New York
Fears of ICE Raids Turn Streets Quiet in Heavily Hispanic Part of NYC
The taco joint just around the corner from Corona Plaza, the beating heart of one of New York City’s largest Latin American neighborhoods, fell quiet in the days after President Trump was inaugurated.
The restaurant’s Mexican waitress, who is undocumented, witnessed federal immigration authorities arrest someone a few blocks from the plaza, and now limits her time outside, afraid that being on the street leaves her more vulnerable to immigration agents. She dwells on the incident as she stares at empty tables once packed with immigrant families and construction workers.
Across the street, sales have plummeted at a Colombian bakery. The shop used to take in about $1,600 most mornings selling soups and pastries, but now makes about $900. Workers at the bakery scour WhatsApp groups for news of immigration raids in the neighborhood, even as the messaging app swirls with misinformation.
And at the Guatemalan restaurant at the edge of the plaza, fewer customers are dining in, with sales declining by about half. But takeout orders have picked up.
“Everyone calls for food now,” Linda Hernandez, 44, said as she served a baked tamal to one of four customers in the 20-seat restaurant in early February, next to a sign warning people not to open their doors to immigration authorities. “No one wants to sit down to eat.”
From New York to California, Mr. Trump’s campaign to arrest and deport millions of undocumented immigrants has spread fear and consternation, instantly subduing once-lively neighborhoods across the United States.
The administration began with a media blitz, publicizing raids in big cities and deportation flights to Latin America. The showmanship was supported by some early numbers that showed an increase in immigration arrests, even as the authorities appear to be struggling to round up enough people to meet Mr. Trump’s mass deportation goals. The shock-and-awe tactic, however, has profoundly rattled immigrant communities.
Few neighborhoods in New York were paralyzed like Corona, a working-class enclave that is about 75 percent Hispanic, home to generations of immigrants from Mexico, Colombia, Ecuador, the Dominican Republic and elsewhere.
But Corona was also one of the neighborhoods that swung most sharply toward Mr. Trump in last year’s election. Mr. Trump’s inroads, in Corona and elsewhere, exposed simmering tension between established immigrants and more recent arrivals who crossed the border during an era of more lenient Democratic policies.
Immigration, legal and otherwise, has long shaped this stretch of northern Queens. Waves of migration transformed Corona from an Italian stronghold at the turn of the 20th century into a magnet for African American families after World War II, and then a bustling hub for Central and South Americans in recent decades.
That diversity has been most palpable in Corona Plaza, once a forlorn lot. The city paved it into a modest pedestrian plaza that quickly pulsated with life as vendors moved in to sell chorizos and cafe de olla, filling the air with a mix of Spanish dialects. Nearby, on Roosevelt Avenue, the aroma of Colombian coffee melded with the scent of lomo saltado from Peru, the blaring rhythms of cumbia and reggaeton and the roar of the elevated No. 7 train.
Many residents here crowd into cheap apartments with strangers. Most work the service jobs that form the backbone of the city’s economy: cleaning, cooking, building.
Many are undocumented.
So it was perhaps no surprise that the once-bustling plaza, and the streets around it, cleared out the day Mr. Trump was inaugurated. Immigrants stayed indoors. Food vendors retreated. And many people continued to stay off the streets as U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents fanned out across the city a week later, an absence that hurt local businesses.
The combination of deportation fears, frigid temperatures and a recent police crackdown on illegal vending all helped mute the neighborhood — and created an eerily familiar scene in what was once the epicenter of the coronavirus pandemic. The virus killed hundreds in Corona and hobbled the area’s economic recovery.
“It reminds me of Covid, but this is new,” said Fernando Cando, 48, who moved to Queens from Ecuador with his family in 1982, when he was a young boy. “If I were to sum it up with one word, it’s panic. We’ve never seen this.”
Mr. Cando owns Leticias, an Ecuadorean restaurant with dishes based on his mother’s recipes. He said he recently began brushing up on his workers’ rights in case ICE shows up at the restaurant. He has instructed the workers not to run from agents, and has wondered whether they could take refuge in the restaurant’s basement. Despite the fear, his workers continue to show up, even if diners aren’t always there with the same frequency.
ICE sightings — whether real, imagined or distorted on social media and text threads — dominate conversations. Some parents have stopped sending their children to school. And some families are talking about moving back to their home countries: the “self-deportation” that the Trump administration is actively encouraging.
