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Many in Michigan don't know how — or whether — they'll vote in the general election
Left to right: Ka’Marr Coleman-Byrd, Shelly Zissler and Deasia Sampson, some of the undecided voters Morning Edition spoke to in the Detroit area.
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Left to right: Ka’Marr Coleman-Byrd, Shelly Zissler and Deasia Sampson, some of the undecided voters Morning Edition spoke to in the Detroit area.
Elaine Cromie for NPR
Kaja Braziel has historically voted Democrat. The 30-year-old Detroit native remembers casting her first-ever vote for Barack Obama, which eventually factored into her support for President Joe Biden.
Four years later, Braziel says she’s apprehensive about voting for Biden again. The Wayne State University senior, who also works full time, is upset that Biden hasn’t done more to address student loans. She acknowledges he’s not solely responsible for falling short of his promises, but says it’s an issue nonetheless.
“It doesn’t stop that from affecting my thought process of, when do I get to be a real adult?” said Braziel, who sacrificed an additional job in order to commit to her studies. “When do I get to buy a house? When do I get to feel stable enough to think about seriously having kids?”
Braziel has her doubts about continuing to support Biden, but says she doesn’t feel drawn to Republican candidates either. Eight months out from the general election, she told NPR’s Morning Edition she doesn’t know who to vote for, or whether she will even vote at all.
“It doesn’t seem like any choice is really a good choice at all,” said Braziel. “It feels more so like you’re caught between the devil you know and the devil you don’t. And at this point in time, it feels like both the devils that we know. And I’m not comfortable with either of them.”
Braziel is not alone.
Wayne State University senior Kaja Braziel, pictured on campus in Detroit on Friday, is apprehensive about voting for Biden again. Some of her top concerns are student loan forgiveness and the need for a livable wage.
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Wayne State University senior Kaja Braziel, pictured on campus in Detroit on Friday, is apprehensive about voting for Biden again. Some of her top concerns are student loan forgiveness and the need for a livable wage.
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NPR’s Morning Edition spoke with many metro Detroit residents ahead of Tuesday’s primary who didn’t plan to vote because they assumed Trump and Biden’s victories were a foregone conclusion — an assumption that proved correct within minutes of polls closing.
People of all ages and backgrounds — from college students to autoworkers — said they weren’t sure who, if anyone, to vote for in November either.
While their preferred parties, voting histories and policy concerns varied, many cited the economy, immigration, foreign military aid and societal divisions as their top issues, and said neither Trump nor Biden have done enough to solve them.
There was palpable disillusionment across the board, consistent with national polling that shows a majority of U.S. adults are pessimistic about the likely nominees and the state of politics in general.
That could spell trouble for both parties, since Michigan is one of a handful of swing states expected to help decide the presidency. Trump won it by just under 11,000 votes in 2016, while Biden won by over 154,000 votes in 2020, a year that saw record turnout of 5.5 million voters.
Conversations with eligible voters in the Detroit area help explain why enthusiasm is dimming — especially among key demographic groups like young voters and Black voters — and what the leading candidates would need to do to win them back.
A family of autoworkers worries about immigration, inflation and division
For Shelly and Matt Zissler, 47 and 50, working on cars is in their blood. The third- and second-generation autoworkers met on the job and got married in 2019. The following year, they both voted for Trump.
That was the first time Shelly, a lifelong Democrat, voted Republican. She says it’s because she felt Trump was “mentally better to run our country.” Matt, who identifies as a libertarian, had voted for Trump before but describes 2020 as a “very painful vote.”
Matt Zissler, Shelly Zissler and her son, Matt Vaughn, who all work for General Motors’ Flint Assembly plant, pose for a portrait outside their home in Flint, Mich., on Saturday.
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Matt Zissler, Shelly Zissler and her son, Matt Vaughn, who all work for General Motors’ Flint Assembly plant, pose for a portrait outside their home in Flint, Mich., on Saturday.
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Sitting at home in Flint, about an hour north of Detroit, the couple tells Morning Edition‘s Leila Fadel that they’re not sure how they’ll vote come November, but they wish they had different choices.
“I personally would like to see new people running,” Shelly said. “Because I feel like we’re just going to keep repeating this cycle of what we’ve already been through, if it’s the same two people.”
They could look to leadership of the United Auto Workers union — of which they are among more than 380,000 members in several states — for guidance on how to vote. UAW president Shawn Fain officially endorsed Biden last month, a coveted distinction in a state where support from blue-collar workers buoyed Trump in 2016.
