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A Year Above Ground

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A Year Above Ground

BROOKWOOD, Ala. — Braxton Wright is a second-generation coal miner, a die-hard union supporter and, till just lately, a staunch Republican. He’s named after his uncle, a Korean Warfare veteran, who was fatally crushed between two rail automobiles whereas working on the Pullman practice manufacturing facility close to Birmingham.

Laborious harmful work is part of Mr. Wright’s prolonged household historical past and that of many individuals residing on this industrial and mining belt of north central Alabama. Subsequent to the coal mine the place Mr. Wright works, there’s a memorial to the miners who have been killed in an underground explosion in September 2001. Yearly, on the catastrophe’s anniversary, a bell tolls as soon as for every of the 13 staff who died.

In agreeing to those risks, Mr. Wright, 39, says he and his fellow coal miners have come to anticipate one thing in return from their employer — respect.

After accepting pay cuts when the coal firm emerged from a 2015 chapter, the miners mentioned they anticipated that their earlier wages can be restored to match what different mines paid. The corporate, Warrior Met Coal, declined to remark for this text. It says on its web site that Warrior Met made no such promise and has offered a number of raises lately.

On April 1, 2021, Mr. Wright joined about 900 different miners who walked off the job and arrange picket strains across the mine’s entrances, demanding that the corporate elevate their wages near the degrees they acquired earlier than the chapter.

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Lower than 30 miles away from the place the mine sits is the Amazon warehouse in Bessemer, Ala., a constructing that encompasses 14 soccer fields and employs greater than 6,000 folks. The employees there have just lately voted for a second time on whether or not to kind a union.

A earlier election final spring resulted in a defeat for the union by a large margin. The latest outcomes now hinge on a sequence of disputed ballots that shall be reviewed within the coming weeks, however the contest is nearer than many anticipated. On Friday, organized labor scored a shocking victory as staff at an Amazon facility on Staten Island voted to unionize.

It’s a stark tableau of the American financial system: coal miners dug right into a contract dispute in a diminished trade and low-wage staff searching for extra leverage at a high-tech firm whose progress appears limitless.

Forming a union is a big step, however sustaining a strike for 12 months requires a measure of solidarity that appears tough to muster in a deeply divided society. The miners are a mixture of Trump supporters and Biden voters, Black staff from Birmingham and white staff from rural cities close to the mine. They’ve supported each other with meals donations and camaraderie throughout a 12 months on the picket line.

On most days, as an alternative of getting as much as begin his shift as an operator within the mine’s management room, Mr. Wright heads to the picket line or to a meals pantry and hundreds his pickup truck with donated groceries to deliver to the miners and their households.

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“Coal mining is sort of a brotherhood, just like the navy,” mentioned Curtis Turner, president of Native 2427 of the United Mine Staff of America, which represents the upkeep staff on the mine. “They’d do something for one another.”

Nonetheless, the efficacy of the strike is just not clear. Even because the mine operates at a decreased capability, Warrior Met Coal is producing robust earnings and its inventory worth has soared 125 p.c for the reason that strike started.

Even with the union’s assist — the miners are paid $800 by the union each two weeks — many have needed to get second jobs.

A number of have taken jobs at Amazon in Bessemer, together with Mr. Wright, who works the in a single day shift, sorting gadgets to be shipped across the South.

He is aware of that coal mining will all the time pay extra due to the hazard of the work. However when he encourages his new warehouse colleagues to vote for a union, he makes the case {that a} union may assist new industries like e-commerce begin to catch up.

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On the mine, Mr. Wright is paid $84,000 a 12 months, together with additional time. If he stays at Amazon working full time, he can be on observe to earn about $35,000 yearly.

The miners view themselves as an inspiration to the Amazon staff, an instance of what a union can provide in a battle over wages and dealing situations. However because the strike enters its second 12 months, there isn’t a clear finish in sight to the dispute. It’s now one of many longest coal mine strikes in U.S. historical past, and it may wind up setting a special form of instance.

The predawn sky turned to pink from black as a handful of miners huddled round a propane heater on the facet of the highway. Others held indicators and talked quietly concerning the strike, which was getting into its 336th day.

