World

The EU law on platform workers is hanging by a thread. Here's why.

Published

2 years ago

January 18, 2024

The EU law on platform workers is hanging by a thread. Here's why.

Two years ago, Brussels unveiled ambitious legislation to improve the conditions of those who work for digital platforms such as Uber, Deliveroo and Glovo. Today, the law is scrambling to survive.

The Platform Workers Directive (PWD) was supposed to be a turning point in the so-called Gig Economy as millions of self-employed people who work through platforms across the bloc would be re-classified as employees and benefit from basic rights such as minimum salary, healthcare, accident insurance and paid leave.

But after going through six rounds of negotiations between the European Parliament and member states, the directive was stopped dead in its tracks, right when it was about to reach the finish line.

A meeting in late December, mere hours before Brussels grounded to a halt for the winter break, revealed a larger-than-expected group of countries opposed the draft law that had emerged from the talks.

France, Ireland, Sweden, Finland, Greece and the Baltic countries were among those making it clear they could not support the text on the table, spearheaded by the left-wing government of Spain as holder of the Council’s rotating presidency.

“When you move towards (rules) that would allow massive reclassifications, including self-employed workers who value their self-employed status, we cannot support it,” Olivier Dussopt, then-French minister of labour, said in December.

The co-legislators are expected to honour the deal hashed out in negotiations and push it forward to the final votes so the last-minute resistance, paired with its seize, sent alarm bells ringing.

Another bruising round of negotiations is now all but guaranteed, although no date has yet been selected.

The situation is particularly precarious as the June elections to the European Parliament impose a deadline for concluding interinstitutional talks by mid-February.

A question of presumption

The objections voiced by the no-go coalition all coincide in one critical point: the legal presumption of employment foreseen by the directive. This is the core pillar of the proposed law, without which the PWD would be effectively bereft of its raison d’être.

The legal presumption is the system under which a digital platform would be considered an employer, rather than just an intermediate, and the worker would be considered an employee, rather than a self-employed person.

Under the original proposal by the European Commission, the re-classification would happen if two out of five conditions are met in practice:

The platform determines the level of remuneration or sets upper limits.
The platform electronically oversees the performance of workers.
The platform restricts the ability of workers to choose their working hours, refuse tasks or use subcontractors.
The platform imposes mandatory rules of appearance, conduct and performance.
The platform limits the ability to build a client base or to work for a competitor.

According to the Commission’s estimates, about 5.5 million of the 28 million platform workers active across the bloc are currently misclassified and would therefore fall under the legal presumption. Doing so would make them entitled to rights like minimum wage, collective bargaining, work-time limits, health insurance, sick leave, unemployment benefits and retirement pensions – on par with any other regular worker.

The re-classification could be challenged, or rebutted, by either the company or the workers themselves. The burden of proof would fall on the platform to demonstrate the relation of employer-employee does not correspond with reality.

‘Pretty delicate’

From the very start, the directive proved contentious among member states, which are traditionally protective of their labour policies and welfare systems.

Before heading into talks with the Parliament, the 27 countries agreed on a common position that made considerable alterations to the legal presumption, expanding the criteria to seven and adding a vague provision to bypass the system in certain cases.

Meanwhile, MEPs opted instead for a general presumption clause that would apply, in principle, to all platform workers. The criteria to re-classify as employees would only kick in during the rebuttal phase, making it harder for companies to circumvent the system. Lawmakers also strengthened the transparency requirements on algorithms and turned up the heat on penalties for non-compliant firms.

The gap between the Council and the Parliament slowed down the negotiations, known as trilogue, with six rounds needed to reach a deal, a particular high number.

But while MEPs cheered on the breakthrough, a rebellion erupted in the Council.

The resistance stems from the legal presumption of employment, which the trilogue reverted to the original 2/5 criteria, the balance between full-time and part-time workers, the administrative burden placed on private companies and the potential adverse effects on the digital economy as a whole.

“All in all, the issue is that the text doesn’t provide legal clarity and is not in line with the Council’s agreement,” said one diplomat from the group of countries that oppose the deal under condition of anonymity. “Protecting workers, yes, but competitiveness should remain.”

Another diplomat said the position struck in the Council was “pretty delicate” and left minimum space for concessions. “It’s difficult. It’s not an easy file,” the official noted.

From Spain to Belgium

As of today, the trilogue deal decisively falls short of the necessary qualified majority to move forward. Adding an extra twist, Germany, the bloc’s largest country, has so far kept silent, which has been interpreted as the prelude to an abstention. If Berlin sits out the vote, the path to a qualified majority becomes even steeper.

Coincidentally, some of the reluctant countries are home to some of the most prominent digital platforms in Europe: Bolt (Estonia), Wolt (Finland), Free Now and Delivery Hero (Germany). These firms, together with Glovo (Spain), Uber (US) and Deliveroo (UK), have set up industry associations in Brussels and boosted their lobbying spending to defend their corporate interests and influence the draft law.