It’s a major get for the candidate who bills himself as the most pro-worker president in U.S. history, and became the first sitting president to join a picket line in modern history when he showed his support for striking autoworkers last fall. But it doesn’t necessarily translate into votes from all UAW members.
“I will never let anyone tell me who to vote for,” said Matt. “I’ll take information from everyone. But in the end I’ll make up my own mind, whether it’s a union-endorsed candidate or not.”
The two say their top concerns include immigration and foreign aid. Shelly blames Biden for the record number of migrants crossing the southern border, and says she doesn’t understand “why it can’t be figured out.” Matt wants the government to stop sending money to wars overseas and do more to help people struggling at home.
“I still want to help people whenever we can,” he said. “But what if it comes at the cost of our own people, especially our veterans?”
Matt Zissler, who identifies as a libertarian, says the UAW leader’s endorsement alone won’t dictate his vote.
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Matt Zissler, who identifies as a libertarian, says the UAW leader’s endorsement alone won’t dictate his vote.
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Both are also concerned about the prices of things like gas and groceries. Shelly’s 28-year-old son, Matt Vaughan — a fourth-generation autoworker — says he still struggles at times, despite the generous pay raise he got in the most recent union contract.
Above all, the Zisslers take issue with how divided the country is. They say they have lost friends over politics. And they blame politicians in D.C., who they see as arguing with each other instead of listening to their constituents.
“I think we’re mirroring Washington more and more and more,” Matt said. “They’re supposed to be leading us and they’re acting like fools over there.”
They hope the candidates will do more to try to bring people together. They believe the right person could do it — but don’t think that’s either of the names poised to be on the ballot this fall.
Some Black churchgoers have lost faith in Biden
Black voters are credited with helping Biden win Michigan in 2020, thanks in large part to churches and other organizations who mobilized their members. That’s particularly true of Detroit, where Biden beat Trump by 94% to 5%.
And yet some Black voters in the city, especially younger Black voters, told NPR that they’ve lost faith in Biden. As they filed out of Sunday services at Greater New Mount Moriah Missionary Baptist Church, several shared that they had yet to decide who to vote for in the general election.
Ka’Marr Coleman-Byrd poses outside of Greater New Mt. Moriah Missionary Baptist Church in Detroit after service on Sunday.
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Ka’Marr Coleman-Byrd poses outside of Greater New Mt. Moriah Missionary Baptist Church in Detroit after service on Sunday.
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Ka’Marr Coleman-Byrd, a 27-year-old tax consultant who voted for Biden in 2020, says he’ll make up his mind closer to November based on where things stand with issues like foreign aid, race relations and student loans.
“Growing up, I feel like I voted Democrat just because it just seemed like the thing to do,” he said. “I’d say now … I’m sort of more into politics and seeing exactly what both parties present, so it’s not just like a blind vote in a sense.”
Just 50% of Black adults nationally approve of Biden, down from 86% in July 2021, according to a December AP-NORC poll. And there are signs that Black Michiganders’ support for Biden — which Democratic strategists see as key to his reelection — is waning.
A Howard University Initiative on Public Opinion poll released this month found that 91% of Black voters in Michigan plan to vote in the general election. When asked who they would vote for if that were today, 49% of respondents said Biden and 26% said Trump.
Deasia Sampson of Westland, Michigan, pictured outside Greater New Mt. Moriah Missionary Baptist Church on Sunday, voted for Biden in 2020 but isn’t sure how she’ll vote in November.
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Deasia Sampson of Westland, Michigan, pictured outside Greater New Mt. Moriah Missionary Baptist Church on Sunday, voted for Biden in 2020 but isn’t sure how she’ll vote in November.
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Deasia Sampson, 28, said she always makes it her duty to vote, even though she’s not sure who it will be for this time around. She points to student loan forgiveness, inflation and funding for schools as her top concerns, especially as a mom of a three-year-old.
Sampson works for the state Department of Health and Human Services, helping administer EBT and Medicaid programs. And she said she’s seen firsthand how many people are applying for benefits compared to before the COVID pandemic.
“Yeah they have this or have that, but they’re still struggling with food, still struggling with their utility bills, still struggling with medical coverage,” she added.
CJ Sampson says he’s lost confidence in Biden over his handling of issues like student loan forgiveness, inflation and foreign military aid.