Simply down the highway, lights have been blaring on the mine’s principal entrance, as substitute staff confirmed up for his or her shifts.

Final 12 months, the picket line was the location of heated altercations. The corporate accused union members of spitting on substitute staff, threatening a safety guard with a baseball bat and smashing their automobile home windows. Larry Spencer, a vp within the miners’ union, mentioned the substitute staff provoked the violence by swerving their automobiles into the picket line. A county choose issued an injunction severely limiting the union’s picket line exercise.

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Different accusations have surfaced as properly. Final month, Warrior Met mentioned there was an “explosive gadget assault” that broken one in all its pure gasoline pipelines. Federal legislation enforcement mentioned it was investigating. In a press release, Warrior Met mentioned the incident was “associated to the continued labor dispute.”

The union says it was not concerned within the reported assault and that lots of the incidents on the mine entrances have been provoked by substitute staff.

However the union — most of whose members put on camo T-shirts with the union label — is just not shy concerning the message it sends to anybody crossing the picket line. “We aren’t part of them anymore, and they aren’t part of us anymore,” Mr. Spencer mentioned.

Such militancy has helped maintain the yearlong strike collectively. Solely about 100 folks have gone again to work, in response to the union, whose secretary, Crystal Davis, retains observe of their names. “They made a promise, and so they didn’t honor it,” she mentioned.

The miners have lengthy considered themselves as standing aside from different industries due to the hardships they face 2,300 ft under floor.

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“We’re within the mud on a regular basis, at midnight on a regular basis,” mentioned Tommy Turner, who makes about $24 an hour as a motorman driving a provide practice by the mine. “If one thing occurs,” he mentioned, there’s “just one approach out.”

In accordance with the corporate web site Warrior Met Coal Info, the common yearly revenue for staff has elevated to $97,000 from $75,000 in 2016, making them among the many high 10 p.c of wage earners in Alabama.

“Individuals who don’t know concerning the job most likely say I make good cash,” Mr. Turner mentioned. “However I may stroll round at Walmart and get $15 an hour for doing nothing.”

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Mr. Turner, 55, is amongst a number of generations of Black members of coal unions, which have been among the earliest built-in organizations within the South. The union leaders have solid the strike as a wrestle that transcends race and even coal.

They’ve tried to unite the miners across the notion that they’re all being slighted by their employer, the native media and Alabama Republicans, who’ve been vocal supporters of the coal trade within the face of local weather regulation however haven’t backed the placing miners. It’s us versus a lot of them.

At a latest night rally within the grime car parking zone of the union corridor, all the miners who’re veterans or have family within the navy have been requested to return ahead and maintain up their palms.

Nearly everybody — a white man with a buzz minimize, a Black girl in medical scrubs, Mr. Turner, who served in the course of the wars in Iraq — raised their arms towards the setting solar in a silent salute.

“The distinction between us and the people who find themselves protecting us out right here, the individuals who don’t need to give us a good contract, is what?” bellowed Cecil E. Roberts, president of the United Mine Staff of America.

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“We’re the patriots,” he mentioned, answering his personal query for the group. “We’re those that gave them a proper to be billionaires.”

After the rally, the miners lined as much as choose up their strike checks and containers of meat, yogurts and truffles from contained in the union corridor. The meals had been “rescued” by a charity earlier than it was thrown out by Walmart and different grocery shops.

Antwon McGhee, a 48-year-old miner, mentioned he has come to rely on the groceries and donated diapers for his 2-year-old daughter.

“You need to swallow your satisfaction and do what you must do,” mentioned Mr. McGhee, who was incomes $88,000 a 12 months earlier than the strike.

Mr. McGhee discovered odd jobs, like selecting up our bodies from hospitals and taking them to a funeral residence. He labored briefly at a nonunion auto manufacturing plant the place in the future he watched a employee urinate on herself as a result of she couldn’t go away the meeting line.

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“I really feel like this strike is approach bigger than me,” he mentioned.

Andre Mumford remembers how on Saturdays earlier than the chapter, the mine’s car parking zone seemed like a “automobile present” as a result of there have been so many good new autos. Mr. Mumford would generally deliver his Corvette earlier than his time without work on Sunday.

