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Column: How an 'American Cholo' went from Hillary Clinton fan to Trump voter

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Column: How an 'American Cholo' went from Hillary Clinton fan to Trump voter

In a North Hollywood podcast studio last week, Gill Tejada and his co-host, Boo Boo, trashed liberal shibboleths, like any good Trumpers.

Puberty blockers for teens. Los Angeles County Dist. Atty. George Gascón. Gavin Newsom. Homelessness. High taxes. Unchecked migration.

The topics weren’t surprising. The setting and language … were.

“My president got a felony, homeboy!” Tejada exclaimed at one point to hundreds of live viewers on YouTube and Instagram.

“He’s the big homie on the block, bro,” replied Boo Boo, who proudly deemed Trump a “junkyard dog” ready to fight for the United States. “He’s like, ‘I’ll smoke you.’”

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Welcome to “American Cholo,” a podcast Tejada has hosted since 2018 that initially focused on stories about gang life and Chicano culture but has now turned full Trump bro.

With his San Fernando Valley Chicano accent, close-cropped hair and frequent use of words like “carnal,” “playboy” and “fool,” Tejada can come off to a first-time listener as a Pendleton-wearing buffoon in a Culture Clash skit.

But dismissing him so easily is a mistake he fully expects liberals to make, to their own detriment. Tejada, 49, embodies a trend that has thrilled Republicans and alarmed Democrats as election day comes closer: the drift of Latino men toward Trump.

Surveys throughout the summer consistently found a double-digit divide between Latina and Latino support for Kamala Harris. The gender gap exists across racial and ethnic groups to some degree, but media outlets have seized on Latino men with disbelief, largely predicated on this question:

How could they cheer on Trump, who has referred to Mexico as a place that sends “rapists and drug dealers” to the U.S.; deemed El Salvador a “shithole” country and Puerto Rico “dirty”; has repeatedly described Venezuelan migrants as criminals; and keeps promising to unleash the “largest deportation” ever if he’s elected?

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Northwestern University history professor Geraldo Cadava, who has written extensively about Republican Latinos, says he’s “wary of explanations” about Latino male support for Trump “that are about machismo, misogyny and patriarchy — it might be in there, sure. But I’d also want the people making arguments about that to at least consider these more material matters, like the industries where Latino men are overrepresented, like construction and law enforcement. Their leaders are all in on Trump.”

The threat is real enough that the Harris campaign this month announced an Hombres con Harris (Men with Harris) initiative that quickly drew ridicule from both progressive and conservative commentators for being too much, too little and too late to convince guys like Tejada.

“Many Latinos are going to Trompito Land, fool,” he told a caller during the podcast taping I attended, using a diminutive — Little Trump — uttered by the former president’s Latino haters that Tejada has reappropriated as a loving moniker. His patter — fast, outraged, informed and tinged with well-timed jokes — was a master class in old-school talk radio.

Podcast co-host Boo Boo can be seen on a camera monitor during a recording of “American Cholo” in North Hollywood.

(Michael Blackshire / Los Angeles Times)

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He went through the California propositions on this year’s ballot, focusing for a while on Proposition 6, which would ban forced labor in state prisons.

“Inflation’s gotten so bad that the jail guys want more money,” Tejada said, as Boo Boo laughed. “Is that what it’s come to, America?”

The two, once active in rival North Hollywood gangs, sat at a elegant desk built by Tejada’s brothers-in-law. Five cameras set up by Boo Boo captured their every reaction. Behind them was a screen with the “American Cholo” logo of a microphone backed by an American flag. Above the sound board was a framed canvas with the airbrushed names of dead members of Tejada’s former gang, North Hollywood Boyz. Before him was a plaque that read “Everyday I’m Hustlin’.”

“I don’t really like that fool Trump, but I’m going to vote for him,” Tejada eventually proclaimed. He stopped, looked directly at a camera and grinned. “That should be his campaign slogan.”

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The “American Cholo” studio is five blocks away from where Tejada grew up. Among the mementos on the walls: the top of the pool table where he first recorded the podcast, a copy of the Constitution, a rusted sign that once hung on the fence of the long-closed Heman G. Stark Youth Correctional Facility in Chino, where he did a stint.

Images of American flags lined the hallway. “We have them everywhere, because I’m grateful to this country,” he said. “I’ve lived in a Third World country. A lot of liberals haven’t.”

Tejada came to the U.S. from Honduras legally at age 6 to live with his mother, who was undocumented at the time. He dropped out of high school as a freshman and cycled in and out of juvenile halls.

“So the final time, I see an older guy sitting in his cell, and a light bulb went in my head,” Tejada said. He’s stocky, with light brown eyes and tattoos of his late brother and a 170 Freeway sign on his upper chest. “I’m looking around and asking myself, ‘Is that what I want to be?’ I was 24 years old. I was going to be on parole with no job. My daughter’s mom was going to prison. So I picked my family — best choice I ever made.”

