Maine
Opinion: Let’s keep Maine’s packaging law moving forward
This week, out-of-state corporations launched a last-minute attempt to slow down implementation of Maine’s Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) for Packaging law, a practical and proven approach to reducing taxpayer costs and curbing wasteful packaging. As the Senate co-chair of the Environment and Natural Resources Committee, I want to clarify why Maine lawmakers passed this law, the rigorous process behind it, and the immense benefits it brings to Maine’s communities and environment.
The EPR for Packaging law is not an untested idea – it’s a proven model successfully implemented in dozens of countries and regions across the globe. In fact, the majority of the developed world already requires producers of packaging to share in the cost of managing the waste they create. Maine is following a well-worn path that reduces waste, improves recycling rates, and ensures the financial burden does not unfairly fall on municipalities and taxpayers.
This law took years to craft, with broad public input and careful deliberation at every step. It passed after a three-year legislative process that included multiple bills, work sessions and stakeholder input. Rulemaking has continued for an additional two years, with dozens of public meetings and opportunities for improvement. Contrary to claims that businesses need “more time” to develop a workable solution, there has been no shortage of engagement opportunities. Unfortunately, many of those now criticizing the law – including the large out-of-state corporations responsible for our waste crisis – have consistently failed to offer meaningful alternative solutions and instead are working hard to thwart the law.
Let’s be clear: Maine has a waste problem and right now the burden for dealing with it falls solely on our taxpayers. Voluntary efforts by some businesses have not been enough. Without systemic change, taxpayers and municipalities will continue to shoulder the costs of managing waste from packaging, while large corporations remain unaccountable. The EPR for Packaging law shifts these costs to where they belong – on the producers who have control over the materials they put into the market.
The statutory exemptions for small businesses and updated rules demonstrate the state’s responsiveness to business concerns. Yet opponents continue to mischaracterize the law, despite these concessions. Small- and medium-sized Maine businesses with annual revenues under $5 million are exempt from the law. This legislation is targeted at large corporations – such as Amazon, Walmart and Procter & Gamble – that are responsible for the majority of packaging waste, much of which is single-use plastic. These companies already comply with similar laws worldwide. If these companies can adapt in other markets, they can do so here.
Opponents claim uncertainty about costs, but these costs are not new. They are currently borne by Maine’s property taxpayers and municipalities, which budget for waste management without knowing what materials will come into their towns or if markets will exist for those materials. Under EPR, producers will have financial incentives to reduce packaging waste, creating a system that is both more efficient and environmentally sustainable.
Critics suggest these costs will be passed on to consumers. However, evidence from other jurisdictions does not support this claim. These scare tactics aim to manipulate public opinion and officials, undermining a law that benefits Maine people and protects our environment. Companies that produce plastic packaging are keen to keep the market for single-use plastics in packaging prolific, as it benefits their bottom line.
Finally, it is important to note that full implementation is still two years away, with clear guidance and support forthcoming from the stewardship organization. This measured timeline ensures that businesses can prepare and adapt effectively.
The EPR for Packaging law is a practical approach that addresses our waste crisis while supporting Maine communities and taxpayers. It aligns with practices around the world, where businesses take responsibility for the lifecycle of their products. Maine deserves no less.
On Dec. 5, the Board of Environmental Protection is expected to vote on this critical rule. I urge my fellow Mainers to see through the misinformation and recognize this law for what it is: a step forward for our state, our environment and our future.
Maine
You Don’t Have to Miss Out on Wings Anymore Thanks to This Maine Favorite
If you’re gluten-free or have celiac disease, you know the feeling: sometimes you just want what everyone else is eating. Wings, fries, pizza, those classic comfort foods that can often feel off-limits. Thankfully, Maine is really starting to show up for the gluten-free community. More restaurants are adding gluten-free options to their menus, and even better, more places are investing in separate fryers to help keep us safe.
One local favorite that deserves a reminder is 104 Main Public House in Topsham. They’ve been serving gluten-free wings, pizza, and fries for quite a while, but it’s worth highlighting again because they do it right. Their menu includes gluten-free wings and gluten-free pizza options, and they are known for accommodating gluten-free diners.
As someone who has personally eaten their wings, I can confidently say they’re delicious and I’ve always felt safe ordering them. Knowing they have a dedicated fryer makes all the difference when you’re navigating celiac disease and trying to enjoy a meal without worrying about cross-contact.
The real question is: are you a ranch or blue cheese person? Do you go for classic BBQ or are you all about the hot wings? Either way, if you’ve been craving crispy, flavorful wings this summer, 104 Main should be at the top of your list.
It’s great to see more Maine restaurants making gluten-free dining easier, and tastier, for all of us.
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Maine
Atlantic Explorer pilot recounts historic 3,000 mile flight from Maine to Europe – The County
Pilots of the Atlantic Explorer, which lifted off from Presque Isle Thursday in a quest to make the first trans-Atlantic crossing by hydrogen balloon, smile after heading out over the open ocean Friday. From left are Alicia Hempleman-Adams, Bert Padelt and Peter Cuneo. (Courtesy of Peter Cuneo)
Days after Bert Padelt completed a history-making 2,852-mile balloon journey from Maine to Europe across the Atlantic Ocean, the whole experience still felt like a blur.