Liliana Sanchez, who migrated from Mexico two decades ago, said she spotted ICE officers almost daily in the neighborhood after Mr. Trump took office, usually knocking on people’s doors. The sightings have been less frequent recently. But her two children, who are U.S. citizens, still call her after school to make sure she has not been detained in Corona Plaza while selling atole, a hot masa-based Mexican drink.
“They’re afraid for me every time I come sell,” Ms. Sanchez, 38, said in Spanish. “But if I stay home, who’s going to bring home the money for rent?”
Immigration lawyers are being inundated with calls from immigrants seeking answers to basic questions: Can they go to work, seek care at hospitals and call the police to report a crime without being deported?
“The phones are ringing off the hook,” said Anibal Romero, an immigration lawyer whose office overlooking Corona Plaza has received as many as 700 calls a day since Mr. Trump’s inauguration, up from just under 100 a day. “We’ve frankly become an emergency room for mental health.”
Even so, the heightened anxiety, described by nearly two dozen Corona residents in interviews with The New York Times, belies a complicated reality.
In New York City, and across the country, Mr. Trump made significant gains in many working-class immigrant neighborhoods like Corona. He captured 46 percent of the national Latino vote on his way to victory and bucked conventional wisdom about Hispanics’ support of the Democratic Party.
Kamala Harris still won Corona with about 57 percent of the vote, but underperformed compared with Joseph R. Biden Jr. in 2020, who won the area with 77 percent of the vote. Mr. Trump garnered about 3,000 more votes in Corona in 2024 than in 2020, winning entire precincts and nearly doubling his vote share to 42 percent, up from 23 percent four years before.
Mr. Trump won over Hispanics who were upset about the economy, but also tapped into resentment among established immigrants over what they regarded as preferential treatment — including temporary legal status, work permits and free shelter — given to migrants who arrived during the Biden administration.
In New York City, that pent-up frustration led to intense friction amid a three-year influx of 230,000 migrants who spilled into Corona and other neighborhoods. Longtime residents — even undocumented immigrants who can’t vote — raised quality-of-life concerns that many attributed to the recent arrivals.
Business owners in Corona Plaza complained about an increase in homelessness and street vendors without licenses in recent years. Local officials and residents lamented excessive trash and flashes of violence among intoxicated men who they said created visible disorder that scared off customers. And a prostitution problem long plaguing parts of Roosevelt Avenue grew worse.
That all led Mayor Eric Adams, a Democrat, to deploy more police officers to the area and crack down on brothels and illegal vending last year, leading to a noticeable decline in both.
For some Corona residents, it was too little, too late.
Altagracia Fernandez, from the Dominican Republic, said the deteriorating conditions had nearly caused her to shutter the beauty salon she opened 35 years ago. Things got so bad, she said, that hosing down human excrement outside her shop became a regular morning chore.
“I always voted Democratic, but I couldn’t take it anymore,” said Ms. Fernandez, 63, who voted for Mr. Trump. “The situation got too severe. I’m fighting for what is mine,” she said, referring to her salon.
Pastor Victor Tiburcio, the spiritual leader of Aliento de Vida, a Pentecostal church on Corona Plaza with more than 2,500 congregants from 30 countries, has been grappling with those contradictions since Mr. Trump’s election.
On a recent Sunday, Mr. Tiburcio leaned on a message of hope. He urged worried churchgoers to be mindful of misinformation and not to fear calling 911 or going to the hospital.
“Don’t abstain from doing what you have to do out of fear for ICE,” he said in a crowded theater-turned-church, a glimmer of the vibrancy that has not been fully extinguished in the neighborhood. “Finding God is an SOS during these times.”
In an interview after the service, Mr. Tiburcio, who migrated from the Dominican Republic 27 years ago, reflected on what he said was the silver lining of Mr. Trump’s crackdown. Almost overnight, he said, the president’s tough talk had scared off unruly migrants whom the pastor blamed for “fetid” conditions in Corona and for tarnishing the working-class values that defined immigrants.
“Those people that arrived here in the past few years — and I can’t say all of them, because I’m an immigrant, too — but we noticed something weird,” said Mr. Tiburcio, referring to instances of loitering and public drinking.
“Once Trump came in, they disappeared,” he continued. “Immigrants should be welcomed, helped. The Bible says that. But the Bible does not say that an immigrant has a right to delinquency.”