Tejada learned how to lay cement — he’s now a foreman for a concrete company — and tried to get young people from his neighborhood into the trade.

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He paid attention to politics but didn’t get involved, because he thought this country was mostly on the right track under Democratic leaders: “Bill Clinton was a good president. [George W.] Bush Junior was a complete moron. Obama did a good job.”

He voted for Hillary Clinton in 2016 because he found Trump offensive: “I thought she would do a great job. She’s cutthroat.”

Then came the summer of 2020. Tejada was working on a project near the Third Street Promenade in Santa Monica when a rally against the murder of George Floyd devolved into a ransacking of small businesses.

“Law enforcement had a chance to stop them,” he said. “Instead, they stood down.”

The following day, he saw the damage up close. “And I thought to myself, ‘You can’t go to church and pray to your God, but you can have 10,000 people march and destroy s—? Are you kidding me?’”

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He still wasn’t sold on Trump but couldn’t support Joe Biden — “The Democrats made a left turn, then a U-turn to super woke.” So he wrote in “American Cholo” as his choice for president.

The last four years have soured Tejada — who has never registered with a political party — on Democratic rule for good. He had thought Boo Boo was “crazy” for supporting Trump in 2016 — but now they are kindred spirits.

“If California was a prison yard, it’s run by the Democrats — and look at what’s going on,” said Boo Boo, who declined to reveal his real name, saying, “I’m good.”

“My mom can’t take the Metro,” Tejada replied. “My friend’s neighbor got robbed. [The L.A. City Council] is building more transitional housing in North Hollywood. Why aren’t they being built in Brentwood or Hancock Park?”

“My stocks under Trump, they shot up. Now, they’re in the dumps,” Boo Boo added.

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“Latino men see the carne asada is $12 instead of $7.99,” Tejada said. “Democrats are having a problem selling that. But y’all are running the show right now, bro. They think we [Latinos] are too dumb to say anything. And if we say something, they say we’re too insensitive.”

Gill Tejada poses for a portrait before he records an episode of his 'American Cholo' podcast.

Gill Tejada poses for a portrait before he records an episode of his “American Cholo” podcast in North Hollywood.

(Michael Blackshire / Los Angeles Times)

I asked the homies if Trump’s rising rhetoric against Latinos bothered them.

“It’s like having a nagging wife,” Boo Boo cracked. “In one ear and out the other. I hate to say this, but these [world leaders] will say, “We want a man to deal with.’ Under Biden, they haven’t been listening. They won’t with Kamala. Trump was that gangster on the block that ran the show.”

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“He’s a douche!” Tejada exclaimed, like it was the most obvious thing in the world. “If I could interview him, I’d ask for an apology. But I’m not voting for him to be my compadre, or to marry into the family. I’m voting for him to run this country like a business and get us back into shape.”

Cal State Fullerton Chicano Studies professor Alexandro Jose Gradilla has listened to “American Cholo” and understands where Tejada and Boo Boo are coming from, even if he doesn’t agree with their politics.

He’s seen some of his former male students warm up to Trump. One, who works for a trucking company, said “their taxes were lower under Trump, and [it’s] hurting them to hire people.”

Gradilla said these men are “not monsters” but are symptomatic of how “every cultural and ethnic group is struggling with, how do we incorporate men into civic engagement?”

Too many Latino males, the professor said, are “embracing a hyper-individualized sense” of machismo.

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“Someone has hit Control-Alt-Delete on memory, and people say, ‘Sure, grandma was undocumented, but we’re now good people,’” he said. “‘These immigrants are different, they should be deported.’ They’re making a strange invisible inoculation for themselves of, ‘It’s not going to be me who suffers. It’s going to be someone else who deserves it.’”

Tejada scoffs at the suggestion that he considers himself above other Latinos. He has organized backpack giveaways and coached Little League. “American Cholo” continues to feature Chicano musicians and artists, even as Tejada has interviewed local political candidates such as Nathan Hochman, who is running for L.A. County district attorney on a law-and-order platform.

Earlier this year, Tejada even served on the North Hollywood Northeast Neighborhood Council — “until I figured out they would sit there and discuss purchasing a microwave for an hour instead of dealing with real city issues.” He resigned after six weeks.

“People tell me that I forgot where I came from because of my conservative thoughts,” he said, beaming. “But I never left.”

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Appeals court declares DC ban on certain gun magazines unconstitutional

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Appeals court declares DC ban on certain gun magazines unconstitutional

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An appeals court struck down a local law in the District of Columbia that banned gun magazines containing more than 10 bullets, describing the measure as unconstitutional. 

