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Amid economic chaos, some Republicans want control of tariffs back in Congress

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Amid economic chaos, some Republicans want control of tariffs back in Congress

As the fallout over President Trump’s tariffs continues to roil the world economy, a few Republicans in Congress have begun discussing how to curb the president’s ability to levy tariffs — taking a rare step to rein in the party leader.

Republican leaders have largely struck a “wait-and-see” attitude toward the tariffs, as well as with their continued effect on the plunging stock market and negative consumer sentiment. Speaker Mike Johnson told reporters Monday that Congress would “weigh in on it, but with the president, with the administration in tandem.”

“I think you’ve got to give the president the latitude, the runway to do what it is he was elected to do, and that is to get the economy going again and get our trade properly balanced with other countries,” Johnson said.

But others in Congress — including a couple of California Republicans — don’t want to wait.

Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) introduced a bill last week, alongside Sen. Maria Cantwell (D-Wash.) and other lawmakers of both parties, to reassert Congress’ authority and limit the president’s power over trade policy. The Trade Review Act of 2025 would require the president to notify Congress of any new tariffs within 48 hours, and to provide analysis and reason for their purpose. It also would allow Congress 60 days to review the tax.

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“I’ve long expressed my view that congress has delegated too much authority on trade to the executive branch under Republican & Democrat presidents,” Grassley posted on X.

Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.) said Sunday that he would introduce a companion bill in the House, so it could advance in both chambers.

Support from Californians

Already, several Republican lawmakers — including California Rep. David Valadao, a Hanford Republican who holds the precarious swing seat in the 22nd Congressional District — suggested support for the legislation. Valadao said on News Nation on Sunday that he needed “to take a better look” at Bacon’s proposal, but it “is something that should be considered.”

“I’ve always been someone who supports giving power back to the Congress the way our founding fathers originally designed,” Valadao said. “And this is one of those powers that belongs in the Congress, and we should be looking at that in, I think, a very serious manner.”

Valadao represents an agriculturally rich swath of the Central Valley, home to acres of almond farms and lemon groves. The congressman said he’d heard from constituents on both sides of the tariffs debate — those whose exports are receiving a stiff reception from other countries, and those who wished for higher tariffs on competing industries. As a dairy farmer himself, Valadao said he used to lobby lawmakers for tariffs against countries whose labor standards or regulations differed from the U.S., making it harder for American companies to compete.

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“They’re competing with me at the grocery store shelf, and it was frustrating,” Valadao said. “I think [tariffs] should be used as a tool to get to a level playing field.”

Other support for the legislation trickled in Monday, as markets continued to drop and bankers talked of a looming recession. Sen. Deb Fischer (R-Neb.) said Monday on Fox Business that she wants “to give the president time” to see the effect of tariffs. But, she acknowledged, “Being able to have input on these tariffs is extremely important.”

A spokesperson for Rep. Young Kim (R-Anaheim Hills), who represents another swing congressional district in California, said the representative was “encouraged” by news from the White House that countries have been lining up to negotiate relief from the tariffs.

“Rep. Kim knows the importance of free trade for Southern California’s economy and believes we can strengthen U.S. industries while promoting free trade with like-minded allies and partners,” spokesperson Callie Strock said in a statement. “While tariffs can be a strategic tool, Rep. Kim is concerned about the impact long-term tariffs can have on families and small businesses already hurting from high taxes and living costs.”

Another California Republican, Rep. Tom McClintock, posted on X last week, “Our trade objective must be: ZERO tariffs, ZERO subsidies and ZERO non-tariff barriers. Tariffs always harm whatever country imposes them. Their only justification is to leverage trading partners to adopt free trade agreements. I hope this is where the President is going.”

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Asked about the Elk Grove representative’s comments, spokesperson Jennifer Cressy said “his views have not changed” since 2018, when McClintock railed against tariffs in a House floor speech.

“There is no more perfect way to turn abundance into scarcity than by levying a tariff on imports,” McClintock said at the time. “Remember, every producer in a society is also a consumer. No consumer benefits from higher prices and no producer benefits from scarcer materials. Every country that has tried protectionism has suffered terribly, including ours.”

Despite the grumbling in Congress, Trump forged ahead. He ratcheted up the trade war with a post Monday on his website, threatening more strikes against China — the world’s largest trading nation, which retaliated against Trump’s 34% tariff last week by issuing its own 34% tariff against the U.S. The White House also indicated that the president would veto a bill restricting his power over tariffs, if it passed, according to Politico.

Are Trump’s tariffs constitutional?

The Constitution gives Congress the power over taxes, duties, imports and exports — including “to regulate commerce with foreign nations.”

But over the years, Congress has given the executive branch more leeway over foreign trade, beginning with the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act in 1934. That allowed the president to make certain changes to tariffs without Congress’ approval, noted legal expert and Loyola Law School professor Jessica Levinson.

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“When you look at an executive order in this area, it’s really a question of whether or not what the president is doing falls within the scope of one of these statutes where Congress has basically thrown the ball to the executive branch,” Levinson said.

