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Column: The CrowdStrike meltdown reminds us that the hacking problem doesn't come only from outside

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Column: The CrowdStrike meltdown reminds us that the hacking problem doesn't come only from outside

Just last Wednesday, I posted a column reporting how our richest corporations, through sheer miserliness and profit-seeking, left millions of Americans vulnerable to technological attacks on their privacy and welfare.

I failed to raise one important question: What if the attacks come from inside the house?

That’s exactly what happened Friday. An ineptly designed update to a program rolled out by the cybersecurity company CrowdStrike and installed automatically on users’ machines instantly crashed millions of computers running Microsoft programs and left them disabled until manual fixes could be undertaken. Some haven’t been fixed yet.

Crowdstrike seemingly borrowed Boeing’s approach to quality control.

— Business blogger Ed Zitron

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The fallout reached worldwide and affected people across the modern technological landscape. Thousands of flights were canceled. Doctors couldn’t perform surgeries. Banking transactions were frozen. Emergency 911 lines went silent.

The affected computers displayed what Microsoft Windows users know as the dreaded “blue screen of death.” Typically, this is a baby-blue screen bearing the message that Microsoft’s operating system hadn’t loaded correctly and the machine should be restarted.

That didn’t work this time: The errant CrowdStrike application was burrowed so deep within the Microsoft operating system — as it’s designed to do — that every time a machine restarted, it ran into the same glitch and went dead again in an infinite doom loop.

The CrowdStrike program — irony of ironies — is an anti-hacking application that identifies hacking attempts and fights them off. In the cat-and-mouse game pitting computer users against hackers, such applications have to be updated regularly. They reside in the bowels of the operating system, because in order to be effective, they have to load before almost any other function.

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In this case, a coding error in the update delivered an order to the operating system that caused the system to shut down.

That’s a simplified explanation of what happened. Now let’s look at the lessons this episode teaches us — if we’re willing to learn them.

They have to do with our complacency about our dependence on digital systems, including those distributed by developers we’ve never heard of (CrowdStrike, for instance).

What few people are aware of as they go about their lives is how much crucial digital infrastructure is based on Microsoft programs and applications, and how much of those are supplemented by third-party programs and applications.

All of this must work together to work smoothly — or to appear to work smoothly. Here and there something goes wrong, but its ramifications are sufficiently constrained that it can be rectified quickly, and even invisibly.

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A great deal of it, furthermore, is automated; it’s designed to run with a minimum of human intervention. In the view of the IT departments that are expected to monitor all this, humans are perpetual money pits — they need days off, get sick, demand raises, quit and must be replaced by newbies needing training, etc., etc. By comparison, machines look like a one-time capital expense — set it and forget it, is the goal.

Microsoft is the hub of these networks because Microsoft made them its business. It created an open architecture for third-party developers to piggyback on; the fundamental idea was that by extending the system’s capabilities, those other developers made Microsoft’s central system more valuable. Microsoft either outsourced some functions to independent developers, or allowed them to design applications that competed with Microsoft’s versions — but those still were designed to work with Microsoft operability.

Among those developers is Austin, Texas-based CrowdStrike, one of countless firms offering cybersecurity services to Windows users. (Microsoft’s own cybersecurity suite is known as Defender.)

Apple computers and devices don’t have the same vulnerabilities because that company does almost all its extensions in-house, and keeps a very close eye on what it allows to interact with its software and hardware; the company doesn’t allow outside applications to interact with its operating system at the fundamental level available with Microsoft’s systems.

But Apple doesn’t have anywhere near as large a footprint in enterprise services as Microsoft. A report issued in March by the government’s Cyber Safety Review Board about a major hacking intrusion into Microsoft’s cloud system in March 2023 asserted that the company’s “ubiquitous and critical products … underpin essential services that support national security, the foundations of our economy, and public health and safety.”

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Anyone living in the modern world has to confront the drawbacks of our reliance on digital technology on almost a daily basis. In prehistoric days, back when our household appliances were mechanical or electric, not electronic, a breakdown was easy to diagnose and fix — switch out a tube or tighten a screw.

When a device ceases to function today, it’s often impossible to pinpoint the fault — did my TV go bad, or did the internet go down, or was it just the channel I was watching?

Yet many of us rely on a single company for multiple services. For example, I get my home phone service, broadband internet, and television/video (broadcast and cable channels and streaming) from a single provider. I don’t have much choice, since for most of these it’s the only provider in my neighborhood. But when it goes down, everything goes down.

That provider, Spectrum, has tried to sell me on its mobile phone service too. I’ve refused, because I figure I need at least one thread of access to the outside world that isn’t dependent on its all-in-one monopoly.