The ruling Thursday from the District of Columbia Court of Appeals also reversed the conviction of Tyree Benson, who was taken into custody in 2022 for being in possession of a handgun with a magazine that could contain 30 bullets, according to The New York Times. 

“Magazines capable of holding more than 10 rounds of ammunition are ubiquitous in our country, numbering in the hundreds of millions, accounting for about half of the magazines in the hands of our citizenry, and they come standard with the most popular firearms sold in America today,” Judge Joshua Deahl wrote on behalf of the two-judge majority in the three-judge panel.   

“Because these magazines are arms in common and ubiquitous use by law-abiding citizens across this country, we agree with Benson and the United States that the District’s outright ban on them violates the Second Amendment,” he added.

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A salesperson holds a high capacity magazine for an AR-15 rifle at a store in Orem, Utah, in March 2021.  (George Frey/Bloomberg via Getty Images)

“This appeal presents a Second Amendment challenge to the District’s ban on firearm magazines capable of holding ‘more than 10 rounds of ammunition.’ Appellant Tyree Benson argues that ban contravenes the Second Amendment so that his conviction for violating it should be vacated,” Deahl also wrote. “The United States, which prosecuted Benson in the underlying case and defended the ban’s constitutionality in the initial round of appellate briefing, now concedes that this ban violates the Second Amendment. The District of Columbia, which is also a party to this appeal, continues to defend the constitutionality of its ban.” 

“We therefore reverse Benson’s conviction for violating the District’s magazine capacity ban. And because Benson could not have registered, procured a license to carry, or lawfully possessed ammunition for his firearm given that it was equipped with a magazine capable of holding more than 10 rounds, we likewise reverse his convictions for possession of an unregistered firearm, carrying a pistol without a license, and unlawful possession of ammunition,” Deahl said.

Chief Judge Anna Blackburne-Rigsby, the judge who dissented, wrote that, “The majority bases its common usage analysis on ownership statistics that show only that magazines holding 11, 15, or 17 rounds of ammunition are in common use.” 

GUN RIGHTS ON PRIVATE PROPERTY DEBATED AT SUPREME COURT

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Magazines at Norm’s Gun & Ammo shop in Biddeford, Maine, in April 2013. From left, the first two are high capacity magazines for handguns, an AK-47 magazine, an AR-15 magazine and an SKS magazine.   (Shawn Patrick Ouellette/Portland Press Herald via Getty Images)

“The majority, however, fails to contend with the reality that these statistics do not support the conclusion that the particularly lethal 30-round magazine, such as the one Mr. Benson possessed here, is in common use for self-defense. It simply is not,” she added.

The District of Columbia can now appeal the decision to the Supreme Court, or ask the local appeals court to take another look at the ruling with a larger panel of judges, according to the Times. 

High-capacity rifle magazines are removed from a display at Freddie Bear Sports in January 2023 in Tinley Park, Illinois. (Scott Olson/Getty Images)

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The newspaper also reported that in a previous case, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia upheld the constitutionality of the local law surrounding gun magazine sizes. It’s unclear how the two rulings will interact. 

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Contributor: The stars align for Democrats in Texas. Trump is helping them

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Contributor: The stars align for Democrats in Texas. Trump is helping them

If Democrats expect to flip a U.S. Senate seat in Texas, they’ll need all the stars to align. This almost never happens, because politics has a way of scrambling the constellations. But on Tuesday, the first star blinked on.

I’m referring to state Rep. James Talarico’s victory over Rep. Jasmine Crockett in the Democratic primary. Most political prognosticators agree that Talarico, an eloquent young Democrat who speaks openly about his Christian faith, is their best hope in a red state that Donald Trump won by 14 points.

The second star was Crockett’s conciliatory concession — far from a foregone conclusion after a nasty primary — in which she pledged to “do my part,” adding that “Texas is primed to turn blue, and we must remain united because this is bigger than any one person.”

The third star — a vulnerable Republican opponent — has not yet appeared over the Texas sky, although forecasters say it might.

Most observers agree that scandal-plagued Atty. Gen. Ken Paxton would be beatable in the general election, while incumbent Sen. John Cornyn would present a much tougher challenge. Cornyn is the kind of steady, conventional politician who tends to win elections, and so, of course, modern voters are extremely suspicious of him.

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In the GOP primary on Tuesday, Cornyn’s 42% share of the vote edged out Paxton by about a point. Unfortunately for Republicans, neither candidate garnered enough votes to avoid a May 26 runoff election.

Conventional wisdom suggests that when a majority of Republican voters choose someone other than the incumbent in the first round of voting, an even greater majority will inevitably break toward the challenger in the runoff. If that happens, Paxton would become the nominee, and Democrats would get their third star to align.