On the time, he was incomes about $31.30 an hour as a motorman.

However when a pack of personal fairness corporations together with Apollo, Blackstone and KKR invested within the coal firm in 2016, the mineworkers have been instructed that they wanted to simply accept concessions of their new contract. Mr. Mumford’s hourly wages have been decreased to $22.50, although they got here up nearer to $25 an hour earlier than the strike.

On the time of the chapter, the cuts made sense, Mr. Mumford mentioned. The mine’s major product — metallurgical coal that’s used to make metal — had declined in worth.

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Right now, with demand from China driving up metallurgical coal costs, the miners say they deserve wages just like these they’d earlier than the chapter and what different native mines pay.

In addition they say managers must method staff with extra respect — much less yelling and in search of causes to self-discipline somebody. One other sticking level: The corporate doesn’t enable sufficient unexcused absences, the miners say, to accommodate for household emergencies.

“For them to deal with us the best way they’re treating us is simply insane,” he mentioned. “I don’t have the phrases.”

In an electronic mail, an Apollo spokeswoman mentioned the miners had been given three pay will increase since 2017 and are eligible for $17,000 bonuses. Blackstone mentioned its funding helped save jobs throughout a troubled time within the coal trade. KKR declined to remark.

By 2019, all three corporations had bought off their investments in Warrior Met, which is now a publicly traded firm.

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Warrior Met just lately reported its most worthwhile quarter in three years and mentioned it was hiring new staff in the course of the strike.

Mr. Mumford is dedicated to the trigger, however he wonders about the way it will finish. Earlier than the miners went out on strike, a supervisor predicted that the Warrior Met would break the union.

“He instructed me, ‘Y’all received’t be again.’”

Michael Argo, 34, went to work within the mine not lengthy after highschool, and he has by no means considered doing another sort of labor — earlier than he spent a 12 months above floor.

Mr. Argo mentioned he’ll see the strike by. However after that, he’s occupied with getting a full-time job at Amazon in Bessemer. His spouse simply acquired employed there, and Mr. Argo figures their mixed wages at Amazon will ultimately be near what he took residence from the mine, about $84,000.

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“Up till this level, I might by no means stop alone,” he mentioned of the mine. “I might have simply been caught with it.”

Through the strike, although, he has began feeling more healthy and extra in tune with the world and should not need to give that up.

“You simply get to see temperature modifications, the solar arising and down,” he mentioned.

The 12 months has been an eye-opening expertise for Braxton Wright, too. Mr. Wright, who often votes Republican, has grow to be extra open to different political views after seeing how few Republicans have backed the strike. His spouse, Haeden, a highschool English instructor, has determined to run for native workplace as a Democrat.

She’s been impressed by the assist the union has acquired from folks from everywhere in the world, even from members of the Inexperienced Occasion, who adamantly oppose coal. “Most of the donations have come from different staff,” she mentioned.

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Three nights every week, Mr. Wright says good evening to his household and drives 27 miles to the Bessemer warehouse. He makes use of his telephone to clock into the warehouse and climbs 4 tales to his workstation.

More often than not, he doesn’t cope with a human boss, solely the robots that ship the roughly 300 gadgets he packs each hour. When his again will get sore from twisting and bending and his productiveness drops, a supervisor will generally ask him what’s mistaken. However he hasn’t been disciplined for slowing down.

Mr. Wright began on the warehouse with about 35 different folks. He now not sees a lot of these staff across the constructing. He thinks a lot of them have stop.

On the warehouse, Mr. Wright talks to fellow staff about unions. However he mentioned the Amazon workers, a lot of them younger and from poor areas, have a special angle about their jobs than coal miners.

He watched some doing managerial duties however not getting paid further. “They are saying they need to be managers sometime,” he mentioned. “I inform them that’s tremendous. However they should pay you in your time. In case you have been in a union, they’d pay you in your time.”

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An Amazon spokeswoman mentioned: “We don’t suppose unions are the perfect reply for our workers. Our focus stays on working instantly with our workforce to proceed making Amazon an incredible place to work.”