Microsoft’s near-dominance of cloud computing — the ecosystem through which all those enterprise computers that went dead last week communicate with each other and with the outside world — should make all of us queasy, because the company’s cybersafety record is atrocious.

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The Cyber Safety Review Board investigation concluded that the March 2023 hack occurred because “Microsoft’s security culture was inadequate and requires an overhaul, particularly in light of the company’s centrality in the technology ecosystem and the level of trust customers place in the company to protect their data and operations.”

The board mentioned, among other things, a “cascade of … avoidable errors” in the company’s cybersecurity program, its failure to detect the compromise by hackers of its own “cryptographic crown jewels,” but only acted after a customer — the U.S. State Department — discovered the incursion itself.

The board found that Microsoft’s security practices were inferior to those of “other cloud service providers.” The report mentioned Amazon, Google and Oracle as Microsoft rivals in cloud services with better security systems.

Microsoft pledged to “adopt a new culture of engineering security in our own networks” and said it had “mobilized our engineering teams to identify and mitigate legacy infrastructure, improve processes, and enforce security benchmarks.”

The CrowdStrike crash suggests that those efforts are still works in progress. It’s fair to say that much of the blame belongs to CrowdStrike, which allowed an update to a crucial application to be sent to users for automatic installation without doing the testing necessary to ensure that the update was operationally bulletproof.

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Technology blogger Ed Zitron properly tied the disaster to the financialization of Big Business generally, in which pumping ever higher profits to shareholders becomes a higher priority than ensuring that one’s products meet quality standards.

“Crowdstrike seemingly borrowed Boeing’s approach to quality control,” Zitron wrote, “except instead of building planes where the doors fly off at the most inopportune times (specifically, when you’re cruising at 35,000ft), it released a piece of software that blew up the transportation and banking sectors, to name just a few.”

CrowdStrike Chief Executive George Kurtz moved promptly to “sincerely apologize” to all affected users, via a statement and an appearance on the NBC “Today” show. “We quickly identified the issue and deployed a fix, allowing us to focus diligently on restoring customer systems as our highest priority,” Kurtz said in a posting on the company’s website.

Microsoft placed the blame chiefly on CrowdStrike. “Although this was not a Microsoft incident, given it impacts our ecosystem, we want to provide an update on the steps we’ve taken with CrowdStrike and others to remediate and support our customers,” David Weston, a vice president for enterprise and security, wrote on the company’s website.

But Microsoft, plainly, failed to take on board the necessity of vetting every piece of third-party software that could have an effect on its own customers — before it blew up their computer systems.

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No software system is immune from errors, especially now that they’re so complex and multilayered that not even their developers may know all their weak spots. (An error at Amazon’s cloud service incapacitated as many as 150,000 websites for several hours in February 2017 — a major problem, but not nearly on the scale of the CrowdStrike crash.)

But as these systems play an ever expanding role in modern life even as they become more complex, it’s incumbent on their providers to make security and safety their top priorities, not merely mouth the concept in marketing material without actually taking it seriously.

Cloud clients also need to pay more attention to what is getting automatically inserted into their systems. Who has the right to gloat over escaping the CrowdStrike meltdown last week? Amusingly, it’s Southwest Airlines. For decades, Southwest resisted Microsoft’s urgings that it upgrade its systems to the latest versions of Windows, relying on Windows 3.1, which is 32 years old — so antique that the CrowdStrike update wouldn’t even work on the airline’s systems.

So while affected carriers such as Delta, United and American had canceled nearly 2,400 flights by 6 p.m. Friday, Southwest had canceled three. (By midday Monday, the number of canceled flights reached beyond 12,300.) That doesn’t mean that Southwest gets everything right. After all, the airline suffered more than its competitors from the ferocious storm in December 2022 that snarled air traffic nationwide — precisely because it had not paid enough attention to keeping its computer systems updated.

In this case, however, Southwest’s cheapskate culture was its savior. That may only put it on the same level as the proverbial blind squirrel that occasionally finds a nut. But it shows that all of our Big Business squirrels need to keep their eyes open, and focused on the perils of inattention.

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Senate committee kills bill mandating insurance coverage for wildfire safe homes

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Senate committee kills bill mandating insurance coverage for wildfire safe homes

A bill that would have required insurers to offer coverage to homeowners who take steps to reduce wildfire risk on their property died in the Legislature.

The Senate Insurance Committee on Monday voted down the measure, SB 1076, one of the most ambitious bills spurred by the devastating January 2025 wildfires.

The vote came despite fire victims and others rallying at the state Capitol in support of the measure, authored by state Sen. Sasha Renée Pérez (D-Pasadena), whose district includes the Eaton fire zone.

The Insurance Coverage for Fire-Safe Homes Act originally would have required insurers to offer and renew coverage for any home that meets wildfire-safety standards adopted by the insurance commissioner starting Jan. 1, 2028.