Even better for Democrats — a fourth star, so to speak — would be for this protracted runoff to become a “knife fight,” as one Texas Republican predicted, in which Paxton staggers out of the fight as the battered GOP nominee.

The only problem is that Republicans can see these stars aligning, too.

And while the Texas Senate seat matters a lot on its own, it matters even more in the context of nationwide midterm elections, in which a Texas win would help Democrats take back the Senate.

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Enter the cavalry — or, more accurately, President Trump, who is now entering a second war in the span of a week, this one a civil war in the Lone Star State.

The day after the primary, Trump announced that he would be “making my Endorsement soon, and will be asking the candidate that I don’t Endorse to immediately DROP OUT OF THE RACE!”

Reports suggest Trump may endorse Cornyn in order to save the seat for Republicans. But who knows? Trump is famously unpredictable. And it’s likely he admires Paxton’s ability to survive scandals that would have caused most normal politicians to curl up in the fetal position. As they say, “game recognizes game.”

Whomever he backs, conventional wisdom also says Trump should make his endorsement “soon,” as he promised. That would save Republicans a lot of time and money. But Trump currently has enormous leverage. Right now, people are coming to him, pleading for his support.

Do you think he wants to resolve that situation quickly?

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Me neither.

With Trump, you never know what you’re going to get. In 2021, he helped torpedo Republican Senate candidates David Perdue and Kelly Loeffler in Georgia, handing Democrats control of the Senate. The following year he backed football legend Herschel Walker in another Georgia Senate race, which did not exactly work out great. Democrat Raphael Warnock won and holds that seat, though Walker is now ambassador to the Bahamas so that’s something.

This is to say: Trump’s political assistance does not always assist.

It’s unclear whether Trump’s endorsement would be dispositive — and whether he could muscle the other Republican out of the primary race.

Paxton, for example, initially vowed to stay in the race, no matter what. (He later suggested he would “consider” dropping out if the Senate passes the SAVE America Act, a bill to require proof of citizenship to vote.)

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There’s also this: Trump’s endorsements tend to either be made out of vengeance or to pad the totals of an already inevitable winner, so his track record is probably overrated.

Case in point: While most of his endorsed candidates won their Texas elections, his endorsed candidate for agriculture commissioner lost reelection. And according to the Texas Tribune, “at least three Trump-endorsed candidates for Congress were headed to runoffs, one of them in a distant second place.”

Another issue is that Cornyn needs more than a perfunctory endorsement: He needs a clear, full-throated endorsement.

In a 2022 Missouri Senate race, Trump endorsed “ERIC,” which was awkward because two candidates named Eric were running.

More recently, he endorsed two rival candidates in the same 2026 Arizona gubernatorial race — like betting on both teams in the Super Bowl.

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This is all to say that the only thing standing between Texas Democrats and a rare celestial alignment may be the whims of the Republican Party’s one and only star.

Sure, establishment Republicans can beg Trump to quickly step in and settle the race, and maybe he will. But it’s entirely possible the president will find a way to blow up his party’s chances for holding the U.S. Senate — and there’s nothing they can do to stop him.

When you’re a star, they let you do it.

Matt K. Lewis is the author of “Filthy Rich Politicians” and “Too Dumb to Fail.”

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Video: President Fires Noem as Homeland Security Secretary

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Video: President Fires Noem as Homeland Security Secretary

new video loaded: President Fires Noem as Homeland Security Secretary

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President Fires Noem as Homeland Security Secretary

President Trump fired Kristi Noem, his embattled homeland security secretary, on Thursday and announced his plans to replace her with Senator Markwayne Mullin of Oklahoma.

“The fact that you can’t admit to a mistake which looks like under investigation is going to prove that Ms. Good and Mr. Pretti probably should not have been shot in the face and in the back. Law enforcement needs to learn from that. You don’t protect them by not looking after the facts.” “Our greatness calls people to us for a chance to prosper, to live how they choose, to become part of something special. Anyone who searches for freedom can always find a home here. But that freedom is a precious thing, and we defend it vigorously. You crossed the border illegally — we’ll find you. Break our laws — we’ll punish you.” “Did you bid out those service contracts?” “Yes they did. They went out to a competitive bid.” “I’m asking you — sorry to interrupt — but the president approved ahead of time you spending $220 million running TV ads across the country in which you are featured prominently?” “Yes, sir. We went through the legal processes. Did it correctly —” Did the president know you were going to do this?” “Yes.” “I’m more excited about just ready to get started. There’s a lot of work we can do to get the Department of Homeland Security working for the American people.”

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President Trump fired Kristi Noem, his embattled homeland security secretary, on Thursday and announced his plans to replace her with Senator Markwayne Mullin of Oklahoma.

By Jackeline Luna

March 5, 2026

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