Other immigrants, though uneasy about the high-profile crimes committed by some recent arrivals, were more wary of stoking rifts between recent immigrants and those who have been here longer.
“It’s not resentment,” said Faviana Linares, who migrated from Mexico nearly three decades ago. “You have to be very brave to leave everything behind and bring your family here. I admire those people.”
Ms. Linares, 47, left everything behind when she departed Puebla — so many people have migrated from the Mexican region that New York has become known as “Puebla York” — and settled in Corona. She has made a living cleaning apartments, initially for well below the minimum wage, while her husband works at restaurants. They are both undocumented, but their three children are U.S. citizens.
Like many mixed-status families, they have made emergency plans in case the parents are deported: Their 24-year-old daughter would become the guardian of the two other children.
Despite the ever-present possibility that the family will be separated — Ms. Linares has cousins who were deported — she said she has concentrated on transmitting hope to her children and neighbors amid the doom-and-gloom headlines.
Recently, that has meant channeling her energy into the immigrant advocacy group she belongs to, Make the Road New York, which opened a new office across from Corona Plaza in February, just as the neighborhood fell quiet.
“Our only crime was to cross that border,” Ms. Linares said. “It’s not fair to feel persecuted. All we came to do was to work with dignity.”
Alex Lemonides and Keith Collins contributed reporting.
Audio produced by Patricia Sulbarán.
New York
Kataib Hezbollah Commander Accused of Planning Attacks on N.Y.C.
A commander of an Iranian-backed militia has been charged with plotting to attack Jewish sites in the United States, including a synagogue in New York City, and carrying out terror attacks in Europe as part of a broader campaign of retaliation by Iran since the war began in February.
A criminal complaint unsealed on Friday accused the commander, Mohammad Baqer Saad Dawood al-Saadi, of planning at least 20 attacks against U.S. and Israeli interests in Europe and Canada since late February. Mr. al-Saadi was detained in Turkey recently and handed over to U.S. authorities, Mr. al-Saadi’s lawyer said in federal court in Manhattan on Friday. Mr. al-Saadi appeared in court on Friday, but did not enter a plea.
Mr. al-Saadi, according to the complaint, is a commander of Kataib Hezbollah, an Iraqi militia that is a proxy for the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps and has helped Tehran project power across the region, including through attacks on American forces and diplomatic targets. While Kataib Hezbollah has long been one of the most important groups serving as an armed proxy for Iran in the Middle East, it does not have a history of organizing attacks outside the region.
Since the U.S. and Israeli militaries attacked Iran in February, the authorities in Europe and the United States have heightened security, especially at Jewish sites, warning of retaliation. The Iranian government’s forces have carried out attacks on U.S. military sites in the Middle East and targeted infrastructure in Arab nations closely aligned to the United States.
The complaint directly tied Mr. al-Saadi, 32, to an obscure group called Harakat Ashab al-Yamin al-Islamiyya that emerged in March. The group took credit for attacks in London, Belgium and the Netherlands without disclosing its links to the Iraqi militia.
At the time, counterterrorism officials said they were investigating whether the group had ties to Iran and whether the attacks were part of a wave of low-cost, unsophisticated methods to sow fear in Jewish communities across Europe. The people accused of carrying out the European attacks do not appear to be linked to extremist groups and were most likely recruited with promises of money, according to authorities and lawyers.
But U.S. authorities, according to the complaint, say Harakat Ashab al-Yamin al-Islamiyya was a front for Kataib Hezbollah, a U.S. designated terrorist group, and investigators noted the similarities between their logos.
“Essentially overnight, Harakat Ashab al-Yamin al-Islamiya was able to activate terrorist cells across Europe” in response to the war in Iran, according to the complaint, which was signed by a special agent of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. The violence stoked a new wave of anxiety for European Jews who were fearful that their communities would be targeted.
The arrest came as President Trump weighed renewing strikes to force Iran to meet his demands. Since late February, the strikes have focused on killing Iran’s top leaders, including the ayatollah, and disrupting the government’s abilities to operate terrorist networks across the region.
Since Mr. Trump’s first term in office, the Department of Justice has said it has disrupted numerous plots linked to Iran, including at least one aimed at killing the president, but not directly organized or carried out by Iran or its proxies.