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CJ Sampson says he’s lost confidence in Biden over his handling of issues like student loan forgiveness, inflation and foreign military aid.
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Her husband, CJ Sampson, agrees. While he considers himself a liberal, he’s lost confidence in Biden. The 31-year-old wishes he had seen more police reform since voting for Biden in 2020, is torn about whether his life was better under Trump or Biden.
“It’s kind of a mixture of both,” he said.
Several churchgoers in their 70s also gave Biden mixed reviews, docking points for things like high healthcare costs and the amount of money the U.S. is giving to Ukraine. Biden’s age — arguably his biggest political vulnerability — was a deterrent for some and a nonissue for others.
Velma Matthews, 76, left, and Lovie Hatcher, 74, pose for a portrait outside Greater New Mt. Moriah Missionary Baptist Church on Sunday.
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Velma Matthews, 76, left, and Lovie Hatcher, 74, pose for a portrait outside Greater New Mt. Moriah Missionary Baptist Church on Sunday.
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Velma Matthews, 76, voted for Biden in 2020 and plans to do so again. She thinks he’s a good person and believes in his politics. But she’s not necessarily pleased with how the government is functioning.
Her advice for politicians? “Get down to doing the business of government and stop all this craziness that’s going on.”
Dissatisfied college students wonder how to make their votes count
Wayne State University’s Detroit campus was mostly quiet last Friday at lunchtime, but not at the long, narrow table where six undergraduates gathered to share their election anxieties with Morning Edition.
The students range in age from 19 to 30 and hail from various parts of Michigan. Many of them are majoring in global studies. And all of them — not just Braziel — are unhappy with the choice likely awaiting them in November.
Addison Tracy was one of several Wayne State University students who told NPR they see voting for Biden as a harm reduction measure.
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Addison Tracy was one of several Wayne State University students who told NPR they see voting for Biden as a harm reduction measure.
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“In the last election, I remember feeling disappointed that I couldn’t vote, because it felt more meaningful then — it felt like a reaction against Trump,” said Addison Tracy, 21. “Rolling around to this election and being able to vote in it, with probably the same two candidates and two choices … I don’t feel hopeful or like I’m voting for something that will be that meaningful.”
Michigan saw a surge in young voters in 2020, to Biden’s advantage. And voters 18-29 turned out at a rate of 37% in Michigan in 2022, according to the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement at Tufts University — far higher than any other state it analyzed and the national average youth turnout rate itself.
But many students told NPR they’re not sure whether they’ll vote this year — at all, let alone for Biden. Their top concerns include the economy, human rights, the Israel-Hamas war and the state of politics in general.
Rania Umer, pictured at Wayne State University in Detroit, is eligible to vote for the first time in November but doesn’t plan to do so.
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Rania Umer, pictured at Wayne State University in Detroit, is eligible to vote for the first time in November but doesn’t plan to do so.
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Rania Umer, 19, does not think she’ll vote. She doesn’t support Trump, citing Jan. 6 and his human rights track record. But she also disagrees with Biden’s response to the war — specifically, the fact that the U.S. has not called for a permanent ceasefire or stopped sending military aid to Israel.
“If someone does not want either of these things, what are they supposed to do?” she asked. “It’s not like we have a choice. We are being pushed to vote undecided, third party, not vote at all.”
That sense of disappointment fueled a movement of Arab American, Muslim and other young voters, mostly in the Detroit metro area, to vote “uncommitted” on Tuesday as a warning to Biden: Change course on Gaza or risk losing our votes in November. The campaign had achieved more than ten times its goal of 10,000 votes by early Wednesday morning.
Some students around the table said they’ll ultimately vote for Biden in November, despite their reservations. Several specifically described it as a form of “harm reduction,” comparing Biden’s stance on abortion access and LGBTQ rights to that of Trump.
“There aren’t good options for any of us,” said Tracy. “We’re going to have to find other ways, whether it’s direct action or organizing and protesting … to show what we want, because voting clearly doesn’t seem to be a tool that’s working right now.”
Collectively, the students said they feel taken for granted by Democrats, turned off by Republicans and dismayed that each party seems to be campaigning on what to vote against, rather than for.
Wayne State University student Jovan Martin, who will either vote undecided or for Biden this fall, says he doesn’t feel like the U.S. is truly a democracy.
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Wayne State University student Jovan Martin, who will either vote undecided or for Biden this fall, says he doesn’t feel like the U.S. is truly a democracy.