Mr. Wright says it has been laborious to foretell whether or not the organizing drive on the Bessemer warehouse, which is being run by the Retail Wholesale and Division Retailer Union, will prevail. He’s not hoping to be there for much longer.

“I’m hoping I’m going again to the coal mine,” he mentioned.

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In Los Angeles, Hotels Become a Refuge for Fire Evacuees

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In Los Angeles, Hotels Become a Refuge for Fire Evacuees

The lobby of Shutters on the Beach, the luxury oceanfront hotel in Santa Monica that is usually abuzz with tourists and entertainment professionals, had by Thursday transformed into a refuge for Los Angeles residents displaced by the raging wildfires that have ripped through thousands of acres and leveled entire neighborhoods to ash.

In the middle of one table sat something that has probably never been in the lobby of Shutters before: a portable plastic goldfish tank. “It’s my daughter’s,” said Kevin Fossee, 48. Mr. Fossee and his wife, Olivia Barth, 45, had evacuated to the hotel on Tuesday evening shortly after the fire in the Los Angeles Pacific Palisades area flared up near their home in Malibu.

Suddenly, an evacuation alert came in. Every phone in the lobby wailed at once, scaring young children who began to cry inconsolably. People put away their phones a second later when they realized it was a false alarm.

Similar scenes have been unfolding across other Los Angeles hotels as the fires spread and the number of people under evacuation orders soars above 100,000. IHG, which includes the Intercontinental, Regent and Holiday Inn chains, said 19 of its hotels across the Los Angeles and Pasadena areas were accommodating evacuees.

The Palisades fire, which has been raging since Tuesday and has become the most destructive in the history of Los Angeles, struck neighborhoods filled with mansions owned by the wealthy, as well as the homes of middle-class families who have owned them for generations. Now they all need places to stay.

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Many evacuees turned to a Palisades WhatsApp group that in just a few days has grown from a few hundred to over 1,000 members. Photos, news, tips on where to evacuate, hotel discount codes and pet policies were being posted with increasing rapidity as the fires spread.

At the midcentury modern Beverly Hilton hotel, which looms over the lawns and gardens of Beverly Hills, seven miles and a world away from the ash-strewed Pacific Palisades, parking ran out on Wednesday as evacuees piled in. Guests had to park in another lot a mile south and take a shuttle back.

In the lobby of the hotel, which regularly hosts glamorous events like the recent Golden Globe Awards, guests in workout clothes wrestled with children, pets and hastily packed roll-aboards.

Many of the guests were already familiar with each other from their neighborhoods, and there was a resigned intimacy as they traded stories. “You can tell right away if someone is a fire evacuee by whether they are wearing sweats or have a dog with them,” said Sasha Young, 34, a photographer. “Everyone I’ve spoken with says the same thing: We didn’t take enough.”

The Hotel June, a boutique hotel with a 1950s hipster vibe a mile north of Los Angeles International Airport, was offering evacuees rooms for $125 per night.

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“We were heading home to the Palisades from the airport when we found out about the evacuations,” said Julia Morandi, 73, a retired science educator who lives in the Palisades Highlands neighborhood. “When we checked in, they could see we were stressed, so the manager gave us drinks tickets and told us, ‘We take care of our neighbors.’”

Hotels are also assisting tourists caught up in the chaos, helping them make arrangements to fly home (as of Friday, the airport was operating normally) and waiving cancellation fees. A spokeswoman for Shutters said its guests included domestic and international tourists, but on Thursday, few could be spotted among the displaced Angelenos. The heated outdoor pool that overlooks the ocean and is usually surrounded by sunbathers was completely deserted because of the dangerous air quality.

“I think I’m one of the only tourists here,” said Pavel Francouz, 34, a hockey scout who came to Los Angeles from the Czech Republic for a meeting on Tuesday before the fires ignited.

“It’s weird to be a tourist,” he said, describing the eerily empty beaches and the hotel lobby packed with crying children, families, dogs and suitcases. “I can’t imagine what it would feel like to be these people,” he said, adding, “I’m ready to go home.”


