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The Chinese Base That Isn’t There

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The Chinese Base That Isn’t There

China insists it is not building a naval base in Cambodia. Cambodia says the same.

But this aircraft carrier-ready pier suggests otherwise.

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As does this enormous drydock.

Perched near a major sea route, they appear tailor-made to advance China’s naval ambitions.

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In 2020, something curious happened at Cambodia’s Ream military base, on the Gulf of Thailand.

Not long after submitting — and then abruptly withdrawing — a request for the U.S. Defense Department to refurbish parts of the base, Cambodian officials proceeded to demolish the American-funded buildings that were already there, some only four years old.

Then the Chinese got to work.

Since December, two Chinese warships have docked nearly every day at the rapidly expanding port. And the work taking place at Ream is in keeping with a Chinese building spree that ranges from near the Red Sea to the South China Sea.

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The Chinese military presence near one of the world’s most vital sea lanes raises fundamental questions about Beijing’s ambitions. While the American constellation of military bases remains by far the largest in the world, a resurgent China is bringing countries like Cambodia into its orbit.

“The potential for a permanent Chinese military presence in Cambodia raises significant geopolitical concerns,” said Sophal Ear, a Cambodian-American political scientist at the Thunderbird School of Global Management at Arizona State University. “It could prompt strategic adjustments from the U.S. and heighten global perceptions of Chinese militarization.”

Cambodian and Chinese flags at joint military drills in Cambodia last month.

Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

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The Long Visit

On Dec. 3, 2023, Cambodia’s defense minister announced that two Chinese Navy corvettes were visiting Ream for a joint military exercise. Satellite images show that the warships had arrived two days earlier. They have stayed in the vicinity ever since.

The corvettes are the only ships that have docked at the new Chinese-built pier at Ream, which can accommodate ships far larger than any in Cambodia’s fleet. Cambodia’s own smaller corvettes dock at a much more modest pier to the south.

Two Chinese warships have docked at Ream for more than seven months

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Source: Satellite images by Planet Labs

Over the past few years, American officials and Japanese naval vessels have also tried to visit Ream. They were denied full access.

“We are clear eyed about the People’s Republic of China’s efforts to establish overseas military bases, including at Ream,” said John Supple, a Pentagon spokesman. “We’re particularly concerned about the People’s Republic of China’s lack of transparency around its intentions and the terms it negotiates, because countries should be free to make sovereign choices that support their interests and regional security.”

The Cambodians deny any greater Chinese intent.

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When Lloyd J. Austin III, the U.S. secretary of defense, traveled to Cambodia in early June, he was told by his counterparts there that China was simply helping Cambodia modernize its military, not building a base for itself.

“The Ream military base is Cambodia’s, not the military base of any country,” Mey Dina, the commander of the base, told The New York Times. “It is not right to say that the base is controlled by China.”

While the construction at Ream is still underway, no foreign vessels will be allowed to dock there, Mr. Mey Dina said. The foreign vessels that have been docked there for more than half a year — the Chinese corvettes — were for “training only,” he said.


Power Projection

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China’s leader, Xi Jinping, has articulated a grand vision for his growing superpower. Chief among his military goals: a blue-water navy that can project Beijing’s might far from China’s shores.

Today, China boasts the world’s largest navy in terms of the number of vessels. And it has added aircraft carriers to its fleet.

But navies of this size and scope, operating thousands of miles from home, need access to bases abroad.

In 2017, after years of evasiveness about what was being built, China completed its first base on foreign soil, in Djibouti, in the Horn of Africa.

The pier at Ream appears similar to one at China’s Djibouti Naval Base

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Sources: BlackSky; Center for Strategic and International Studies (C.S.I.S.); satellite images by Planet Labs on May 27 and May 8, 2024.

That same year, China put finishing touches on a far more startling project in disputed waters in the South China Sea.

Churning up coral and sand from the ocean floor, state-owned dredgers created military installations on what had once been placid atolls called the Spratlys. An international tribunal has ruled that some of those specks of land are not Chinese territory.

The same kind of state-owned dredgers are now operating in Ream. Out of reclaimed land, they have created a wharf and dry dock, each of which far surpasses the needs of the Cambodian fleet.

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Still, unlike the installations at the Spratlys, Ream does not appear to have building sites reserved for missile launchers or fighter jet hangars. Ream may be primarily intended as a resupply station for the Chinese navy, according to satellite analysts.

China’s military footprint abroad is small but growing

Sources: C.S.I.S.; Congressional Research Service; satellite images by Planet Labs.

Note: Completion year based on first report of personnel deployment or training exercise.

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“Ream is more like China playing roulette as it looks for ports for the blue water navy that Xi Jinping wants,” said Gregory B. Poling, director of the Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. “I don’t think any Chinese planner looked at all the possible locations around the world and said, ‘Ream is the one we need.’ It’s more that Ream is one of the only ones on offer because China has no real allies and few friends.”


