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Opinion: My business won't flee California like SpaceX or Chevron. But we do want some changes

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Opinion: My business won't flee California like SpaceX or Chevron. But we do want some changes

Businesses both small and large are fleeing California in search of friendlier pastures.

From 2018 through 2021, 352 companies relocated their headquarters from California to other states. The rate of exit more than doubled from 2020 to 2021 and was highest in Los Angeles County, an analysis by the Hoover Institution at Stanford University found.

The wave of departures has continued in 2024: Last month Elon Musk announced he will move SpaceX from Hawthorne to Texas, and this month Chevron announced plans to move its headquarters to the Lone Star State as well.

It’s part of a larger pattern. Headquarters and manufacturing plants are closing down and relocating operations to cities in Texas, Nevada and Florida. The Farmer John Meatpacking plant, a fixture of the Los Angeles meat industry for nearly a century, ceased operations and left the city to continue business elsewhere last year.

While the exodus has been headlined by a few big names, I often hear that medium to small businesses are quitting the city quietly, unburdened by public disclosure requirements and individually too small to register in media reports.

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The explanations are varied, but the ultimate reason is clear: Los Angeles is an increasingly difficult place to operate a business. Affordability issues including high taxes and escalating labor, utility and energy costs, in addition to burdensome liability and punitive regulations, top the daily challenges. California perpetually resides at the bottom of state rankings of business favorability.

These factors are compounded by the enticing pull of recruitment efforts by other cities, including the promise of governmental partnership — especially appealing to Golden State businesspeople who complain of treatment as diverse as apathy and outright animosity from local officials.

Tantalized by prospects of greater opportunity, profitability and incentives out of state, the rational business mind makes a compelling case to leave. It practically screams it.

So this may sound crazy: Despite the mounting challenges in Los Angeles, my family-owned business isn’t going anywhere.

We care deeply about cost savings, efficiency and growth opportunities, and we recognize profitability as imperative to survival. But like many other small businesses in Los Angeles, we measure success and derive value beyond just profit and loss.

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I am the proud owner of a four-generation beef jerky company that has called Los Angeles home for nearly 100 years. It brings me immeasurable joy to work in the same brick building built by my great-grandfather, greet customers who knew my grandfather, and share an office with my father. You can’t put a price tag on legacy. This legacy of course extends to our employees, many of whom have dedicated more than 25 years to our business, or have gone on to achieve successful careers elsewhere and even start their own businesses.

Rather than chase cheaper labor, our company would rather invest in our employees through health benefits and professional development as well as cultivate a sense of family. Other states have tried to recruit our business to leave California, but among the reasons we have refused is that we don’t want to abandon these connections.

We also value our role as part of L.A.’s communities. This year we launched a program targeting causes that align with our mission — supporting youth, families and active lifestyles — through monetary and product donation, as well as volunteering our time and expertise.

That’s the difference between huge corporations and small businesses. The former each employs thousands of local residents and contributes robust tax revenue to the city at a scale we can’t match. But larger companies — whether publicly traded, backed by private equity or international holding firms, and sometimes led by celebrity billionaires — are moving targets. They will pursue shareholder value at all costs regardless of regional ties or other considerations.

Meanwhile, there are 4.1 million small businesses in California that generate 7.5 million jobs, representing 47% of private-sector jobs. More importantly, two out of three net new jobs come from a small business.

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Although corporations are important to L.A.’s financial ecosystem and should continue to be recruited, small businesses should not be discounted. Just because my business and others have chosen to stay here doesn’t mean we should be taken for granted.

In good news, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce reported a 7.8% increase in new business applications in California from 2022 to 2023. Los Angeles County may lead the state in departures, but it also had the most business applications during that year — 160,925. The challenge is getting them to stay.

To that end, we are rallying our peers around a common goal of improving the business landscape. These efforts have coalesced in the Made in LA Coalition working to raise consumer awareness about products manufactured in Los Angeles.

Some of the key initiatives we’d like to see include financial incentives for local manufacturing that encourage job creation and advancement, protections against pernicious lawsuits by bad actors seeking personal gain rather than the public good, and a commitment by the local government officials to use their platform and reach to celebrate the businesses, and people behind the businesses, who are committed to the city.

That kind of investment will help make Los Angeles a place where both business and community can thrive long term.

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Brian Bianchetti is the fourth-generation CEO of People’s Choice Beef Jerky.

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Senate committee kills bill mandating insurance coverage for wildfire safe homes

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Senate committee kills bill mandating insurance coverage for wildfire safe homes

A bill that would have required insurers to offer coverage to homeowners who take steps to reduce wildfire risk on their property died in the Legislature.

The Senate Insurance Committee on Monday voted down the measure, SB 1076, one of the most ambitious bills spurred by the devastating January 2025 wildfires.

