World
Fact check: Has Marine Le Pen’s appeal been denied?
Misleading posts circulating on X claim that an appeal lodged by French far-right leader Marine Le Pen against a conviction barring her from running in the 2027 presidential election has been rejected.
In March, Judge Bénédicte de Perthuis sentenced Le Pen to a five-year ban on holding public office, effective immediately, after finding she was “at the heart” of a scheme to embezzle European parliamentary funds.
The Paris Criminal Court also handed down a four-year prison sentence — two years suspended and two to be served with an electronic bracelet — along with a €100,000 fine. Le Pen has described the verdict as a “political witch-hunt” and declared she would exhaust all legal avenues to overturn it.
One widely shared post, which has amassed more than 600,000 views, claims that her appeal has already been denied, that the “French people are outraged”, and that the “EU is behind” the rejection.
But where does Le Pen actually stand, and do any of the post’s claims hold weight?
Has Le Pen’s appeal been rejected?
Essentially, to try and overturn her presidential ban as quickly as possible, Le Pen launched two separate challenges along French administrative and criminal paths.
On 15 October, the Council of State — France’s highest administrative court — rejected a legal challenge made by Le Pen against the country’s electoral rules.
It’s this administrative challenge that the post is likely referring to. As it happened weeks ago, it’s not breaking news, and it’s also separate from the appeal against her criminal conviction, which hasn’t been heard yet.
The administrative challenge concerned Le Pen’s removal from the electoral list in the Pas-de-Calais department, where she is an MP.
“Since she’s hit a wall in the criminal courts, Le Pen tried a side route: taking her case to the administrative courts,” Camille Aynès, constitutional law expert at the University of Paris Nanterre, told The Cube.
“Why go that way? Not really to win back her council seat. The real goal was strategic — to create a case that would allow her to raise a ‘priority question of constitutionality’ (QPC),” she said. “That’s a special French mechanism allowing someone in a lawsuit to ask whether the law applied in their case violates the Constitution.”
Ultimately, the Council of State refused to pass her challenge along. The criminal provisions that Le Pen contested, according to the court, were either non-existent or unrelated.
“The criminal provisions she was challenging weren’t even applicable in this administrative dispute,” Aynès told The Cube. “In other words, this wasn’t a backdoor appeal of her criminal conviction.”
The main impact of the Council of State court’s rejection is that Le Pen lost an opportunity to have the issue reviewed quickly, instead of waiting months for her appeal trial.
It’s an issue that she will have wanted to resolve quickly amid the political unrest in France — if President Emmanuel Macron called snap presidential elections, they could take place before Le Pen’s criminal appeal ruling, leaving her unable to run, whatever the subsequent result is.
Appeals yet to come
Despite claims made by online users that her appeal has been denied, Le Pen is launching a separate and larger appeal against her criminal conviction — the outcome of which is far from decided. A trial has been scheduled from 13 January until 12 February next year.
A verdict in this trial is expected before the summer, which would still give Le Pen time to stand in the 2027 presidential election, provided her sentence is overturned or reduced.
“The Council of State still has to rule on another QPC Le Pen filed over her removal as a regional councillor — but experts expect the outcome to be the same: no referral to the Constitutional Council,” Aynès told The Cube.
In July, Le Pen also sought an interim measure from the European Court of Human Rights — a Strasbourg-based court which interprets the European Convention on Human Rights — to quash the immediate application of her five-year ban. Her request was denied.
“At this point, only the criminal appeal can change things,” Aynès said. “If her verdict is upheld, she can then turn to the Court of Cassation [France’s supreme court for civil and criminal cases].”
Is the European Union to blame and how popular is Le Pen?
As for the claims that the “EU is behind” Le Pen’s ban, they’re also wrong: the case and the conviction are entirely under the French judiciary.
The details in the case date back to when Le Pen was an MEP. Prosecutors say that, between 2004 and 2016, she and several of her party members diverted funds meant to pay for parliamentary assistants to finance party activities in France.
According to Aynès, the wrongdoing only stopped because the European Parliament blew the whistle.