Already, the New Civil Liberties Alliance, a nonprofit legal group that challenges administrative overreach, has filed a complaint alleging that the tariffs are unconstitutional. Trump invoked the International Emergency Economic Powers Act to issue tariffs, a move the New Civil Liberties Alliance claimed is not permitted under the statute.

Bacon agreed on CBS News’ “Face the Nation” on Sunday that Trump’s announcement was not a true exercise of emergency powers but a change in tariff policy.

“This is where Congress has to step in and say, do we really want to create this new policy on tariffs?” Bacon said. “And if it is, it should come from Congress, and not the president.”

Another bill, introduced in the Senate last week by Virginia Democrats, would in effect stop U.S. tariffs on Canada — which Trump enacted by declaring a national emergency over the fentanyl crisis — by ending the national emergency.

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Josh Robbins, an attorney at the Pacific Legal Foundation, said an additional legal problem with the president’s tariffs is that Congress was wrong in handing over its tax authority to the executive branch.

“Congress has unconstitutionally given up way too much of its authority … to the president in a statute that really doesn’t have any guardrails on how he can regulate foreign commerce once he declares an emergency,” Robbins said.

During Trump’s first term in office, when he invoked steel tariffs, there was a bipartisan effort in Congress to rein in the president’s power, which ultimately did not pass.

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Nike to Cut 1,400 Jobs as Part of Its Turnaround Plan

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Nike to Cut 1,400 Jobs as Part of Its Turnaround Plan

Nike is cutting about 1,400 jobs in its operations division, mostly from its technology department, the company said Thursday.

In a note to employees, Venkatesh Alagirisamy, the chief operating officer of Nike, said that management was nearly done reorganizing the business for its turnaround plan, and that the goal was to operate with “more speed, simplicity and precision.”

“This is not a new direction,” Mr. Alagirisamy told employees. “It is the next phase of the work already underway.”

Nike, the world’s largest sportswear company, is trying to recover after missteps led to a prolonged sales slump, in which the brand leaned into lifestyle products and away from performance shoes and apparel. Elliott Hill, the chief executive, has worked to realign the company around sports and speed up product development to create more breakthrough innovations.

In March, Nike told investors that it expected sales to fall this year, with growth in North America offset by poor performance in Asia, where the brand is struggling to rejuvenate sales in China. Executives said at the time that more volatility brought on by the war in the Middle East and rising oil prices might continue to affect its business.

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The reorganization has involved cuts across many parts of the organization, including at its headquarters in Beaverton, Ore. Nike slashed some corporate staff last year and eliminated nearly 800 jobs at distribution centers in January.

“You never want to have to go through any sort of layoffs, but to re-center the company, we’re doing some of that,” Mr. Hill said in an interview earlier this year.

Mr. Alagirisamy told employees that Nike was reshaping its technology team and centering employees at its headquarters and a tech center in Bengaluru, India. The layoffs will affect workers across North America, Europe and Asia.

The cuts will also affect staffing in Nike’s factories for Air, the company’s proprietary cushioning system. Employees who work on the supply chain for raw materials will also experience changes as staff is integrated into footwear and apparel teams.

Nike’s Converse brand, which has struggled for years to revive sales, will move some of its engineering resources closer to the factories they support, the company said.

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Mr. Alagirisamy said the moves were necessary to optimize Nike’s supply chain, deploy technology faster and bolster relationships with suppliers.

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Senate committee kills bill mandating insurance coverage for wildfire safe homes

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Senate committee kills bill mandating insurance coverage for wildfire safe homes

A bill that would have required insurers to offer coverage to homeowners who take steps to reduce wildfire risk on their property died in the Legislature.

The Senate Insurance Committee on Monday voted down the measure, SB 1076, one of the most ambitious bills spurred by the devastating January 2025 wildfires.

The vote came despite fire victims and others rallying at the state Capitol in support of the measure, authored by state Sen. Sasha Renée Pérez (D-Pasadena), whose district includes the Eaton fire zone.

The Insurance Coverage for Fire-Safe Homes Act originally would have required insurers to offer and renew coverage for any home that meets wildfire-safety standards adopted by the insurance commissioner starting Jan. 1, 2028.

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It also threatened insurers with a five-year ban from the sale of home or auto insurance if they did not comply, though it allowed for exceptions.

However, faced with strong opposition from the insurance industry, Pérez had agreed to amend the bill so it would have established community-wide pilot projects across the state to better understand the most effective way to limit property and insurance losses from wildfires.

Insurers would have had to offer four years of coverage to homeowners in successful pilot projects.

Denni Ritter, a vice president of the American Property Casualty Insurance Assn., told the committee that her trade group opposed the bill.

“While we appreciate the intent behind those conversations, those concepts do not remove our opposition, because they retain the same core flaw — substituting underwriting judgment and solvency safeguards with a statutory mandate to accept risk,” she said.

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In voting against the bill Sen. Laura Richardson, (D-San Pedro), said: “Last I heard, in the United States, we don’t require any company to do anything. That’s the difference between capitalism and communism, frankly.”