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Jovan Martin, a junior, said there’s a clear need for a change in American politics, and that could start with people taking a stand in this election. He himself is torn between voting undecided or for Biden.
“Why is it that I have to vote in an election for two people that I hate, for two people that I feel like don’t represent me, for two people that are the oldest in American history?” Martin said. “And then it’s like, oh, maybe our democracy, maybe there’s a problem here. And then if we get enough people, it spreads like a virus. And then, that’s change.”
What then, do they say, to people who say they’re risking democracy — by throwing away their votes or potentially helping pave the way for another Trump term? Some acknowledged it’s not a decision they make lightly or even proudly. Others were quick to dismiss the idea that this is an especially consequential election.
Wayne State University student Sandeep Menon believes Democrats are risking young voters’ support because they have a messaging problem.
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Wayne State University student Sandeep Menon believes Democrats are risking young voters’ support because they have a messaging problem.
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“Are we not going to forget the decades’ worth of election that had the slavery debate, that actually rended our country and had a civil war?” said Sandeep Menon, 23, who is also a member of the Michigan Army National Guard.
“The issue that we have to worry about is not that, oh, our democracy is just going to suddenly end if Trump were to become president … Our institutions get eroded away when we fail to maintain them.”
Over an hour into the conversation, with a certain heaviness in the air, NPR asked the students whether there was anything giving them hope. The prevailing answer was the discussion itself.
“I know for a fact there are thousands upon thousands of people that agree with every single one of us,” Martin said. “And if we’re able to talk and convey these things, this is democracy, what we’re doing right here.”
The broadcast interviews for this story were produced by Ziad Buchh and edited by Reena Advani.
The Senate early Thursday morning adopted a Republican budget blueprint that would pave the way for a $70 billion increase for immigration enforcement and the eventual reopening of the Department of Homeland Security.
Republicans pushed through the plan on a nearly party-line vote of 50 to 48. It came after an overnight marathon of rapid-fire votes, known as a vote-a-rama, in which the G.O.P. beat back a series of Democratic proposals aimed at addressing the high cost of health care, housing, food and energy. The debate put the two parties’ dueling messages on vivid display six months before the midterm elections.
Republicans, who are using the budget plan to lay the groundwork to eventually push through a filibuster-proof bill providing a multiyear funding stream for President Trump’s immigration crackdown, used the all-night session to highlight their hard-line stance on border security, seeking to portray Democrats as unwilling to safeguard the country.
Democrats tried and failed to add a series of changes aimed at addressing cost-of-living issues, seizing the opportunity to hammer Republicans as out of touch with and unwilling to act on the concerns of everyday Americans.
Here’s what to know about the budget plan and the nocturnal ritual senators engaged in before adopting it.
Republicans are seeking a way around a filibuster on D.H.S. funding.
The budget blueprint is a crucial piece of Republicans’ plan to fund the Department of Homeland Security and end a shutdown that has lasted for more than two months. After Democrats refused to fund immigration enforcement without new restrictions on agents’ tactics and conduct, the G.O.P. struck a deal with them to pass a spending bill that would fund everything but ICE and the Border Patrol. Republicans said they would fund those agencies through a special budget bill that Democrats could not block.
“We can fix this with Republican votes, and we will,” said Senator Lindsey Graham, Republican of South Carolina and the Budget Committee chairman. “Every Democrat has opposed money for the Border Patrol and ICE at a time of great peril.”
In resorting to a new budget blueprint, Republicans laid the groundwork to deny Democrats a chance to stop the immigration enforcement funding. But they also submitted themselves to a vote-a-rama, in which any senator can propose unlimited changes to such a measure before it is adopted.
The budget measure now goes to the House, which must adopt it before lawmakers in both chambers can draft the legislation funding immigration enforcement. That bill will provide yet another opportunity for a vote-a-rama even closer to the November election.
Democrats used the moment to hammer Republicans on affordability.
Democrats took to the floor to criticize Republicans for supercharging funding for federal immigration enforcement rather than moving legislation that would address Americans’ concerns over affordability.
“This is what Republicans are fighting for,” said Senator Chuck Schumer, Democrat of New York and the Democratic leader. “To maintain two unchecked rogue agencies that are dreaded in all corners of this country instead of reducing your health care costs, your housing costs, your grocery costs, your gas costs.”
Democrats offered a host of amendments along those lines, all of which were defeated by Republicans — and that was the point. The proposals were meant to put the G.O.P. in a tough political spot, showcasing their opposition to helping Americans afford high living costs. Fewer than a handful of G.O.P. senators crossed party lines to support them.