The vote came despite fire victims and others rallying at the state Capitol in support of the measure, authored by state Sen. Sasha Renée Pérez (D-Pasadena), whose district includes the Eaton fire zone.

The Insurance Coverage for Fire-Safe Homes Act originally would have required insurers to offer and renew coverage for any home that meets wildfire-safety standards adopted by the insurance commissioner starting Jan. 1, 2028.

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It also threatened insurers with a five-year ban from the sale of home or auto insurance if they did not comply, though it allowed for exceptions.

However, faced with strong opposition from the insurance industry, Pérez had agreed to amend the bill so it would have established community-wide pilot projects across the state to better understand the most effective way to limit property and insurance losses from wildfires.

Insurers would have had to offer four years of coverage to homeowners in successful pilot projects.

Denni Ritter, a vice president of the American Property Casualty Insurance Assn., told the committee that her trade group opposed the bill.

“While we appreciate the intent behind those conversations, those concepts do not remove our opposition, because they retain the same core flaw — substituting underwriting judgment and solvency safeguards with a statutory mandate to accept risk,” she said.

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In voting against the bill Sen. Laura Richardson, (D-San Pedro), said: “Last I heard, in the United States, we don’t require any company to do anything. That’s the difference between capitalism and communism, frankly.”

The remarks against the measure prompted committee Chair Sen. Steve Padilla, (D-Chula Vista), to chastise committee members in opposition.

“I’m a little perturbed, and I’m a little disappointed, because you have someone who is trying to work with industry, who is trying to get facts and data,” he said.

Monday’s vote was the fourth time a bill that would have required insurers to offer coverage to so-called “fire hardened” homes failed in the Legislature since 2020, according to an analysis by insurance committee staff.

Fire hardening includes measures such as cutting back brush, installing fire resistant roofs and closing eaves to resist fire embers.

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Pérez’s legislation was thought to have a better chance of passage because it followed the most catastrophic wildfires in U.S. history, which damaged or destroyed more than 18,000 structures and killed 31 people.

The bill was co-sponsored by the Los Angeles advocacy group Consumer Watchdog and Every Fire Survivor’s Network, a community group founded in Altadena after the fires formerly called the Eaton Fire Survivors Network.

But it also had broad support from groups such as the California Apartment Association, the California Nurses Association and California Environmental Voters.

Leading up to the fires, many insurers, citing heightened fire risk, had dropped policyholders in fire-prone neighorhoods. That forced them onto the California FAIR Plan, the state’s insurer of last resort, which offers limited but costly policies.

A Times analysis found that that in the Palisades and Eaton fire zones, the FAIR Plan’s rolls from 2020 to 2024 nearly doubled from 14,272 to 28,440. Mandating coverage has been seen as a way of reducing FAIR Plan enrollment.

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“I’m disappointed this bill died in committee. Fire survivors deserved better,” Pérez said in a statement .

Also failing Monday in the committee was SB 982, a bill authored by Sen. Scott Wiener, (D-San Francisco). It would have authorized California’s attorney general to sue fossil fuel companies to recover losses from climate-induced disasters. It was opposed by the oil and gas industry.

Passing the committee were two other Pérez bills. SB 877 requires insurers to provide more transparency in the claims process. SB 878 imposes a penalty on insurers who don’t make claims payments on time.

Another bill, SB 1301, authored by insurance commissioner candidate Sen. Ben Allen, (D-Pacific Palisades), also passed. It protects policyholders from unexplained and abrupt policy non-renewals.

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How We Cover the White House Correspondents’ Dinner

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How We Cover the White House Correspondents’ Dinner

Times Insider explains who we are and what we do, and delivers behind-the-scenes insights into how our journalism comes together.

Politicians in Washington and the reporters who cover them have an often adversarial relationship.

But on the last Saturday in April, they gather for an irreverent celebration of press freedom and the First Amendment at the Washington Hilton Hotel: The White House Correspondents’ Association dinner.

Hosted by the association, an organization that helps ensure access for media outlets covering the presidency, the dinner attracts Hollywood stars; politicians from both parties; and representatives of more than 100 networks, newspapers, magazines and wire services.

While The Times will have two reporters in the ballroom covering the event, the company no longer buys seats at the party, said Richard W. Stevenson, the Washington bureau chief. The decision goes back almost two decades; the last dinner The Times attended as an organization was in 2007.

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“We made a judgment back then that the event had become too celebrity-focused and was undercutting our need to demonstrate to readers that we always seek to maintain a proper distance from the people we cover, many of whom attend as guests,” he said.

It’s a decision, he added, that “we have stuck by through both Republican and Democratic administrations, although we support the work of the White House Correspondents’ Association.”

Susan Wessling, The Times’s Standards editor, said the policy is a product of the organization’s desire to maintain editorial independence.

“We don’t want to leave readers with any questions about our independence and credibility by seeming to be overly friendly with people whose words and actions we need to report on,” she said.