The remarks against the measure prompted committee Chair Sen. Steve Padilla, (D-Chula Vista), to chastise committee members in opposition.

“I’m a little perturbed, and I’m a little disappointed, because you have someone who is trying to work with industry, who is trying to get facts and data,” he said.

Monday’s vote was the fourth time a bill that would have required insurers to offer coverage to so-called “fire hardened” homes failed in the Legislature since 2020, according to an analysis by insurance committee staff.

Fire hardening includes measures such as cutting back brush, installing fire resistant roofs and closing eaves to resist fire embers.

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Pérez’s legislation was thought to have a better chance of passage because it followed the most catastrophic wildfires in U.S. history, which damaged or destroyed more than 18,000 structures and killed 31 people.

The bill was co-sponsored by the Los Angeles advocacy group Consumer Watchdog and Every Fire Survivor’s Network, a community group founded in Altadena after the fires formerly called the Eaton Fire Survivors Network.

But it also had broad support from groups such as the California Apartment Association, the California Nurses Association and California Environmental Voters.

Leading up to the fires, many insurers, citing heightened fire risk, had dropped policyholders in fire-prone neighorhoods. That forced them onto the California FAIR Plan, the state’s insurer of last resort, which offers limited but costly policies.

A Times analysis found that that in the Palisades and Eaton fire zones, the FAIR Plan’s rolls from 2020 to 2024 nearly doubled from 14,272 to 28,440. Mandating coverage has been seen as a way of reducing FAIR Plan enrollment.

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“I’m disappointed this bill died in committee. Fire survivors deserved better,” Pérez said in a statement .

Also failing Monday in the committee was SB 982, a bill authored by Sen. Scott Wiener, (D-San Francisco). It would have authorized California’s attorney general to sue fossil fuel companies to recover losses from climate-induced disasters. It was opposed by the oil and gas industry.

Passing the committee were two other Pérez bills. SB 877 requires insurers to provide more transparency in the claims process. SB 878 imposes a penalty on insurers who don’t make claims payments on time.

Another bill, SB 1301, authored by insurance commissioner candidate Sen. Ben Allen, (D-Pacific Palisades), also passed. It protects policyholders from unexplained and abrupt policy non-renewals.

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How We Cover the White House Correspondents’ Dinner

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How We Cover the White House Correspondents’ Dinner

Times Insider explains who we are and what we do, and delivers behind-the-scenes insights into how our journalism comes together.

Politicians in Washington and the reporters who cover them have an often adversarial relationship.

But on the last Saturday in April, they gather for an irreverent celebration of press freedom and the First Amendment at the Washington Hilton Hotel: The White House Correspondents’ Association dinner.

Hosted by the association, an organization that helps ensure access for media outlets covering the presidency, the dinner attracts Hollywood stars; politicians from both parties; and representatives of more than 100 networks, newspapers, magazines and wire services.

While The Times will have two reporters in the ballroom covering the event, the company no longer buys seats at the party, said Richard W. Stevenson, the Washington bureau chief. The decision goes back almost two decades; the last dinner The Times attended as an organization was in 2007.

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“We made a judgment back then that the event had become too celebrity-focused and was undercutting our need to demonstrate to readers that we always seek to maintain a proper distance from the people we cover, many of whom attend as guests,” he said.

It’s a decision, he added, that “we have stuck by through both Republican and Democratic administrations, although we support the work of the White House Correspondents’ Association.”

Susan Wessling, The Times’s Standards editor, said the policy is a product of the organization’s desire to maintain editorial independence.

“We don’t want to leave readers with any questions about our independence and credibility by seeming to be overly friendly with people whose words and actions we need to report on,” she said.

The celebrity mentalist Oz Pearlman is headlining the evening, in lieu of the usual comedy set by the likes of Stephen Colbert and Hasan Minhaj, but all eyes will be on President Trump, who will make his first appearance at the dinner as president.

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Mr. Trump has boycotted the event since 2011, when he was the butt of punchlines delivered by President Barack Obama and the talk show host Seth Meyers mocking his hair, his reality TV show and his preoccupation with the “birther” movement.

Last month, though, Mr. Trump, who has a contentious relationship with the media, announced his intention to attend this year’s dinner, where he will speak to a room full of the same reporters he often derides as “enemies of the people.”

Times reporters will be there to document the highs, the lows and the reactions in the room. A reporter for the Styles desk has also been assigned to cover the robust roster of after-parties around Washington.

Some off-duty reporters from The Times will also be present at this late-night circuit, though everyone remains cognizant of their roles, said Patrick Healy, The Times’s assistant managing editor for Standards and Trust.

“If they’re reporting, there’s a notebook or recorder out as usual,” he said. “If they’re not, they’re pros who know they’re always identifiable as Times journalists.”

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For most of The Times’s reporters and editors, though, the evening will be experienced from home.

“The rest of us will be able to follow the coverage,” Mr. Stevenson said, “without having to don our tuxes or gowns.”

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