From its inception, the Kataib Hezbollah has been closely tied to Iran’s Quds Force — the overseas arm of the powerful Revolutionary Guards. It made evicting U.S. forces from Iraq a primary focus. Kataib Hezbollah’s repeated attacks on U.S. Army posts in Iraq and Syria over the years contributed to Washington’s decision in 2009 to designate it as a foreign terrorist organization.
The complaint says that Mr. al-Saadi planned to kill “Americans and Jews” in Los Angeles and Arizona and that he had started planning an attack on a synagogue in New York City.
Mr. al-Saadi is one of the highest level figures tied to Iran known to have been arrested by the United States since the start of the war. For years, and during the current conflict, the United States and Israel have focused on killing Iranian officials.
As a leader of Kataib Hezbollah, Mr. al-Saadi worked with Maj. Gen. Qassim Suleimani, the head of Iran’s security machinery, according to the complaint. The U.S. military killed Mr. Suleimani in a drone strike in 2020.
Mr. al-Saadi’s case appears to involve the kind of retaliatory act of terrorism that U.S. officials have long anticipated and feared.
Jay Clayton, the U.S. attorney in Manhattan, said, “Al-Saadi attempted to disrupt American society through intimidation and violence. In a righteous and just contrast, his prosecution will highlight the best of our country.”
Speaking at a Friday night prayer service at Temple Emanu-El on Manhattan’s Upper East Side, one of the country’s largest Reform synagogues, the New York police commissioner, Jessica S. Tisch, said the plot in New York had intended to target “the heart of our Jewish community.”
She did not identify the synagogue, but said that Mr. al-Saadi had chosen it because of its support for Israel. Officials from her department were working with the leaders of the synagogue to ensure its safety, she said.
Since March 9, the complaint says, there have been attacks against synagogues in Liège, Belgium and Rotterdam, Netherlands, and against a Jewish school in Amsterdam. There have been attacks against the Bank of New York Mellon in Amsterdam and the Bank of America building in Paris, which are both U.S. based companies.
In London, there was an arson attack on four Hatzalah ambulances, which serve primarily Orthodox Jewish communities, and in late April in that city, an individual stabbed and seriously injured two Jewish men — including a dual U.S.-British citizen.
The complaint says Mr. al-Saadi worked closely and in person with Mr. Suleimani, who led the Quds Force before his death in the drone strike. Mr. al-Saadi also worked closely with the Iraqi militant leader who led Kataib Hezbollah, known by the nom de guerre Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, who was also killed in the same drone strike, the complaint says.
Mr. al-Saadi, in a March 20 phone call, discussed with an individual the European terrorist attacks and said he sought help in planning additional attacks in the United States and that he was willing to kill people in them, according to the complaint. He referred to “Ashab al-Yamin” on the call, but said they did not need help in Europe. “Things are working for us here in Europe,” he said.
The complaint describes the person Mr. al-Saadi spoke with only as “a source of information for the F.B.I.” — or SOI-1, who recorded the call and has voluntarily provided information to the bureau about Mr. al-Saadi.
The complaint says Mr. al-Saadi claimed he was “running multiple teams” and asked whether SOI-1 could help carry out attacks in the United States and in Canada, against targets like “Jewish synagogues” and “Zionist headquarters.”
In an April 1 call, Mr. al-Saadi asked SOI-1 for someone who could carry out such attacks and how much that person would want to be paid, the complaint says. SOI-1 said he was able to find “a Mexican person” who was willing to carry out a bombing operation.
According to the complaint, Mr. al-Saadi said during the call: “This war will not end. Either they eradicate us, or we eradicate them.”
In a call two days later, SOI-1 introduced Mr. al-Saadi to an undercover law enforcement officer who was posing as a Mexican cartel member who SOI-1 said could carry out a terrorist attack in New York and elsewhere in the United States.
That same day, Mr. al-Saadi texted the purported cartel member a photograph and a map showing the location of a prominent Jewish synagogue in Manhattan and an Arabic document describing its congregation as one supporting “the right for Israel to exist,” the complaint says.
Mr. al-Saadi also sent photos and maps of additional potential targets: two prominent Jewish centers in Los Angeles and Scottsdale, Ariz.
The complaint says Mr. al-Saadi agreed to pay $10,000 for the attacks, and on April 4, he paid the purported cartel member $3,000 in cryptocurrency in anticipation of the synagogue attack in New York.
