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3 quick takeaways from Wisconsin’s overtime thriller win over Illinois: What A Game

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3 quick takeaways from Wisconsin’s overtime thriller win over Illinois: What A Game


The Wisconsin Badgers played their second overtime game in three days and found themselves on the other side of the result, beating the No. 8 Illinois Fighting Illini 92-90. It’s a huge victory for the Badgers, who secured their second Quad 1 victory on the season and earned their second top-10 win on the road.

These types of games have become a theme under Greg Gard, as the Badgers got their second marquee win of the season following their 91-88 win over Michigan back in January. With the win, the Badgers improved to 17-7 on the season and 9-4 in conference play. They now have wins over the top two teams in the Big Ten.

Here are three quick takeaways from the Badgers 92-90 win over Illinois on Tuesday evening.

To win this game, Wisconsin was going to have to hit threes at near or above a 40 percent rate. That’s just the way they needed to do things, given how good Illinois’s interior presence was and the way the Badgers play basketball.

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Well, the Badgers hit a whopping 16 threes and shot 44.4 percent from deep and still only won by two. That tells you the difficulty of the matchup, but also the impressiveness and resolve Wisconsin had from deep. The Badgers started this game strong, which is exactly what they needed, hitting four straight three-pointers to take an early 18-10 lead.

They hit seven threes in the first half, scoring at a 35 percent clip from deep. Then, they started the second half shooting well and then found their stroke after the long drought, hitting eight more threes in the second half. The Badgers have won big games this year when they’ve hit threes, and Tuesday’s win was one of those.

The Badgers don’t win this game without John Blackwell’s mentality. Wisconsin had a huge scoring drought of 5:13 in the second half and scored only one point over a 7:07 stretch where Illinois went on a 14-1 run to take a nine-point lead.

If the Badgers were going to find their way back, it was going to have to be one of their star players taking over. And that’s what John Blackwell did. Yes, he shot 9 of 22 from the field and missed some shots at the rim, but it was the mentality that really started things for the Badgers.

Wisconsin was really struggling to get shots at the rim against Illinois’s rim protectors, and their attacking efforts weren’t there as much during the cold stretch. But Blackwell was relentless and kept looking to find his way to the rim, either going up with the shot or kicking out for teammates. And like that, the comeback started.

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Blackwell started things with a pair of threes before the cold stretch, but then looked to attack and kick, with Nick Boyd and Austin Rapp hitting a number of threes off the catch. With the Badgers down seven with under seven minutes to go, Blackwell’s attacking finally started to pay off, as he got a pair of layups. Then, he got a defensive steal, which parlayed into an assist for an Austin Rapp three to tie the game with 2:19.

Then, in arguably the most important possession of regulation for Wisconsin with under a minute left, Blackwell attacked hard again and drew two, kicking out for a Rapp three to give Wisconsin an 81-80 lead. Then, in overtime, Blackwell hit another three and the final free throws to finish with 24 points and four assists.

But it wasn’t just those moments. Blackwell’s mentality started to resonate with the team, which had a stellar second half defensively forcing turnovers. Additionally, Nick Boyd, who really struggled to start the game, started to see his layups go down, which were crucial for the Badgers.

The Badgers don’t pull this incredible win off without Blackwell.

This Badgers team just doesn’t give up.

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Wisconsin started this one strong, which was crucial, as they were hitting their shots and staying out ahead of the Illini. They did go through some lulls offensively as Illinois started to get ahead, having a two and four-minute scoreless stretch in the period, but still went into halftime down only six.

The Badgers also responded really well out of the gate in the second half, which was just as crucial as their opening start. They started the period with an 8-0 run, with good defense turning into a pair of triples on the other side, and led 51-49 after the first two and a half minutes.

From there, though, things got rough as Wisconsin scored just one point over the next seven minutes, which allowed Illinois to flip the script and take an 11-point lead with 11:40 left in the game. But this Badgers team has shown several times this season that they can engineer a double-digit second-half comeback.

In six of their last nine games, they’ve done so, winning five of those, with the exception being Saturday’s overtime loss to Indiana. That was the case again on Tuesday, as the Badgers found their form again and slowly started to chip away at the lead against a team that you don’t want to be trailing by double digits against.

Still, after some back-and-forth action, the Badgers trailed by 10 with seven minutes left, but found success as John Blackwell started to take over, while Austin Rapp started hitting some pick-and-pop threes. But it was the defensive end where Wisconsin really impressed.

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Illinois was still shooting the ball at a high rate, but Wisconsin forced eight turnovers in the second half, which allowed them to mount the comeback and take a lead late in regulation before the game went to overtime. Then, in the final five minutes, the Badgers found a way to steal the game by getting ahead early once again.

Playing deep minutes with two overtime games in three days, the Badgers showed great resilience and just found a way once again.



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Wisconsin man, woman killed in head-on Wadsworth crash involving semi ID’d: officials

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Wisconsin man, woman killed in head-on Wadsworth crash involving semi ID’d: officials


WADSWORTH, Ill. (WLS) — Two people who were killed in a head-on crash involving a semi in the north suburbs on Thursday morning have been identified, officials said on Friday.