Commercial Beachheads

Even as the dredgers were working overtime at the Spratlys, Mr. Xi stood at the White House and swatted away fears that China’s new islands — which now bristle with fighter jet-ready runways, radar domes and warehouses made for missiles — were for military purposes. Chinese officials said they would be havens for tourism.

China’s base building has depended on state-owned companies, which are legally obligated to pursue the country’s national security interests, to make the initial forays. Chinese officials are blunt about the strategy: “First civilian, then military,” is how they put it.

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China has expanded its commercial influence across the world’s seas

Source: AidData

Note: Data shows ports partially or fully financed by Chinese state-owned companies via loans and grants made in 2000–2021 for implementation 2000–2023. Map shows only projects over $10 Million.

Establishing a commercial beachhead is easier in countries where China already holds economic sway.

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In recent years, Cambodia has steadily marched into China’s arms. Its longtime leader, Hun Sen, used to excoriate the United States for linking its aid and investment to improvements in the country’s human rights record.

Now, Cambodia is led by Mr. Hun Sen’s son, Hun Manet, who, although a graduate of the United States Military Academy, has shown little inclination so far to recalibrate from his father’s pro-China bent.

Ream is 80 percent finished, according to its commander, Mr. Mey Dina. Military analysts expect that the base will be complete by the end of the year.

Not far away, a Chinese company has carved out of once-protected jungle a runway long enough to accommodate bombers, which Cambodia does not have. The company says the airfield is largely intended for Chinese holiday-goers.

That is reminiscent of the innocent explanations offered for the Chinese construction in the Spratlys and Djibouti, said Mr. Ear, the political scientist.

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“China downplays or misrepresents the military nature of its overseas installations,” he said. “Despite Cambodia’s denials, the lack of transparency and the close relationship between Cambodia and China suggest the possibility that Ream could follow this familiar playbook.”

Chinese and Cambodian sailors stand guard on deck of a Chinese navy ship.

Agence France-Presse — Getty Images


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Map: 6.4-Magnitude Earthquake Shakes the Philippine Sea

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Map: 6.4-Magnitude Earthquake Shakes the Philippine Sea

Note: Map shows the area with a shake intensity of 4 or greater, which U.S.G.S. defines as “light,” though the earthquake may be felt outside the areas shown.  All times on the map are Philippine time. The New York Times

A strong, 6.4-magnitude earthquake struck in the Philippine Sea on Wednesday, according to the United States Geological Survey.

The temblor happened at 11:02 a.m. Philippine time about 17 miles east of Santiago, Philippines, data from the agency shows.

U.S.G.S. data earlier reported that the magnitude was 6.7.

As seismologists review available data, they may revise the earthquake’s reported magnitude. Additional information collected about the earthquake may also prompt U.S.G.S. scientists to update the shake-severity map.

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Aftershocks in the region

An aftershock is usually a smaller earthquake that follows a larger one in the same general area. Aftershocks are typically minor adjustments along the portion of a fault that slipped at the time of the initial earthquake.

Quakes and aftershocks within 100 miles

Source: United States Geological Survey | Notes: Shaking categories are based on the Modified Mercalli Intensity scale. When aftershock data is available, the corresponding maps and charts include earthquakes within 100 miles and seven days of the initial quake. All times above are Philippine time. Shake data is as of Tuesday, Jan. 6 at 10:16 p.m. Eastern. Aftershocks data is as of Wednesday, Jan. 7 at 12:18 a.m. Eastern.

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Maps: Daylight (urban areas); MapLibre (map rendering); Natural Earth (roads, labels, terrain); Protomaps (map tiles)

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Pope Leo calls for Christians to treat foreigners with kindness as he closes Catholic Holy Year

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Pope Leo calls for Christians to treat foreigners with kindness as he closes Catholic Holy Year

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Pope Leo XIV closed the Catholic Church’s Holy Year on Tuesday by urging Christians around the world to help people in need and treat foreigners with kindness.

Leo, who has repeatedly stressed the importance of caring for immigrants during his papacy thus far, said at a Vatican ceremony that the record 33.5 million pilgrims who visited Rome during the Holy Year should have learned not to treat people as mere “products.”

“Around us, a distorted economy tries to profit from everything,” Leo said. “After this year, will we be better able to recognize a pilgrim in the visitor, a seeker in the stranger, a neighbor in the foreigner?”

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Pope Leo XIV closed the Catholic Church’s Holy Year by urging Christians around the world to help people in need and treat foreigners with kindness. (David Ramos/Getty Images)

Holy years, or jubilees, typically happen every 25 years, considered to be a time of peace, forgiveness and pardon. Pilgrims to Rome can enter special “Holy Doors” at four Rome basilicas and attend papal audiences throughout the year.

Leo shut the special bronze door at St. Peter’s Basilica on Tuesday morning, which officially marked the end of the Holy Year.

The next Holy Year is not expected before 2033, when the Catholic Church may hold a special one to mark 2,000 years since the death of Jesus.