The closet-sized basket where he and his co-pilots endured torrential rain, snow and freezing temperatures was packed up, its voluminous canopy deflated, but the world record-holding American balloon builder couldn’t believe he had finally accomplished a lifelong dream.
“I kept waking up thinking, did this really happen?” Padelt said in an interview with the Bangor Daily News from Luxembourg, where the Atlantic Explorer landed on June 7. “It’s now starting to sink in, and it has turned out better than I ever thought it would.”
Padelt — who is from Pennsylvania — alongside fellow American Peter Cuneo and British explorer Alicia Hempleman-Adams, are now the first people to cross an ocean in a hydrogen-powered open-basket balloon, and just the 20th team ever to mount a successful trans-Atlantic balloon flight.
The trio spent more than 70 hours in the air after taking off from a Presque Isle field early June 4, traveling as fast as 90 miles an hour and as high as 25,000 feet as they navigated strong winds and a storm above the open ocean. They set down near the city of Diekirch in northeastern Luxembourg on a “very peaceful” morning, a stark contrast to the conditions they had faced earlier.
“It was almost like we were on another flight altogether,” Padelt said. “You could hear birds chirping, roosters crowing, cows mooing. You saw fog in the valleys, which was indicating calm winds. Our final hour in the air was an extremely peaceful, wonderful moment.”
The Atlantic Explorer set off from Presque Isle after hours of delays from high winds. The delay prevented the team from getting ahead of bad weather that would catch up to them later, Padelt speculated.
The first day went well, he said. All their equipment functioned perfectly and the balloon flew well. The team crossed New Brunswick, then Prince Edward Island over the first 12 hours, surpassing where the Atlantic Explorer had been forced down in its previous two attempts due to bad weather and a gas leak.
By that evening, they cleared Cape Breton Island and headed for Newfoundland, the last landmass before the open ocean. A few hours later, Padelt, Cuneo and Hempleman-Adams committed to the crossing and ventured out over the Atlantic.
Atmospheric conditions on the second day meant the team had to drop more ballast — jettisoning sand bags from the basket to gain altitude — than they wanted to.
“We basically knocked off two days of duration [of] ballast,” Padelt said. “But the saving grace is we knew that the speed was going to pick up, so we weren’t all that concerned.”
Then came the storm.
“It was a surprise,” Padelt said. “We knew the weather was there with the hopes that it was going to be south of us.”
With little more than a thin rain cover, the Atlantic Explorer battled heavy precipitation through the night. It rose into the clouds, where temperatures dropped as low as 17 degrees below zero and snow built up on top of the balloon, forcing it to sink. The snow turned to rain and then the process repeated itself.
“This continued probably for about four hours or so,” Padelt said. “But when the sun came up, it was a bright blue sky above us and [the storm] was beyond us.”
The pilots had projected a successful flight would take four to six days averaging around 35 miles per hour. But as the wind picked up and the sun beat down on the balloon the morning after the storm, the Explorer topped 90 miles per hour. The balloon crossed the open Atlantic Ocean in approximately 37 hours.
They passed over the beaches of Normandy along the French coast on the evening of June 6, the 82nd anniversary of the D-Day invasion, when the Allied forces used hydrogen powered barrage balloons to prevent German aircraft from attacking their position from a low altitude.
They flew inland overnight, crossing into Luxembourg as the sun rose on June 7, and landed in a field.
Besides being the first hydrogen-powered trans-Atlantic trip, the journey set a world distance record for the size and type of balloon. Hempleman-Adams, once the youngest person ever to visit the North Pole, also became the first woman to cross the Atlantic in a gas-powered balloon, and the second to do so in any type of balloon.
The balloon’s chase team reached the site within an hour. That group included Padelt’s wife, Joanie, with whom he built the Atlantic Explorer.
“All the times I’ve been thinking about this flight and how I wanted it to end, I wanted it to end with a stand-up landing with my wife there to see the balloon,” Padelt said. “The odds of that are very slim when you think about how far you’re flying … but as it turned out, it worked. And so when she arrived, there were some strong emotions, for sure.”
Members of the Cercle Luxembourgeois de l’Aérostation, a nearby balloon club, also arrived to help the crew deflate and pack up the balloon.
As their successful crossing drew attention, the royal family of Luxembourg invited the group to the Palais Grand-Ducal — the country’s royal palace. Padelt, Cuneo and the chase team met with the Grand Duke Henri, whom they presented with one of their final two bags of ballast from the flight.
“He was very, very interested in the flight and how it turned out,” Padelt said. “He was asking quite a few questions and so forth and went to great efforts to welcome us to Luxembourg.”
The crew headed back to the U.S. on Thursday, capping off an adventure Padelt had dreamt of since he was awed by the first trans-Atlantic balloon flight. That balloon, the Double Eagle II, launched from Presque Isle in 1978.