Republicans blocked Democrats’ proposals to address high living costs.
The G.O.P. thwarted an effort by Mr. Schumer to require that the budget measure lower out-of-pocket health care costs for Americans. Two Republicans who are up for re-election this year, Senators Susan Collins of Maine and Dan Sullivan of Alaska, voted with Democrats, but the proposal was still defeated.
Republicans also squelched a move by Senator Ben Ray Lujan, Democrat of New Mexico, to create a fund that would lower grocery costs and reverse cuts to food aid programs that Republicans enacted last year. Ms. Collins and Mr. Sullivan again joined Democrats.
Also defeated by the G.O.P.: a proposal by Senator John Hickenlooper, Democrat of Colorado, to address rising consumer prices brought on by Mr. Trump’s tariffs and the war in Iran; one by Senator Edward J. Markey, Democrat of Massachusetts, to require the budget measure to address rising electricity prices, and another by Mr. Markey to create a fund to bring down housing costs.
Senator Jon Ossoff, a Democrat who is up for re-election in Georgia, also sought to add language requiring the budget plan to address health insurance companies denying or delaying access to care, but that, too was blocked by Republicans.
Republicans sought to amplify their hard-line messages on immigration, voter I.D. and transgender care.
While Republicans had fewer proposals for changes to their own budget plan, they also sought to offer measures that would underscore their aggressive stance on immigration enforcement and dare Democrats to vote against them.
Mr. Graham offered an amendment to allocate funds toward a deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to the apprehension and deportation of adult immigrants convicted of rape, murder, or sexual abuse of a minor after illegally entering the United States. It passed unanimously.
Senator Josh Hawley, Republican of Missouri, sought to bar Medicaid payments to Planned Parenthood, which provides abortion and other services, and criticized the organization for providing transgender care to minors. Senator John Kennedy, Republican of Louisiana, also attempted to tack on the G.O.P. voter identification bill, known as the SAVE America Act. Both proposals were blocked when Democrats, joined by a few Republicans, voted to strike them as unrelated to the budget plan.
The Republicans who crossed party lines to oppose their own party’s proposals for new voting requirements were Ms. Collins along with Senators Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Thom Tillis of North Carolina.
Ms. Collins and Ms. Murkowski also opposed the effort to block payments to Planned Parenthood.
The firing of US Navy Secretary John Phelan is the latest in a shakeup of the American military during the war on Iran, now in its eighth week.
The Pentagon said Phelan would leave office immediately.
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“On behalf of the Secretary of War and Deputy Secretary of War, we are grateful to Secretary Phelan for his service to the Department and the United States Navy,” said chief Pentagon spokesperson Sean Parnell. “We wish him well in his future endeavours”.
His firing comes at a critical moment, with US naval forces enforcing a blockade on Iranian ports and ships, and maintaining a heavy presence around the Strait of Hormuz, through which 20 percent of the world’s oil and gas passes during peacetime.
Although the Pentagon gave no official reason for the dismissal, reports indicate the decision was linked to internal disputes, including tensions with Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth.
Phelan’s removal is part of a broader pattern of dismissals and restructuring within the US military under President Donald Trump’s administration – including during the current war.
So, who is John Phelan, and what impact could his firing have on US military strategy?
Who is John Phelan?
As the US Navy’s top civilian official, Phelan had various responsibilities, including overseeing recruiting, mobilising and organising, as well as construction and repair of ships and military equipment.
He was appointed in 2024 as a political ally of Trump, despite having no prior military or defence leadership experience.
Before entering government, Phelan was a businessman and investment executive, as well as a major Republican donor and fundraiser — a background that is fairly common among Trump appointees and advisers. The US president’s two top diplomatic negotiators, for instance, are Steve Witkoff — a real estate businessman with no prior diplomatic experience – and Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner.
According to the Reuters news agency, Phelan’s tenure quickly became controversial. He faced criticism for moving too slowly on shipbuilding reforms and for strained relationships with key Pentagon figures, including Hegseth and his deputy, Steve Feinberg.
In addition, Phelan was reportedly under an ethics investigation, which may have weakened his standing in the administration.
Navy Undersecretary Hung Cao, who was also reported to have a difficult relationship with Phelan, has become acting secretary. Fifty-four-year-old Cao is a 25-year Navy veteran who previously ran as a Republican candidate for the US Senate and House of Representatives in 2022 and 2024 respectively, but was unsuccessful on both occasions.