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It also threatened insurers with a five-year ban from the sale of home or auto insurance if they did not comply, though it allowed for exceptions.

However, faced with strong opposition from the insurance industry, Pérez had agreed to amend the bill so it would have established community-wide pilot projects across the state to better understand the most effective way to limit property and insurance losses from wildfires.

Insurers would have had to offer four years of coverage to homeowners in successful pilot projects.

Denni Ritter, a vice president of the American Property Casualty Insurance Assn., told the committee that her trade group opposed the bill.

“While we appreciate the intent behind those conversations, those concepts do not remove our opposition, because they retain the same core flaw — substituting underwriting judgment and solvency safeguards with a statutory mandate to accept risk,” she said.

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In voting against the bill Sen. Laura Richardson, (D-San Pedro), said: “Last I heard, in the United States, we don’t require any company to do anything. That’s the difference between capitalism and communism, frankly.”

The remarks against the measure prompted committee Chair Sen. Steve Padilla, (D-Chula Vista), to chastise committee members in opposition.

“I’m a little perturbed, and I’m a little disappointed, because you have someone who is trying to work with industry, who is trying to get facts and data,” he said.

Monday’s vote was the fourth time a bill that would have required insurers to offer coverage to so-called “fire hardened” homes failed in the Legislature since 2020, according to an analysis by insurance committee staff.

Fire hardening includes measures such as cutting back brush, installing fire resistant roofs and closing eaves to resist fire embers.

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Pérez’s legislation was thought to have a better chance of passage because it followed the most catastrophic wildfires in U.S. history, which damaged or destroyed more than 18,000 structures and killed 31 people.

The bill was co-sponsored by the Los Angeles advocacy group Consumer Watchdog and Every Fire Survivor’s Network, a community group founded in Altadena after the fires formerly called the Eaton Fire Survivors Network.

But it also had broad support from groups such as the California Apartment Association, the California Nurses Association and California Environmental Voters.

Leading up to the fires, many insurers, citing heightened fire risk, had dropped policyholders in fire-prone neighorhoods. That forced them onto the California FAIR Plan, the state’s insurer of last resort, which offers limited but costly policies.

A Times analysis found that that in the Palisades and Eaton fire zones, the FAIR Plan’s rolls from 2020 to 2024 nearly doubled from 14,272 to 28,440. Mandating coverage has been seen as a way of reducing FAIR Plan enrollment.

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“I’m disappointed this bill died in committee. Fire survivors deserved better,” Pérez said in a statement .

Also failing Monday in the committee was SB 982, a bill authored by Sen. Scott Wiener, (D-San Francisco). It would have authorized California’s attorney general to sue fossil fuel companies to recover losses from climate-induced disasters. It was opposed by the oil and gas industry.

Passing the committee were two other Pérez bills. SB 877 requires insurers to provide more transparency in the claims process. SB 878 imposes a penalty on insurers who don’t make claims payments on time.

Another bill, SB 1301, authored by insurance commissioner candidate Sen. Ben Allen, (D-Pacific Palisades), also passed. It protects policyholders from unexplained and abrupt policy non-renewals.

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How We Cover the White House Correspondents’ Dinner

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How We Cover the White House Correspondents’ Dinner

Times Insider explains who we are and what we do, and delivers behind-the-scenes insights into how our journalism comes together.

Politicians in Washington and the reporters who cover them have an often adversarial relationship.

But on the last Saturday in April, they gather for an irreverent celebration of press freedom and the First Amendment at the Washington Hilton Hotel: The White House Correspondents’ Association dinner.

Hosted by the association, an organization that helps ensure access for media outlets covering the presidency, the dinner attracts Hollywood stars; politicians from both parties; and representatives of more than 100 networks, newspapers, magazines and wire services.

While The Times will have two reporters in the ballroom covering the event, the company no longer buys seats at the party, said Richard W. Stevenson, the Washington bureau chief. The decision goes back almost two decades; the last dinner The Times attended as an organization was in 2007.

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“We made a judgment back then that the event had become too celebrity-focused and was undercutting our need to demonstrate to readers that we always seek to maintain a proper distance from the people we cover, many of whom attend as guests,” he said.

It’s a decision, he added, that “we have stuck by through both Republican and Democratic administrations, although we support the work of the White House Correspondents’ Association.”

Susan Wessling, The Times’s Standards editor, said the policy is a product of the organization’s desire to maintain editorial independence.

“We don’t want to leave readers with any questions about our independence and credibility by seeming to be overly friendly with people whose words and actions we need to report on,” she said.