POPE LEO XIV OPENS 2026 URGING WORLD TO REJECT VIOLENCE IN POWERFUL NEW YEAR’S DAY MESSAGE

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Pope Leo XIV said the record pilgrims who visited Rome during the Holy Year should have learned not to treat people as mere “products.” (Alberto PIZZOLI / AFP via Getty Images))

On Monday, the Vatican and Italian officials said pilgrims to Rome for the 2025 jubilee came from 185 countries, with the majority from Italy, the U.S., Spain, Brazil and Poland.

The 2025 jubilee was opened by the late Pope Francis, who died in April, and closed by Leo, who was elected in May, making him the first American pope.

It was a historical rarity not seen in 300 years for it to be opened by one pope and closed by another. The last jubilee held under two different popes was in the year 1700, when Innocent XII opened the Holy Year that was then closed by Clement XI.

Pope Leo XIV shut the special bronze door at St. Peter’s Basilica on Tuesday morning, which officially marked the end of the Holy Year. (Gregorio Borgia/AP)

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Leo, who has promised to keep Francis’ signature policies such as welcoming gay Catholics and discussing women’s ordination, echoed his predecessor’s frequent criticisms of the global economic system during his remarks on Tuesday.

The markets “turn human yearnings of seeking, traveling and beginning again into a mere business,” Leo said.

Reuters contributed to this report.

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How strong are Latin America’s military forces, as they face US threats?

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How strong are Latin America’s military forces, as they face US threats?

Over the weekend, the United States carried out a large-scale military strike against Venezuela and abducted President Nicolas Maduro in a major escalation that sent shockwaves across Latin America.

On Monday morning, US President Donald Trump doubled down, threatening action against the governments of Colombia, Cuba and Mexico unless they “get their act together”, claiming he is countering drug trafficking and securing US interests in the Western Hemisphere.

The remarks revive deep tensions over US interference in Latin America. Many of the governments targeted by Trump have little appetite for Washington’s involvement, but their armed forces lack the capacity to keep the US at arm’s length.

US President Donald Trump issues warnings to Colombia, Cuba and Mexico while speaking to reporters on Air Force One while returning from his Florida estate to Washington, DC, on January 4, 2026 [Jonathan Ernst/Reuters]

Latin America’s military capabilities

The US has the strongest military in the world and spends more on its military than the total budgets of the next 10 largest military spenders combined. In 2025, the US defence budget was $895bn, roughly 3.1 percent of its gross domestic product.

According to the 2025 Global Firepower rankings, Brazil has the most powerful military in Latin America and is ranked 11th globally.

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Mexico ranks 32nd globally, Colombia 46th, Venezuela 50th and Cuba 67th. All of these countries are significantly below the US military in all metrics, including the number of active personnel, military aircraft, combat tanks, naval assets and their military budgets.

In a standard war involving tanks, planes and naval power, the US maintains overwhelming superiority.

The only notable metric that these countries have over the US is their paramilitary forces, which operate alongside the regular armed forces, often using asymmetrical warfare and unconventional tactics against conventional military strategies.

INTERACTIVE - Latin America military capabilities - JAN6, 2026-1767695033
(Al Jazeera)

Paramilitaries across Latin America

Several Latin American countries have long histories of paramilitary and irregular armed groups that have often played a role in the internal security of these countries. These groups are typically armed, organised and politically influential but operate outside the regular military chain of command.

Cuba has the world’s third largest paramilitary force, made up of more than 1.14 million members, as reported by Global Firepower. These groups include state-controlled militias and neighbourhood defence committees. The largest of these, the Territorial Troops Militia, serves as a civilian reserve aimed at assisting the regular army against external threats or during internal crises.

In Venezuela, members of pro-government armed civilian groups known as “colectivos” have been accused of enforcing political control and intimidating opponents. Although not formally part of the armed forces, they are widely seen as operating with state tolerance or support, particularly during periods of unrest under Maduro.

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In Colombia, right-wing paramilitary groups emerged in the 1980s to fight left-wing rebels. Although officially demobilised in the mid-2000s, many later re-emerged as criminal or neo-paramilitary organisations, remaining active in rural areas. The earliest groups were organised with the involvement of the Colombian military following guidance from US counterinsurgency advisers during the Cold War.

In Mexico, heavily armed drug cartels function as de facto paramilitary forces. Groups such as the Zetas, originally formed by former soldiers, possess military-grade weapons and exercise territorial control, often outgunning local police and challenging the state’s authority. The Mexican military has increasingly been deployed in law enforcement roles in response.

History of US interference in Latin America

Over the past two centuries, the US has repeatedly interfered in Latin America.

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the so-called Banana Wars saw US forces deployed across Central America to protect corporate interests.

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In 1934, President Franklin D Roosevelt introduced the “Good Neighbor Policy”, pledging nonintervention.

Yet during the Cold War, the US financed operations to overthrow elected governments, often coordinated by the CIA, founded in 1947.

Panama is the only Latin American country the US has formally invaded, which occurred in 1989 under President George HW Bush. “Operation Just Cause” ostensibly was aimed at removing President Manuel Noriega, who was later convicted of drug trafficking and other offences.

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