Democrats have criticised Phelan’s removal, calling it “troubling”.
“I am concerned it is yet another example of the instability and dysfunction that have come to define the Department of Defense under President Trump and Secretary Hegseth,” said Senator Jack Reed, the top Democrat on the Senate Armed Services Committee.
Who else has the Trump administration fired since the war with Iran began?
Phelan’s removal is the latest in a series of senior military leaders being fired or are leaving during the US-Israeli war on Iran, in addition to others since Trump was re-elected.
Among the most notable dismissals was Army Chief of Staff General Randy A. George, in the first week of April. George was appointed in 2023 under former US President Joe Biden.
According to reports, Hegseth also fired the head of the Army’s Transformation and Training Command, a unit concerned with modernising the army, and the Army’s chief of chaplains. The Pentagon has not confirmed their dismissal.
Why is Phelan’s dismissal significant?
The 62-year-old’s removal comes during a fragile ceasefire with Iran, as the US continues to move more naval assets into the region.
The Navy is central to enforcing Trump’s blockade of Iranian ports to restrict Iran’s oil exports and apply economic pressure on Tehran, as the US president looks eager to wrap up the war, which is deeply unpopular to many Americans.
However, there are no indications that Trump is willing to end the blockade or other naval operations in the Strait of Hormuz, as negotiations between Washington and Tehran have come to a standstill.
Tensions have escalated in recent days after the US military seized an Iranian container ship. The US claimed it was attempting to sail from the Arabian Sea through the Strait of Hormuz to the Iranian port of Bandar Abbas.
Tehran responded by describing the attack and hijack as an act of “piracy”.
Iran has since captured two cargo ships and fired at another.
Just two weeks ago, President Trump threatened to wipe out Iran’s civilization if it did not open the Strait of Hormuz. Days later, he said any Iranian “who fires at us, or at peaceful vessels, will be BLOWN TO HELL!”
Yet on Wednesday, after Iran seized two ships near the Strait of Hormuz, the White House was quick to argue the action was not a deal breaker for potential peace negotiations.
“These were not U.S. ships,” Karoline Leavitt, the White House press secretary, said on Fox News. “These were not Israeli ships.” Therefore, she explained, the Iranians had not violated a cease-fire with the United States that Mr. Trump has extended indefinitely.
She cautioned the news media against “blowing this out of proportion.”
The surprisingly tolerant tone from the White House suggests Mr. Trump is not eager to reignite a war that he started alongside Israel on Feb. 28 — a war that has proved unpopular with Americans and has gone on longer than he initially estimated.
The president on Tuesday extended a cease-fire between the United States and Iran that had been set to expire within hours, saying he wanted to give Tehran a chance to come up with a new proposal to end the war.
The American military has displayed its overwhelming might during the war, successfully striking thousands of targets. But it remains unclear whether Mr. Trump will accomplish the political objectives of the war.
The Iranian regime, even after its top leaders were killed, is still intact. Iran has not agreed to Mr. Trump’s demands to turn over its nuclear capabilities to the United States or significantly curtail them. And the Strait of Hormuz, a key passageway for world commerce that was open before the war, remains closed.
Nevertheless, the White House has repeatedly highlighted the military successes on the battlefield as evidence it is winning the war.
“We have completely confused and obliterated their regime,” Ms. Leavitt said on Fox Wednesday. “They are in a very weak position thanks to the actions taken by President Trump and our great United States armed forces, and so we will continue this important mission on our own.”
The oscillation between threats and a more conciliatory tone has long been one of Mr. Trump’s signature negotiating strategies.
Potential peace talks between the two countries are on hold. Vice President JD Vance had been poised to fly to Islamabad for negotiations. But the trip was postponed until Iran can “come up with a unified proposal,” Mr. Trump said.
The United States recently transmitted a written proposal to the Iranians intended to establish base-line points of agreement that could frame more detailed negotiations. The document covers a broad range of issues, but the core sticking points are the same ones that have bedeviled Western negotiators for more than a decade: the scope of Iran’s uranium enrichment program and the fate of its stockpile of enriched uranium.
Mr. Trump has not spoken publicly about the cease-fire, other than on social media. On Wednesday, he also posted about topics including “my Apprentice Juggernaut” — a reference to his former television show; the Virginia elections, which he called “rigged”; and a new book about Supreme Court Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr.
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