“That’s the only sense in which the EU can be said to have been ‘involved’ — it alerted prosecutors,” she said.
Similar narratives conflating the European Union’s role in national courts were repeated on social media after Romanian presidential candidate Călin Georgescu was banned from running in the country’s presidential election by the constitutional court.
Despite her legal woes, Le Pen and the National Rally (RN) party remain popular, so that part of the X post is true. At the time of her conviction, an Ifop Opinion poll placed her at 37%. More recent polling puts her and RN president Jordan Bardella between 33 and 37%, ahead of their political rivals.
Other claims that Bardella will run for her party as a presidential candidate are also unconfirmed, despite the 30-year-old having Le Pen’s vocal backing. RN did not respond to The Cube’s request for comment on the matter as of the time of publishing.
World
Map: 6.4-Magnitude Earthquake Shakes the Philippine Sea
Note: Map shows the area with a shake intensity of 4 or greater, which U.S.G.S. defines as “light,” though the earthquake may be felt outside the areas shown. The New York Times
A strong, 6.4-magnitude earthquake struck in the Philippine Sea on Wednesday, according to the United States Geological Survey.
The temblor happened at 11:02 a.m. Philippine time about 17 miles east of Santiago, Philippines, data from the agency shows.
U.S.G.S. data earlier reported that the magnitude was 6.7.
As seismologists review available data, they may revise the earthquake’s reported magnitude. Additional information collected about the earthquake may also prompt U.S.G.S. scientists to update the shake-severity map.
Aftershocks in the region
An aftershock is usually a smaller earthquake that follows a larger one in the same general area. Aftershocks are typically minor adjustments along the portion of a fault that slipped at the time of the initial earthquake.
Quakes and aftershocks within 100 miles
Source: United States Geological Survey | Notes: Shaking categories are based on the Modified Mercalli Intensity scale. When aftershock data is available, the corresponding maps and charts include earthquakes within 100 miles and seven days of the initial quake. All times above are Philippine time. Shake data is as of Tuesday, Jan. 6 at 10:16 p.m. Eastern. Aftershocks data is as of Wednesday, Jan. 7 at 12:18 a.m. Eastern.
Maps: Daylight (urban areas); MapLibre (map rendering); Natural Earth (roads, labels, terrain); Protomaps (map tiles)
World
Pope Leo calls for Christians to treat foreigners with kindness as he closes Catholic Holy Year
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Pope Leo XIV closed the Catholic Church’s Holy Year on Tuesday by urging Christians around the world to help people in need and treat foreigners with kindness.
Leo, who has repeatedly stressed the importance of caring for immigrants during his papacy thus far, said at a Vatican ceremony that the record 33.5 million pilgrims who visited Rome during the Holy Year should have learned not to treat people as mere “products.”
“Around us, a distorted economy tries to profit from everything,” Leo said. “After this year, will we be better able to recognize a pilgrim in the visitor, a seeker in the stranger, a neighbor in the foreigner?”
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Pope Leo XIV closed the Catholic Church’s Holy Year by urging Christians around the world to help people in need and treat foreigners with kindness. (David Ramos/Getty Images)
Holy years, or jubilees, typically happen every 25 years, considered to be a time of peace, forgiveness and pardon. Pilgrims to Rome can enter special “Holy Doors” at four Rome basilicas and attend papal audiences throughout the year.
Leo shut the special bronze door at St. Peter’s Basilica on Tuesday morning, which officially marked the end of the Holy Year.
The next Holy Year is not expected before 2033, when the Catholic Church may hold a special one to mark 2,000 years since the death of Jesus.
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Pope Leo XIV said the record pilgrims who visited Rome during the Holy Year should have learned not to treat people as mere “products.” (Alberto PIZZOLI / AFP via Getty Images))
On Monday, the Vatican and Italian officials said pilgrims to Rome for the 2025 jubilee came from 185 countries, with the majority from Italy, the U.S., Spain, Brazil and Poland.
The 2025 jubilee was opened by the late Pope Francis, who died in April, and closed by Leo, who was elected in May, making him the first American pope.
