weeks’ notice that their post office — a fixture in town since 1863 — was closing.

(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)

They sent the plan to a supportive Rep. Jared Huffman (D-San Rafael), who shipped it to DeJoy. A spokesperson for Huffman said his office has been in frequent contact with the USPS and shares the community’s frustration over the slow process.

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Uppal, the USPS spokeswoman, said the agency has “reviewed proposals” and “will select a site that best meets our operational needs and can provide continued service to the community long term.”

“I can confirm there is a potential option that is under review now,” she wrote. She did not provide details.

In his written response to questions from The Times, Welsh, through his attorney, said there has been discussion with USPS about moving back into its former building. No further details were provided.

For now, Bolinas residents continue to haul up to Olema — and to lionize the simple pleasure of picking up their mail locally. Or, as one local poet put it in an ode penned for a “Save the Post Office” rally:

I have gossip to send to Tomales,
regrets to send to Limantour Beach.

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But it’s Bolinas — always Bolinas — I dream of finding
in the return address of a letter sent to me.

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How the power of the Minions and Gen Z propelled the 'Despicable Me' franchise

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How the power of the Minions and Gen Z propelled the 'Despicable Me' franchise

It was a spectacle (and for some, a menace) when droves of suit-clad young men showed up to theaters for 2022’s “Minions: The Rise of Gru.”

Against all odds, the #Gentleminions social media phenomenon showed that the Minions — up until that point, a staple of Facebook memes shared by very-online moms — could evolve as a cultural touchstone for that coveted demographic, Gen Z. The Minions had come full circle, staying relevant to the children who first met the yellow mischief-makers in 2010’s “Despicable Me” all the way through their young adult years.

It’s the kind of organic marketing that studios and theater owners can only dream of. Universal Pictures and Illumination Entertainment are counting on that multigenerational popularity to propel the franchise’s latest installment, “Despicable Me 4,” which comes out in theaters Wednesday.

So far, the signs are good. The movie is tracking to garner at least $100 million in ticket sales for the U.S. and Canada for the five-day Fourth of July extended weekend.

The last “Minions” movie broke Fourth of July domestic box office records and went on to make $940 million worldwide. This time around, families are already primed to hit the theaters with the recent success of Pixar’s “Inside Out 2,” which has now grossed more than $1 billion in global ticket sales.

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“I’ve been 25 to 28 years in the business. I can’t remember something that created that much excitement for the audiences,” Francisco Schlotterbeck, chief executive of theater chain Maya Cinemas, said of the overall Minions craze. “The other thing I can compare it to is ‘Toy Story.’”]

Theaters have been eager for good news. Exhibitors earlier this year were walloped by a dearth of blockbusters, partly due to Hollywood’s long summer of strikes in 2023, which delayed multiple high-profile titles. Though a string of recent hits has brought relief, with “Bad Boys: Ride or Die,” “Inside Out 2” and “A Quiet Place: Day One,” domestic revenue remains down 19% from last year, according to Comscore.

“Despicable Me 4” is expected to continue the momentum. Maya Cinemas’ ticket pre-sale numbers for the sequel are trending up, and Schlotterbeck is expecting sales that are “triple of a normal week.” Family-friendly movies, like the “Despicable Me” franchise, do especially well with Latino audiences, he said, which his chain is geared toward.

After a tough first half of the year with limited films to show, he’s expecting better sales for the months ahead, especially with family films such as “Moana 2,” “Sonic the Hedgehog 3” and “Wicked” coming down the pipeline.

“All these big family titles will help,” said Schlotterbeck, whose chain has five locations in California and one in Las Vegas. “It’s pretty important to have these kind of very well-known franchises.”

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Theaters are preparing for all kinds of Minions fans to flood the gates this weekend. Dine-in theater chain Cinépolis Luxury Cinemas USA plans to raffle off themed baby carriers that hold a popcorn bucket to tie in with supervillain Gru’s new role as a dad, said Luis Olloqui, company chief executive.

“Having the previous ‘Minions’ movie was really good, in terms of performance,” he said. “We saw that excitement among the people going to the movie dressing up and making it more of an event. This time, we are expecting kind of the same.”