Follow New York Times Travel on Instagram and sign up for our weekly Travel Dispatch newsletter to get expert tips on traveling smarter and inspiration for your next vacation. Dreaming up a future getaway or just armchair traveling? Check out our 52 Places to Go in 2025.

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Downtown Los Angeles Macy's is among 150 locations to close

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Downtown Los Angeles Macy's is among 150 locations to close

The downtown Los Angeles Macy’s department store, situated on 7th Street and a cornerstone of retail in the area, will shut down as the company prepares to close 150 underperforming locations in an effort to revamp and modernize its business.

The iconic retail center announced this week the first 66 closures, including nine in California spanning from Sacramento to San Diego. Stores will also close in Florida, New York and Georgia, among other states. The closures are part of a broader company strategy to bolster sustainability and profitability.

Macy’s is not alone in its plan to slim down and rejuvenate sales. The retailer Kohl’s announced on Friday that it would close 27 poor performing stores by April, including 10 in California and one in the Los Angeles neighborhood of Westchester. Kohl’s will also shut down its San Bernardino e-commerce distribution center in May.

“Kohl’s continues to believe in the health and strength of its profitable store base” and will have more than 1,100 stores remaining after the closures, the company said in a statement.

Macy’s announced its plan last February to end operations at roughly 30% of its stores by 2027, following disappointing quarterly results that included a $71-million loss and nearly 2% decline in sales. The company will invest in its remaining 350 stores, which have the potential to “generate more meaningful value,” according to a release.

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“We are closing underproductive Macy’s stores to allow us to focus our resources and prioritize investments in our go-forward stores, where customers are already responding positively to better product offerings and elevated service,” Chief Executive Tony Spring said in a statement. “Closing any store is never easy.”

Macy’s brick-and-mortar locations also faced a setback in January 2024, when the company announced the closures of five stores, including the location at Simi Valley Town Center. At the same time, Macy’s said it would layoff 3.5% of its workforce, equal to about 2,350 jobs.

Farther north, Walgreens announced this week that it would shutter 12 stores across San Francisco due to “increased regulatory and reimbursement pressures,” CBS News reported.

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The justices are expected to rule quickly in the case.

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The justices are expected to rule quickly in the case.

When the Supreme Court hears arguments on Friday over whether protecting national security requires TikTok to be sold or closed, the justices will be working in the shadow of three First Amendment precedents, all influenced by the climate of their times and by how much the justices trusted the government.

During the Cold War and in the Vietnam era, the court refused to credit the government’s assertions that national security required limiting what newspapers could publish and what Americans could read. More recently, though, the court deferred to Congress’s judgment that combating terrorism justified making some kinds of speech a crime.

The court will most likely act quickly, as TikTok faces a Jan. 19 deadline under a law enacted in April by bipartisan majorities. The law’s sponsors said the app’s parent company, ByteDance, is controlled by China and could use it to harvest Americans’ private data and to spread covert disinformation.

The court’s decision will determine the fate of a powerful and pervasive cultural phenomenon that uses a sophisticated algorithm to feed a personalized array of short videos to its 170 million users in the United States. For many of them, and particularly younger ones, TikTok has become a leading source of information and entertainment.

As in earlier cases pitting national security against free speech, the core question for the justices is whether the government’s judgments about the threat TikTok is said to pose are sufficient to overcome the nation’s commitment to free speech.

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Senator Mitch McConnell, Republican of Kentucky, told the justices that he “is second to none in his appreciation and protection of the First Amendment’s right to free speech.” But he urged them to uphold the law.

“The right to free speech enshrined in the First Amendment does not apply to a corporate agent of the Chinese Communist Party,” Mr. McConnell wrote.

Jameel Jaffer, the executive director of the Knight First Amendment Institute at Columbia University, said that stance reflected a fundamental misunderstanding.

“It is not the government’s role to tell us which ideas are worth listening to,” he said. “It’s not the government’s role to cleanse the marketplace of ideas or information that the government disagrees with.”

The Supreme Court’s last major decision in a clash between national security and free speech was in 2010, in Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project. It concerned a law that made it a crime to provide even benign assistance in the form of speech to groups said to engage in terrorism.