The complaint says that on April 6, Mr. al-Saadi relayed a message to the purported cartel member through SOI-1 that “the operation needs to happen TODAY.”
That evening, the purported cartel member sent Mr. al-Saadi a video showing there was a police presence on the block where the synagogue was located. About an hour later, Mr. al-Saadi asked for an update on the status of the attack, but did not receive a response, the complaint says.
The next morning, it says, Mr. al-Saadi again asked the purported cartel member what had happened, and why the operation had not been completed.
Mr. al-Saadi was charged with, among other counts, conspiring to provide material support to Kataib Hezbollah and the Revolutionary Guards and conspiracy to bomb a place of public use.
On Friday, Mr. al-Saadi entered the courtroom shortly after 1 p.m. wearing army green pants and a black shirt. He nodded as a magistrate judge, Sarah Netburn, read the charges, and he then spoke animatedly with his lawyer through an interpreter. The lawyer, Andrew Dalack, told the judge that his client understood the charges and wanted the court to know that he was a political prisoner.
As the hearing came to a close, Mr. Dalack said his client wanted him to reiterate that it was “very important” for the court know that “he is a political prisoner and prisoner of war and should be treated as such.”
Euan Ward and Adam Goldman contributed reporting.
New York
Questions Arise About Jack Schlossberg’s Readiness for Congress
Good morning. It’s Friday. We’ll look at the Manhattan congressional campaign of Jack Schlossberg, President John F. Kennedy’s grandson. We’ll also get details on an obscure metric that will figure in the new second-home tax in New York City.
Jack Schlossberg is one of nine candidates running for a House seat in Manhattan. When he entered the race, he was known for his social media personality — and for being President John F. Kennedy’s grandson. But rapid staff turnover and Schlossberg’s own erratic actions have gotten attention in the New York political world. With the Democratic primary only six weeks away, I asked my colleague Nicholas Fandos for an assessment.
His campaign sounds like it’s not ready for prime time. Is that a reasonable assessment? This is the first time he’s run for office.
There are few political campaigns that I’ve covered that are not at least a little messy. It comes with the territory. But the degree of the messiness in Schlossberg’s campaign, and the specifics, are unusual.
He has had a surprisingly high rate of staff turnover — at least two campaign managers, two field directors, a handful of advisers and a rotating cast of consultants in the six months since he announced his candidacy.
On the day of his campaign launch, Schlossberg said he needed to nap and then was unreachable for most of the rest of the day, which left his team scrambling. A couple of weeks after the announcement, he had a run-in with a sitting congressman who felt that Schlossberg had ripped off his social media commentary.
Many candidates run on their records. What does Schlossberg list as accomplishments when he’s asked?
Schlossberg has relatively little professional experience, so when he talks about what qualifies him for the job, he brings up things like receiving law and business degrees at Harvard, scoring near the top on the bar exam and being an E.M.T. in college. He’s also worked as a freelancer for Vogue and as an assistant at the State Department, but both of those gigs lasted only a few months. And he readily points out that he has built a large social media following.
There is no standard set of qualifications to be a member of Congress, but most people who run have worked their way up through local government or careers in business or the law. Sclossberg has not followed any of those paths.
What was that social media dust-up about?
Social media seems to be one of Schlossberg’s biggest strengths, but it’s also potentially a vulnerability. He has built a large audience with revealing, funny and sometimes outright bizarre posts that are captivating to some and alienating to others.
I found that in at least one case in this campaign, he essentially mimicked a video from Representative Seth Moulton, a Democrat from Massachusetts, commenting on President Trump’s policy on Venezuela. He made his own video, saying almost the same thing Moulton had said. He rewrote the words, but it was still very close.
Moulton’s team was so taken aback that they reached out to Schlossberg, asking, What gives? They were told that he had indeed copied Moulton’s post because he had liked it so much. This may be common social media practice, but it’s traditionally been a no-no in politics.
What about fund-raising? Has he raised more than his opponents?
He’s doing well on fund-raising. He’s not at the front of the pack, but he has raised $2.3 million from donors.
Some of that has come from small donations across the country, and others from large checks from friends of his famous family. He has his own substantial wealth but has said that he does not intend to spend any of it on the race.
Is he the front-runner right now?