The cross-generational popularity of the Minions stems from their cute appearances and humorous antics. But part of the appeal is also that they’re a bit of a blank slate, said Carrie Wilson-Brown, an instructor at the University of Illinois’ College of Media. In the same way that Sanrio icon Hello Kitty has advertised both motor oil and diamond necklaces and regularly wears all teams’ baseball caps, the Minions have become a canvas on which you can project whatever you want.

Minions are on all manner of merchandise these days. There are Minion Chia pets, Minion mugs, Minion sandwich makers and Minion toasters. For Los Angeles residents, there’s even the giant Minion that peeks over the edge of a Universal Studios parking structure to spy on the 101 Freeway (which has spawned memes of its own).

“You can infer anything out of it,” Wilson-Brown said. “They can even travel culturally, not from generation to generation, but from country to country because they don’t speak a particular language.”

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It’s how the Minions joined the front lines of Facebook mom memes, which typically pair a picture of a Minion with unrelated sayings such as “I didn’t fall, the floor just needed a hug” or “I’ve been hiding from exercise. I’m in the fitness protection program.”

But the #Gentleminions craze was a turning point, when Gen Z consumers tried to take back the Minions of their childhood, Wilson-Brown said.

“You note your popularity specifically when you get internalized into meme culture,” she said. “In terms of ‘Despicable Me’ and the Minions specifically, all of a sudden, they kind of transcended out of the film into internet culture.”

Companies face a delicate dance while trying to court Gen Z audiences, who have expendable income they’re willing to plunk down on pop culture merchandise. Try too hard to appeal to them, and it seems inauthentic; try too little, and it looks like the product isn’t actually meant for them.

“Film companies and traditional media are desperately trying to constantly see what Gen Z-ers are producing in a cultural milieu, but in many respects they’re trailing behind them,” Wilson-Brown said.

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Will the #Gentleminions return for a second ride?

“I’d be hard-pressed to believe they’re going to be re-creating that same thing over and over again,” Wilson-Brown said. “Because that was so organic, it’s really hard to then predict … what they are going to end up doing to up the ante, culturally, for this particular film.”

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Microsoft to pay $14.4-million settlement over alleged parental, disability leave discrimination

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Microsoft to pay $14.4-million settlement over alleged parental, disability leave discrimination

Microsoft will pay a $14.4-million settlement after California’s Civil Rights Department accused the company of retaliation and discrimination against workers who take parental or disability leave, or leave to take care of a family member.

Workers at Microsoft in California experience disadvantages in pay and promotion opportunities when they take these types of protected leave, a multiyear investigation by the Civil Rights Department found.

Employees who took protected leave would receive lower bonuses and unfavorable performance reviews, the department said in its complaint, filed July 1 in Santa Clara County. When Microsoft managers awarded annual bonuses, stock awards, or merit increases they did not consider time on protected leave as time where employees were actively working — although other forms of leave were not discounted, according to the complaint.

Women and people with disabilities were disproportionately affected, the department alleged.

Some Microsoft managers also allegedly commented negatively about employees who took leave, and workers have reported concerns with retaliation after requesting or taking protected leave.

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“Microsoft’s challenged actions are ongoing and will continue to harm,” the complaint states.

Microsoft spokesperson Sarah Naciri said the company disagreed with the allegations.

“Microsoft is committed to an environment that empowers our employees to take leave when needed and provides the flexibility and support necessary for them to thrive professionally and personally,” Naciri said in an emailed statement. “While we believe the agency’s allegations are inaccurate, we will continue to listen, learn, and support our employees.”

Although Microsoft is headquartered in Redmond, Wash., it maintains offices and employees in California, mostly concentrated in the Bay Area.

Nearly all the money from the agreement will go toward current and former employees eligible for direct relief. A worker is eligible if they worked for Microsoft in California in 2017 or later for at least three months and took a leave of absence protected under state or federal law.

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As part of the settlement, Microsoft agreed to hire an independent consultant to examine and make recommendations on the company’s personnel policies to ensure managers do not consider time on protected leave in determining annual rewards and promotions.

The company also agreed to train managers and human resources personnel about this kind of discrimination, and to ensure employees know how to raise complaints if they believe they were denied annual bonuses or other awards unfairly.

Additionally, the independent consultant will provide annual reports to the Civil Rights Department on how complaints of discrimination are received and processed.

Last month, California’s Civil Rights Department reached a $15-million settlement to resolve allegations of sexual harassment, discrimination and retaliation at Snap, the Santa Monica-based company that created the popular social media app Snapchat.

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