The Lake County sheriff’s deputies and the Newport Township Fire Protection District responded to the Route 173 crash, which happened west of North Kilbourne Road in Wadsworth, around 7:50 a.m.

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Witnesses told investigators that the driver of a 2009 Acura sedan, which was traveling eastbound, appeared to be having difficulty staying in his lane and drifted into the path of a Freightliner semi-truck, which was heading westbound.

The two vehicles then collided head-on, officials said. A third vehicle was also hit.

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Chopper 7 was over the scene at 9 a.m., capturing the damage.

The sedan’s driver, a man, and a passenger, a woman, were pronounced dead on the scene.

The Lake County Coroner’s Office identified them as 51-year-old Kelly Wooten and 45-year-old Jacklyn Bradley of Stoughton, Wisconsin. Preliminary autopsy results indicate that both Wooten and Bradley died from blunt-force injuries.

The driver of the third vehicle, a 54-year-old Salem, Wisconsin woman, suffered non-life-threatening injuries.

The crash shut down Route 173 between Kilbourne Road and U.S. 41 in both directions.

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The Lake County Sheriff’s Office Technical Crash Investigations Team is investigating.

The video in the player above is from a previous report.

Copyright © 2026 WLS-TV. All Rights Reserved.



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AIPAC faces test of its power in Illinois primary as Democrats debate future of Israel relationship

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AIPAC faces test of its power in Illinois primary as Democrats debate future of Israel relationship


WASHINGTON — A crowded primary season in Illinois is shaping up as the next test for the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, a powerful advocacy organization that’s generating fresh turmoil over the Democratic Party’s relationship to Israel and the role of undisclosed campaign cash in this year’s midterm elections.

AIPAC, which was founded decades ago to lobby for U.S. support for Israel, has reserved at least $1.9 million in advertisements through its super PAC in the race to replace Rep. Danny Davis, a veteran politician who is retiring. The organization hopes to boost Melissa Conyears-Ervin, the city treasurer in Chicago, to victory over a dozen other candidates in the March 17 primary.

Other organizations that critics believe are tied to AIPAC are also spending heavily in Illinois, a source of bitterness and recriminations in a state already known for its bare knuckled brand of politics.

The aggressive spending comes after AIPAC put almost $2 million into a recent Democratic primary for a special election in New Jersey, an effort that’s widely considered to have backfired. AIPAC targeted Tom Malinowski, a former congressman who narrowly lost to progressive candidate Analilia Mejia — who has been outspoken in criticism of Israel.

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But AIPAC appears undaunted by the experience, despite an outpouring of criticism from across the political spectrum.

“We expect to be involved in dozens of races both in primaries and general elections this cycle,” said Patrick Dorton, a spokesman for AIPAC’s affiliated super PAC, the United Democracy Project, or UDP.

AIPAC has more urgently pursued its mission as Democratic skepticism and even hostility toward the U.S.-Israel relationship increases because of the war in Gaza, jeopardizing traditional bipartisan support for military assistance to a historic ally. But the group’s assertive interventions in this year’s primaries, which are expected to expand in the months to come, also risk further fracturing the party and eroding any remaining goodwill.

AIPAC has been dividing line in Illinois primary

Campaign finance laws involving super PACs make it nearly impossible to ascertain who is behind much of the money being spent in Illinois. Although UDP is open about its affiliation, recently created groups like Elect Chicago Women and Affordable Chicago Now haven’t yet been required to disclose the sources of their money.

Neither group is obligated to disclose its funding until after the Illinois’ primary. Critics suspect they’re conduits for AIPAC money, and AIPAC has declined to say whether there’s any connection.

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UDP, Elect Chicago Women and Affordable Chicago Now are three of the top four spenders on advertisements in House races so far, with almost $11 million total, and the majority going to Illinois. Financial numbers are drawn from AdImpact, a nonpartisan ad-tracking service.

None of the organizations mention Israel in their campaign messaging, a strategy that AIPAC-affiliated groups have used in the past as well.

For example, the United Democracy Project assailed Malinowski in New Jersey as sympathetic to President Donald Trump’s deportation efforts, undermining him with liberal voters. In Illinois, it is promoting Conyears-Ervin to replace Davis in the 7th congressional district by saying she will fight to lower costs and protect healthcare.

The strategy has contributed to speculation and angst about AIPAC’s influence in politics. Supporters of Israel accuse critics of using antisemitic tropes about dual loyalty, and others say the focus on AIPAC is misplaced.

“I think the folks who are talking the most about AIPAC are seeking to demonize Israel and create a break in the U.S.-Israel relationship,” said Rep. Brad Schneider, a Democrat who represents Illinois’ 10th district.

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“The problem is Citizens United and the decision to allow dark money,” said Schneider, the co-chair of the Congressional Jewish Caucus. “The problem is the rules. Let’s fix the rules.”

Candidates have been criticizing each other for their perceived willingness to accept help from AIPAC. Four progressive candidates vying for different Illinois congressional seats jointly condemned the organization’s role in the state’s primaries during a press conference in February. Another candidate is selling shirts on her website with anti-AIPAC messaging.