There has not been good polling. The internal polls that we have seen show that he’s a slight favorite in a crowded field that includes two state assemblymen, Micah Lasher and Alex Bores. Lasher is a protégé of Representative Jerrold Nadler, who’s vacating the seat they’re all running for.
Two of the other candidates are George Conway, a former Republican who has become one of President Trump’s biggest critics, and Nina Schwalbe, a global health expert.
Schlossberg did not talk to you when you were reporting the story you wrote. What did his aides tell you about Schlossberg’s management of his campaign and the turnover of his staff?
Schlossberg’s campaign did not dispute most of the details in my story. They downplayed the significance of the staff turnover, saying no one should be surprised that a first-time candidate, especially one as intense as he is, would cycle through staff members in a high-pressure campaign.
In addressing his occasional absences from the campaign, they pointed out that the campaign had coincided with the death of his sister Tatiana Schlossberg, from cancer.
Weather
Sunny skies with a high around 67 degrees. Tonight will be mostly clear with a low near 54.
ALTERNATE-SIDE PARKING
In effect until May 22 (Shavuot).
QUOTE OF THE DAY
“I’m standing behind a mylar curtain, building the character. I part the curtain, stand in a fixed position, and allow the audience to feed me with shouts of joy and respect and admiration and whatever else they’re thinking. Let the people have what they came for. Apotheosis.” — André De Shields, who plays the godlike Old Deuteronomy in “Cats: The Jellicle Ball,” on how he gets into character.
What’s the “market value” of your co-op or condo?
Those two words are in quotation marks for a reason. In New York City, the “market value” of an apartment may not be what it sells for, because “market value” is a bureaucratic metric that often underestimates an apartment’s actual worth.
“Market value” will figure in the new tax surcharge on part-time residents of the city. As proposed by Gov. Kathy Hochul, the second-home tax plan would initially target co-ops and condos that have a “market value” of at least $1 million. They would be taxed an extra 4 percent to 6.5 percent in addition to their existing property taxes.
How many apartments would be affected is unclear. The governor’s office says that an apartment with a “market value” of $1 million would sell for about $5 million. But the disparity is often more pronounced: One Midtown Manhattan penthouse with a “market value” of about $4.2 million sold for more than $135 million last year.
The surcharge has been the talk of the New York political world since Hochul announced it last month. It wouldn’t bring in as much revenue as some of its boosters had wanted, but Mayor Zohran Mamdani cast it as an example of how government was making good on his promise to tax the rich.
The “market value” metric would govern second-home surcharge payments for only the first two years of the new tax. After that, the city and the state would rely on a different measurement to determine which properties are above the threshold. That new metric would be added to a tax system that many taxpayers already find impenetrable.
“I know we just sent people around the moon and back, so you’d think anything is possible,” said Jason Haber, a real estate broker and a co-founder of the American Real Estate Association. “But because of how the city tax system is set up, this is crazy complicated in the first place. And they tried to rush it though, I think without fully appreciating its complexity.”
METROPOLITAN diary
Out of stock
Dear Diary:
It was a Saturday, and I was on Fifth Avenue and 14th Street. Two young women were walking and talking behind me.
“Is there anything you need at the market?” one said.
“The will to live,” the other replied.
I couldn’t help myself.
“I don’t think they sell that there,” I said.
We all laughed and kept going.
— Nancy Lane
Illustrated by Agnes Lee. Tell us your New York story here and read more Metropolitan Diary here.
New York
Mystery Grows Around Representative Thomas Kean Jr.’s Absence
Where is Representative Thomas Kean Jr.?
Lately, curious political watchers have noted where Mr. Kean is not. He seems to be absent on Capitol Hill, where he represents the people of New Jersey’s Seventh District but hasn’t cast a vote in more than two months. Mr. Kean, a Republican, has not been seen on the campaign trail as he runs for re-election in a competitive midterm race.
He has not appeared in pixel form, either: No candid photos have emerged of the incumbent to allay the worries of donors and constituents. Two weeks ago his office released a written statement, attributed to Mr. Kean, explaining that he was dealing with a “medical issue” and would be back “very soon.”
Since then? No reported sightings.
Mr. Kean’s social media accounts have remained active in his prolonged absence. The posts are often written in the first person, but paired with older photos.
“What we are being assured is that his team is carrying the torch,” Tina Shah, who is vying for the chance to unseat Mr. Kean, said on Tuesday at a debate with three other Democrats. “But we elected Tom Kean Jr., not his team.”