The celebrity mentalist Oz Pearlman is headlining the evening, in lieu of the usual comedy set by the likes of Stephen Colbert and Hasan Minhaj, but all eyes will be on President Trump, who will make his first appearance at the dinner as president.

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Mr. Trump has boycotted the event since 2011, when he was the butt of punchlines delivered by President Barack Obama and the talk show host Seth Meyers mocking his hair, his reality TV show and his preoccupation with the “birther” movement.

Last month, though, Mr. Trump, who has a contentious relationship with the media, announced his intention to attend this year’s dinner, where he will speak to a room full of the same reporters he often derides as “enemies of the people.”

Times reporters will be there to document the highs, the lows and the reactions in the room. A reporter for the Styles desk has also been assigned to cover the robust roster of after-parties around Washington.

Some off-duty reporters from The Times will also be present at this late-night circuit, though everyone remains cognizant of their roles, said Patrick Healy, The Times’s assistant managing editor for Standards and Trust.

“If they’re reporting, there’s a notebook or recorder out as usual,” he said. “If they’re not, they’re pros who know they’re always identifiable as Times journalists.”

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For most of The Times’s reporters and editors, though, the evening will be experienced from home.

“The rest of us will be able to follow the coverage,” Mr. Stevenson said, “without having to don our tuxes or gowns.”

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MrBeast company sued over claims of sexual harassment, firing a new mom

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MrBeast company sued over claims of sexual harassment, firing a new mom

A former female staffer who worked for Beast Industries, the media venture behind the popular YouTube channel MrBeast, is suing the company, alleging she was sexually harassed and fired shortly after she returned from maternity leave.

The employee, Lorrayne Mavromatis, a Brazilian-born social media professional, alleges in a lawsuit she was subjected to sexual harassment by the company’s management and demoted after she complained about her treatment. She said she was urged to join a conference call while in labor and expected to work during her maternity leave in violation of the Family and Medical Leave Act, according to the federal complaint filed Wednesday in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of North Carolina.

“This clout-chasing complaint is built on deliberate misrepresentations and categorically false statements, and we have the receipts to prove it. There is extensive evidence — including Slack and WhatsApp messages, company documents, and witness testimony — that unequivocally refutes her claims. We will not submit to opportunistic lawyers looking to manufacture a payday from us,” Gaude Paez, a Beast Industries spokesperson, said in a statement.

Jimmy Donaldson, 27, began MrBeast as a teen gaming channel that soon exploded into a media company worth an estimated $5 billion, with 500 employees and 450 million subscribers who watch its games, stunts and giveaways.

Mavromatis, who was hired in 2022 as its head of Instagram, described a pervasive climate of discrimination and harassment, according to the lawsuit.

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In her complaint, she alleges the company’s former CEO James Warren made her meet him at his home for one-on-one meetings while he commented on her looks and dismissed her complaints about a male client’s unwanted advances, telling her “she should be honored that the client was hitting on her.”

When Mavromatis asked Warren why MrBeast, Donaldson, would not work with her, she was told that “she is a beautiful woman and her appearance had a certain sexual effect on Jimmy,” and, “Let’s just say that when you’re around and he goes to the restroom, he’s not actually using the restroom.”

Paez refuted the claim.

“That’s ridiculous. This is an allegation fabricated for the sole purpose of sparking headlines,” Paez said.

Mavromatis said she endured a slate of other indignities such as being told by Donaldson that she “would only participate in her video shoot if she brought him a beer.”

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“In this male-centric workplace, Plaintiff, one of the few women in a high-level role, was excluded from otherwise all-male meetings, demeaned in front of colleagues, harassed, and suffered from males be given preferential treatment in employment decisions,” states the complaint.

When Mavromatis raised a question during a staff meeting with her team, she said a male colleague told her to “shut up” or “stop talking.”

At MrBeast headquarters in Greenville, N.C., she said male executives mocked female contestants participating in BeastGames, “who complained they did not have access to feminine hygiene products and clean underwear while participating in the show.”

In November 2023, Mavromatis formally complained about “the sexually inappropriate encounters and harassment, and demeaning and hostile work environment she and other female employees had been living and experiencing working at MrBeast,” to the company’s then head of human resources, Sue Parisher, who is also Donaldson’s mother, according to the suit.

In her complaint, Mavromatis said Beast Industries did not have a method or process for employees to report such issues either anonymously or to a third party, rather employees were expected to follow the company’s handbook, “How to Succeed In MrBeast Production.”

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In it, employees were instructed that, “It’s okay for the boys to be childish,” “if talent wants to draw a dick on the white board in the video or do something stupid, let them” and “No does not mean no,” according to the complaint.

Mavromatis alleges that she was demoted and then fired.

Paez said that Mavromatis’s role was eliminated as part of a reorganization of an underperforming group within Beast Industries and that she was made aware of this.

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