It was a historical rarity not seen in 300 years for it to be opened by one pope and closed by another. The last jubilee held under two different popes was in the year 1700, when Innocent XII opened the Holy Year that was then closed by Clement XI.
Pope Leo XIV shut the special bronze door at St. Peter’s Basilica on Tuesday morning, which officially marked the end of the Holy Year. (Gregorio Borgia/AP)
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Leo, who has promised to keep Francis’ signature policies such as welcoming gay Catholics and discussing women’s ordination, echoed his predecessor’s frequent criticisms of the global economic system during his remarks on Tuesday.
The markets “turn human yearnings of seeking, traveling and beginning again into a mere business,” Leo said.
Reuters contributed to this report.
World
How strong are Latin America’s military forces, as they face US threats?
Over the weekend, the United States carried out a large-scale military strike against Venezuela and abducted President Nicolas Maduro in a major escalation that sent shockwaves across Latin America.
On Monday morning, US President Donald Trump doubled down, threatening action against the governments of Colombia, Cuba and Mexico unless they “get their act together”, claiming he is countering drug trafficking and securing US interests in the Western Hemisphere.
The remarks revive deep tensions over US interference in Latin America. Many of the governments targeted by Trump have little appetite for Washington’s involvement, but their armed forces lack the capacity to keep the US at arm’s length.
Latin America’s military capabilities
The US has the strongest military in the world and spends more on its military than the total budgets of the next 10 largest military spenders combined. In 2025, the US defence budget was $895bn, roughly 3.1 percent of its gross domestic product.
According to the 2025 Global Firepower rankings, Brazil has the most powerful military in Latin America and is ranked 11th globally.
Mexico ranks 32nd globally, Colombia 46th, Venezuela 50th and Cuba 67th. All of these countries are significantly below the US military in all metrics, including the number of active personnel, military aircraft, combat tanks, naval assets and their military budgets.
In a standard war involving tanks, planes and naval power, the US maintains overwhelming superiority.
The only notable metric that these countries have over the US is their paramilitary forces, which operate alongside the regular armed forces, often using asymmetrical warfare and unconventional tactics against conventional military strategies.
Paramilitaries across Latin America
Several Latin American countries have long histories of paramilitary and irregular armed groups that have often played a role in the internal security of these countries. These groups are typically armed, organised and politically influential but operate outside the regular military chain of command.
Cuba has the world’s third largest paramilitary force, made up of more than 1.14 million members, as reported by Global Firepower. These groups include state-controlled militias and neighbourhood defence committees. The largest of these, the Territorial Troops Militia, serves as a civilian reserve aimed at assisting the regular army against external threats or during internal crises.
In Venezuela, members of pro-government armed civilian groups known as “colectivos” have been accused of enforcing political control and intimidating opponents. Although not formally part of the armed forces, they are widely seen as operating with state tolerance or support, particularly during periods of unrest under Maduro.
In Colombia, right-wing paramilitary groups emerged in the 1980s to fight left-wing rebels. Although officially demobilised in the mid-2000s, many later re-emerged as criminal or neo-paramilitary organisations, remaining active in rural areas. The earliest groups were organised with the involvement of the Colombian military following guidance from US counterinsurgency advisers during the Cold War.
In Mexico, heavily armed drug cartels function as de facto paramilitary forces. Groups such as the Zetas, originally formed by former soldiers, possess military-grade weapons and exercise territorial control, often outgunning local police and challenging the state’s authority. The Mexican military has increasingly been deployed in law enforcement roles in response.
History of US interference in Latin America
Over the past two centuries, the US has repeatedly interfered in Latin America.
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the so-called Banana Wars saw US forces deployed across Central America to protect corporate interests.
In 1934, President Franklin D Roosevelt introduced the “Good Neighbor Policy”, pledging nonintervention.
Yet during the Cold War, the US financed operations to overthrow elected governments, often coordinated by the CIA, founded in 1947.
Panama is the only Latin American country the US has formally invaded, which occurred in 1989 under President George HW Bush. “Operation Just Cause” ostensibly was aimed at removing President Manuel Noriega, who was later convicted of drug trafficking and other offences.
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