The celebrity mentalist Oz Pearlman is headlining the evening, in lieu of the usual comedy set by the likes of Stephen Colbert and Hasan Minhaj, but all eyes will be on President Trump, who will make his first appearance at the dinner as president.

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Mr. Trump has boycotted the event since 2011, when he was the butt of punchlines delivered by President Barack Obama and the talk show host Seth Meyers mocking his hair, his reality TV show and his preoccupation with the “birther” movement.

Last month, though, Mr. Trump, who has a contentious relationship with the media, announced his intention to attend this year’s dinner, where he will speak to a room full of the same reporters he often derides as “enemies of the people.”

Times reporters will be there to document the highs, the lows and the reactions in the room. A reporter for the Styles desk has also been assigned to cover the robust roster of after-parties around Washington.

Some off-duty reporters from The Times will also be present at this late-night circuit, though everyone remains cognizant of their roles, said Patrick Healy, The Times’s assistant managing editor for Standards and Trust.

“If they’re reporting, there’s a notebook or recorder out as usual,” he said. “If they’re not, they’re pros who know they’re always identifiable as Times journalists.”

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For most of The Times’s reporters and editors, though, the evening will be experienced from home.

“The rest of us will be able to follow the coverage,” Mr. Stevenson said, “without having to don our tuxes or gowns.”

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MrBeast company sued over claims of sexual harassment, firing a new mom

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MrBeast company sued over claims of sexual harassment, firing a new mom

A former female staffer who worked for Beast Industries, the media venture behind the popular YouTube channel MrBeast, is suing the company, alleging she was sexually harassed and fired shortly after she returned from maternity leave.

The employee, Lorrayne Mavromatis, a Brazilian-born social media professional, alleges in a lawsuit she was subjected to sexual harassment by the company’s management and demoted after she complained about her treatment. She said she was urged to join a conference call while in labor and expected to work during her maternity leave in violation of the Family and Medical Leave Act, according to the federal complaint filed Wednesday in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of North Carolina.

“This clout-chasing complaint is built on deliberate misrepresentations and categorically false statements, and we have the receipts to prove it. There is extensive evidence — including Slack and WhatsApp messages, company documents, and witness testimony — that unequivocally refutes her claims. We will not submit to opportunistic lawyers looking to manufacture a payday from us,” Gaude Paez, a Beast Industries spokesperson, said in a statement.

Jimmy Donaldson, 27, began MrBeast as a teen gaming channel that soon exploded into a media company worth an estimated $5 billion, with 500 employees and 450 million subscribers who watch its games, stunts and giveaways.

Mavromatis, who was hired in 2022 as its head of Instagram, described a pervasive climate of discrimination and harassment, according to the lawsuit.

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In her complaint, she alleges the company’s former CEO James Warren made her meet him at his home for one-on-one meetings while he commented on her looks and dismissed her complaints about a male client’s unwanted advances, telling her “she should be honored that the client was hitting on her.”

When Mavromatis asked Warren why MrBeast, Donaldson, would not work with her, she was told that “she is a beautiful woman and her appearance had a certain sexual effect on Jimmy,” and, “Let’s just say that when you’re around and he goes to the restroom, he’s not actually using the restroom.”

Paez refuted the claim.

“That’s ridiculous. This is an allegation fabricated for the sole purpose of sparking headlines,” Paez said.

Mavromatis said she endured a slate of other indignities such as being told by Donaldson that she “would only participate in her video shoot if she brought him a beer.”

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“In this male-centric workplace, Plaintiff, one of the few women in a high-level role, was excluded from otherwise all-male meetings, demeaned in front of colleagues, harassed, and suffered from males be given preferential treatment in employment decisions,” states the complaint.

When Mavromatis raised a question during a staff meeting with her team, she said a male colleague told her to “shut up” or “stop talking.”

At MrBeast headquarters in Greenville, N.C., she said male executives mocked female contestants participating in BeastGames, “who complained they did not have access to feminine hygiene products and clean underwear while participating in the show.”

In November 2023, Mavromatis formally complained about “the sexually inappropriate encounters and harassment, and demeaning and hostile work environment she and other female employees had been living and experiencing working at MrBeast,” to the company’s then head of human resources, Sue Parisher, who is also Donaldson’s mother, according to the suit.

In her complaint, Mavromatis said Beast Industries did not have a method or process for employees to report such issues either anonymously or to a third party, rather employees were expected to follow the company’s handbook, “How to Succeed In MrBeast Production.”

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In it, employees were instructed that, “It’s okay for the boys to be childish,” “if talent wants to draw a dick on the white board in the video or do something stupid, let them” and “No does not mean no,” according to the complaint.

Mavromatis alleges that she was demoted and then fired.

Paez said that Mavromatis’s role was eliminated as part of a reorganization of an underperforming group within Beast Industries and that she was made aware of this.

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