AIPAC has increased its campaign spending in recent years

Malinowski is still raw over his experience as AIPAC’s target in New Jersey, and he said that he won’t support any candidates backed by the organization this year. He described himself as pro-Israel even though he opposed unconditional assistance for the country, a stance that drew AIPAC’s ire.

“Obviously, we were going to talk about Israel and Gaza in the campaign because many voters would be asking questions about it,” Malinowski said. “But I wanted those discussions to be about the substance, not colored by baggage of endorsements from groups that are controversial now.”

AIPAC said in a statement that Mejia’s success in the primary was “an anticipated possibility,” suggesting they had no regrets that their role could have helped pave the way for a candidate who has described Israel’s actions in Gaza as genocide.

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Although AIPAC has always been politically active, it began spending directly on campaigns during the 2022 midterms.

Since then, it has spent more than $221 million through its traditional PAC and its super PAC, according to Federal Election Commission filings between December 2021 and January 2026.

The super PAC has mostly focused on Democratic primaries. In the 2022 and 2024 cycles, UDP spent at least $1 million supporting or opposing 18 candidates, 16 of whom were Democrats. Many of those candidates were running in open races.

Traditional PACs are allowed to raise and donate up to $5,000 per candidate per election, and may coordinate directly with campaigns. Super PACs don’t have fundraising or spending limits but are not allowed to make direct or in-kind contributions to candidates nor coordinate communications.

In 2024, UDP’s biggest investments were made in support of centrist challengers to progressive incumbents. It spent more than $13 million in the 2024 Democratic primary in New York’s 16th District, in which current Rep. George Latimer defeated former Rep. Jamaal Bowman. It also spent $8.5 million opposing former Rep. Cori Bush, who lost her primary to Rep. Wesley Bell.

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Chicago Bears property tax incentives advance in Illinois House over city opposition

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Chicago Bears property tax incentives advance in Illinois House over city opposition


A tax incentive plan aimed at keeping the Bears in Illinois advanced in the state House Thursday amid opposition from City Hall and questions about whether Democrats can whip up enough votes to pass it.

The legislation, introduced by state Rep. Kam Buckner (D-Chicago), would allow the NFL team to negotiate a freeze on property tax assessments with local taxing districts — in this case, Arlington Heights, Cook County and local school districts.

This marks the latest development in the high-stakes bidding war between Illinois and Indiana over which state can lay claim to one of the NFL’s most storied franchises as the team looks for the exits from its long-time lease at Soldier Field.

On a roll call opposed by Republicans, the Democratic-led House Revenue & Finance Committee voted 13-7 to back Buckner’s legislation and position it for a vote by the full House. But that didn’t happen after the committee vote because the House adjourned for the week without taking action on the measure.

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Following the committee’s action, Buckner said it’s time to start putting a legislative plan into motion, and the property tax concessions are essential for anything going forward.

“I don’t feel pressured by the Bears,” Buckner said. “What is important to me, though, is that we are able to put these tools in play. I do want the team to stay in Illinois. That’s very important to me.”

The bill that advanced Thursday deals only with the issue of property tax certainty and saving the Bears hundreds of millions of dollars by freezing property taxes on the Arlington International Racecourse site, and allowing the team to negotiate reduced “payments in lieu of property taxes with suburban school districts.”

Still to be determined is the massive infusion of infrastructure funding required to bankroll the road, sewer and utility work needed to ready the site for development.

Ahead of the vote, Buckner appeared on “The Fran Spielman Show” podcast and said the infrastructure wish list that started at $855 million has been whittled down to $734 million and said, “We’re still talking through it.”

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But Buckner told the Chicago Sun-Times that whatever the final number turns out to be, the Chicago legislative delegation will demand similar help to renovate and refresh Soldier Field and ease the transportation bottleneck that makes it difficult to get in and out of the Museum Campus.

“We’ve still got some things to work on, including Chicago and what happens with Chicago and a Chicago package,” he said.

Buckner, whose district includes Soldier Field, has long spoken out against the state cutting a blank check to finance a new Bears’ stadium, particularly given that roughly half a billion dollars in debt remains from the 2003 renovation of Soldier Field. Buckner said the Bears should pick up that tab.

The Chicago Park District has made an ask for $630 million for infrastructure and renovation of the Soldier Field — an appeal that a representative of the mayor’s office renewed today despite formally registering as an opponent to Buckner’s legislation.

Steven Mahr, Chicago’s acting chief financial officer, told the House panel the relocation of the Bears would have “devastating consequences on the city,” and he re-upped the city’s previous $630 million infrastructure request.

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“Some of those consequences are unknowable,” Mahr said. “It is clear that Chicago is the economic engine of the state of Illinois. Engines require fuel to run, otherwise engines stall and grind to a halt. The city is requesting a fair and equitable opportunity and a level playing field.”

Labor unions, business groups and several northwest suburbs, including Arlington Heights, voiced support for the legislation.

This is a developing story.



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