As the Atlantic Explorer took off from the same city last week, hidden in the canopy was a 1978 silver dollar, both a good luck charm and an homage to the Double Eagle II, as a new group of balloonists made history.
“I knew it would be hard. So there were no surprises,” Padelt said. “But the sense of reward afterwards is exactly the feeling I was looking for.”
Maine
Maine’s Susan Collins-Graham Platner race expected to draw nearly $400M in ads
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More than $200 million was spent in Maine’s U.S. Senate race in 2020, a historic figure that raised eyebrows and became a case study for advocates of campaign finance reform.
Six years later, as Democrats bank on progressive Graham Platner and Republicans look to defend five-term U.S. Sen. Susan Collins to keep hold of the Senate, that record is about to be obliterated in political advertising alone.
Overall ad spending in Maine this election cycle could reach almost $500 million, according to the latest projection from AdImpact. The amount is driven by a whopping new estimate of $384 million in the Collins-Platner race alone, making the contest the fourth-most expensive Senate race in the country behind Texas, Michigan and Georgia. The races for the 2nd Congressional District and governor could also see heavy spending.
The new estimate nearly doubles what AdImpact previously expected in Maine’s Senate race. It comes after contentious primary season spending and after Platner weathered a string of controversies in the fall and recent weeks to secure the Democratic nomination.
More than $150 million in ads through Election Day have already been booked in the race, about $100 million of it by Collins-aligned groups. But Democrats — who outspent Republicans in former Maine House Speaker Sara Gideon’s losing bid in 2020 — are sure to catch up as they push to take back Congress from President Donald Trump’s Republican Party.
“From record-setting races and surging party committee war chests to a competitive landscape that continues to expand, all indicators point to 2026 being the most expensive political advertising cycle in history,” AdImpact said in its report.
Nationwide, AdImpact expects $11.6 billion in ad spending this year, up from the 2023-2024 cycle’s record $11.2 billion. Political spending has exploded nationwide since the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2010 decision in Citizens United v Federal Election Commission.
Ads are also increasingly costly in Maine. A candidate’s 30-second spot in Portland cost an average of almost $250 in 2020, compared with $314 this year. But the rate for a 30-second ad from an issue group has nearly doubled, at almost $945 compared to $490 in 2020, according to AdImpact. Stations must give candidates priority and their lowest rates.
Month-by-month averages have fluctuated this year, but issue groups that have dominated the airwaves have seen costs rise each of the last three months, with the current average for 30 seconds of airtime almost $1,600.
Running on a message of overhauling the power structure in Washington, Platner has proven a solid fundraiser who effectively booted Gov. Janet Mills from the Senate race. Collins and her allies have offered ads touting the senator’s track record of bringing home federal investment and others targeting Platner’s background, from a Nazi-linked tattoo he’s since covered to offensive social media comments and alleged toxic behavior in past relationships.
Platner outraised Collins between January of last year and May, about $16 million to more than $12 million. Platner has almost $350,000 in ads booked from the day after he won the primary through Election Day. Platner’s bid has received a boost of almost $11 million combined in ads going after Collins from the nonprofit dark money groups Majority Forward, Unrig Our Economy and Duty and Honor.
The Collins campaign hasn’t booked nearly as many ads yet between this week and Election Day. But she has significant help from dark money political action committees such as One Nation and Pine Tree Results PAC, which have already been running ads and have booked more than $46 million million combined so far.
Pine Tree Results has seen at least $1 million in donations from the Lexington Fund-connected Republican legal activist Leonard Leo, and $2.5 million from Florida hedge fund billionaire Ken Griffin. Nearly 100 billionaires and their spouses have donated almost $10 million collectively to Collins’ network since the beginning of last year, The Maine Monitor reported.
The Winning for Women Action Fund, a super PAC boosting Republican women, has booked $16 million in pro-Collins ads. Her campaign has also received more than $538,000 from at least 315 individual donors bundled through AIPAC, the pro-Israel lobbying group.
Collins’ campaign and allies make the case that Platner will likely pick up just as much if not more super PAC and dark money donations, including from billionaires. They also say while some wealthy donors give based on ideology, many are more focused on stable government, leading them to embrace the longtime lawmaker and chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee.
Platner has rallied progressives around the argument that the money flowing into politics leads to votes that too often help donors, not working Mainers. His campaign on Friday pointed to his endorsement in May by the anti-corruption group End Citizens United, which accuses Collins of never meeting “a corporate PAC check she didn’t like.”
“We’re building a movement to get money out of politics and build a government that represents working people, not billionaires,” Platner said at the time.
American Promise, a Massachusetts-based nonprofit pressing for a constitutional amendment to empower states and Congress to regulate campaign fundraising and spending, has made progress, according to spokesperson Jenny Parker. Idaho in April became the 25th state to formally urge Congress to move on the issue.
“Fifty years of Supreme Court rulings mean voters don’t have a say over the rules,” she said. “Our solution is seeing very strong momentum, and it is across parties.”
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