Members of Mr. Kean’s team were seated conspicuously in the third row, watching as the Democrats took turns weighing in on their boss’s mysterious absence. Afterward, his chief of staff, Dan Scharfenberger, reiterated a now familiar explanation.
“He’s dealing with a personal health condition, and he’ll be back soon,” Mr. Scharfenberger said in an interview.
When pressed on the nature of the health condition and why Mr. Kean had not been seen in New Jersey or in Washington, Mr. Scharfenberger said, “There’s no cameras where Tom is.”
He declined to elaborate.
National Democratic officials see Mr. Kean’s district — a largely affluent and suburban region that stretches like a girdle across North Jersey from its eastern shoreline to its western border with Pennsylvania — as one of the party’s best pickup opportunities in November. And Democrats had been aggressively targeting his seat well before Mr. Kean began missing votes.
“He’s going to be totally fine, and he’ll be back to a full schedule soon,” Harrison Neely, Mr. Kean’s spokesman, said on Tuesday.
Soon may not be imminent. The Morris County Chamber of Commerce has amended the program for a May 28 breakfast meeting focused on Washington policies, saying that Mr. Kean will no longer be speaking at the event.
“As you no doubt have heard, Congressman Kean will be unable to appear due to his ongoing health concerns,” a notice posted on the chamber’s website states. “We wish him well.”
Mr. Neely had no immediate response on whether the congressman had canceled other similar events.
Democrats vying for the Seventh District seat have seemed cautious about attacking Mr. Kean, perhaps aware of the political risk of going after a man whose condition is not known. But at Tuesday’s debate, a few of them offered some measured criticism about the Republican’s lack of transparency.
“Look, at the end of the day you’re a public servant,” said Brian Varela, who owns child care centers and is campaigning to abolish the Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency. “And while I don’t think you need to be putting your own personal medical history out there, you at the very least have a responsibility to be communicating with your constituents and with your district.”
Michael Roth, who helped to lead the Small Business Administration during the Biden administration, said most workers would be required to be more transparent with their employers if they needed to take two months off.
“If you were missing work, you would tell your boss,” he said. “And Tom Kean Jr.’s boss is the people.”
Rebecca Bennett, a former Navy helicopter pilot who has worked as a strategist for health care companies, avoided discussing Mr. Kean’s absence and instead said the election was about the job Mr. Kean had been doing before he disappeared from public view.
Mr. Kean is the only Republican on the June 2 primary ballot. If he had exited the race at least 62 days before the primary, a three-person team of campaign advisers would have filled the vacancy. Republican leaders from the district’s six counties would select a nominee if he were to drop out after the primary. His aides maintain that the congressman has no plans to bow out.
Leonard Lance, a moderate Republican who lost re-election in the Seventh District in 2018 after five terms in Congress, said the loss of any of the state’s three G.O.P. House members would be a blow to New Jersey’s historically centrist core. But he said he believed Mr. Kean was still the best candidate “by far” to fend off what is likely to be a fierce Democratic challenge.
“I take at face value the statement of his office that he will be back at 100 percent,” Mr. Lance said.
There were no reported sightings of Mr. Kean on Wednesday, the day after the debate. However, the congressman’s X account did post an update on his activities.
“I’m pleased to join the Congressional Crypto Caucus,” the post said. “The United States must lead on digital assets — driving innovation, delivering regulatory clarity and protecting consumers. I look forward to working with this bipartisan group of colleagues to advance that agenda.”
Kirsten Noyes contributed research.
-
Tennessee2 minutes agoMother of slain Tennessee deputy pushes for nationwide domestic violence registry
-
Texas8 minutes agoWinning numbers drawn in Friday’s Texas All or Nothing Night
-
Utah14 minutes agoOwl found stuck in a concrete mixer in Utah is on the mend and flying free
-
Vermont20 minutes ago
VT Lottery Mega Millions, Gimme 5 results for May 15, 2026
-
Virginia26 minutes agoVirginia Lottery Mega Millions, Pick 3 Night results for May 15, 2026
-
Washington32 minutes ago
Washington Lottery Mega Millions, Cash Pop results for May 15, 2026
-
Wisconsin38 minutes agoWisconsin severe thunderstorm watch into Saturday morning
-
West Virginia44 minutes agoWVWC hosts 50th West Virginia State Mathematics Field Day