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One plaintiff, for instance, said he wanted to help the Kurdistan Workers’ Party find peaceful ways to protect the rights of Kurds in Turkey and to bring their claims to the attention of international bodies.

When the case was argued, Elena Kagan, then the U.S. solicitor general, said courts should defer to the government’s assessments of national security threats.

“The ability of Congress and of the executive branch to regulate the relationships between Americans and foreign governments or foreign organizations has long been acknowledged by this court,” she said. (She joined the court six months later.)

The court ruled for the government by a 6-to-3 vote, accepting its expertise even after ruling that the law was subject to strict scrutiny, the most demanding form of judicial review.

“The government, when seeking to prevent imminent harms in the context of international affairs and national security, is not required to conclusively link all the pieces in the puzzle before we grant weight to its empirical conclusions,” Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. wrote for the majority.

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Elena Kagan was the U.S. solicitor general the last time a major decision in a clash between national security and free speech came up in a Supreme Court case, in 2010.Credit…Luke Sharrett/The New York Times

In its Supreme Court briefs defending the law banning TikTok, the Biden administration repeatedly cited the 2010 decision.

“Congress and the executive branch determined that ByteDance’s ownership and control of TikTok pose an unacceptable threat to national security because that relationship could permit a foreign adversary government to collect intelligence on and manipulate the content received by TikTok’s American users,” Elizabeth B. Prelogar, the U.S. solicitor general, wrote, “even if those harms had not yet materialized.”

Many federal laws, she added, limit foreign ownership of companies in sensitive fields, including broadcasting, banking, nuclear facilities, undersea cables, air carriers, dams and reservoirs.

While the court led by Chief Justice Roberts was willing to defer to the government, earlier courts were more skeptical. In 1965, during the Cold War, the court struck down a law requiring people who wanted to receive foreign mail that the government said was “communist political propaganda” to say so in writing.

That decision, Lamont v. Postmaster General, had several distinctive features. It was unanimous. It was the first time the court had ever held a federal law unconstitutional under the First Amendment’s free expression clauses.

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It was the first Supreme Court opinion to feature the phrase “the marketplace of ideas.” And it was the first Supreme Court decision to recognize a constitutional right to receive information.

That last idea figures in the TikTok case. “When controversies have arisen,” a brief for users of the app said, “the court has protected Americans’ right to hear foreign-influenced ideas, allowing Congress at most to require labeling of the ideas’ origin.”

Indeed, a supporting brief from the Knight First Amendment Institute said, the law banning TikTok is far more aggressive than the one limiting access to communist propaganda. “While the law in Lamont burdened Americans’ access to specific speech from abroad,” the brief said, “the act prohibits it entirely.”

Zephyr Teachout, a law professor at Fordham, said that was the wrong analysis. “Imposing foreign ownership restrictions on communications platforms is several steps removed from free speech concerns,” she wrote in a brief supporting the government, “because the regulations are wholly concerned with the firms’ ownership, not the firms’ conduct, technology or content.”

Six years after the case on mailed propaganda, the Supreme Court again rejected the invocation of national security to justify limiting speech, ruling that the Nixon administration could not stop The New York Times and The Washington Post from publishing the Pentagon Papers, a secret history of the Vietnam War. The court did so in the face of government warnings that publishing would imperil intelligence agents and peace talks.

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“The word ‘security’ is a broad, vague generality whose contours should not be invoked to abrogate the fundamental law embodied in the First Amendment,” Justice Hugo Black wrote in a concurring opinion.

The American Civil Liberties Union told the justices that the law banning TikTok “is even more sweeping” than the prior restraint sought by the government in the Pentagon Papers case.

“The government has not merely forbidden particular communications or speakers on TikTok based on their content; it has banned an entire platform,” the brief said. “It is as though, in Pentagon Papers, the lower court had shut down The New York Times entirely.”

Mr. Jaffer of the Knight Institute said the key precedents point in differing directions.

“People say, well, the court routinely defers to the government in national security cases, and there is obviously some truth to that,” he said. “But in the sphere of First Amendment rights, the record is a lot more complicated.”

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