One of these associations, Move EU, publicly celebrated the December rejection and called the directive “not fit for purpose.” The statement sharply criticised the legal presumption, arguing it would “overwhelm national courts and undo positive reforms.”

By contrast, the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) said the proposed law was being “held up for no good reason” and called on the institutions to wrap up the file. “The agreement found in trilogues was far from ideal but finally brought some basic standards to the sector,” the confederation said.

The political hot potato is now in the hands of Belgium, which took over the Council’s presidency on 1 January. Belgium intends to come up with a new common position and head into a seventh round of negotiations with MEPs.

“We’re very determined to reach an agreement, but not at any price. Because, of course, we have to maintain the initial ambition” set by the Commission’s proposal, Pierre-Yves Dermagne, Belgian’s minister for the economy and labour, said last week.

“We know the timing is quite tight. We’re talking a matter of weeks, really.”

But the road ahead is ridden with obstacles. A fresh push in the Council to satisfy the demands of the blocking coalition may trigger the backlash of left-wing governments. France, in particular, is seen as adamantly opposed to the directive.

And even if the Council manages to somehow overcome the odds and overhaul its common position, there is no guarantee that MEPs will be willing to give in and water down the December deal. If the text fails to complete the trilogue phase by mid-February, the cut-off date imposed by the elections, it will be plunged into legislative limbo.

“We are now in a stalemate, with the Belgian Presidency faced with the task of reconciling such opposing positions that the outcome risks being a very weak regulation,” said Agnieszka Piasna, a senior researcher at the European Trade Union Institute (ETUI).

“If the Council doesn’t change its position, we could see a directive that sets the minimum floor so low that conditions for platform workers in some countries could actually worsen, and even obstruct the legal route – which, despite being incredibly costly and cumbersome, has so far been an effective way for workers to defend their rights.”

Related Topics:Council of the European Union Deliveroo European Union Featured Gig Economy online internet platforms Uber

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World

French elections: Paris stays left as far right makes mixed gains

Published

38 minutes ago

March 23, 2026

Press Room

French elections: Paris stays left as far right makes mixed gains

France’s municipal runoff delivered a mixed verdict for the country’s main political forces on Sunday: the Left held Paris with Socialist Emmanuel Grégoire, the far-right and its allies scored a major symbolic win in Nice, and mainstream parties pointed to resilience in several big and mid-sized cities ahead of the 2027 presidential race.

Municipal elections in France are local contests to elect mayors and local councils, but they are closely watched because they test party organisation, alliance-building, and grassroots strength before national campaigns begin.

In the capital, Socialist Emmanuel Grégoire defeated conservative rival Rachida Dati, ensuring Paris remains under left-wing control after outgoing mayor Anne Hidalgo chose not to seek another term.

The result extends a quarter-century of left-led rule of the capital and hands to the Socialists one of the most visible prizes of the night. Grégoire presented the result as a mandate for a progressive vision of the city.

Elsewhere, the left also had reasons to celebrate. In Marseille, Socialist incumbent Benoît Payan was re-elected after the far right had hoped to seize France’s second-largest city.

While in Lyon, Green mayor Grégory Doucet held on after a hard-fought race against his conservative rival, which was reshaped by a last-minute merger with the list of hard-left party France Unbowed.

Socialists record strong showing

The Socialists also held or performed strongly in several regional cities, reinforcing the impression of a broader recovery for the traditional left.

For the far right, the picture was more complex. National Rally (RN) leader Jordan Bardella hailed what he called the party’s biggest local breakthrough, and RN kept the southwestern city of Perpignan while also winning smaller municipalities.

But the party fell short in several of the larger cities it had targeted, notably Marseille, Toulon and Nîmes. The exception was Nice, where Éric Ciotti — once a senior figure in the mainstream right and now allied with RN — won the race, giving the far right and its partners control of France’s fifth-largest city.

The elections also brought clearer signs of fragmentation on the centre-right and in President Emmanuel Macron’s camp.

Former prime minister Édouard Philippe was re-elected in Le Havre, strengthening his standing as a possible 2027 contender, while Macron’s centrist forces could point to a symbolic win in Bordeaux, where Renaissance candidate Thomas Cazenave defeated outgoing Green mayor Pierre Hurmic.

At the same time, the loss of Macron’s former PM, François Bayrou, in southwestern Pau, underlined the vulnerabilities of the broader presidential alliance.

Turnout remained a concern. According to the Interior Ministry, participation in mainland France stood at 48.1% at 5 p.m., higher than the Covid-disrupted 2020 election but still below pre-pandemic levels.

Taken together, the results do not predict who will succeed Macron in 2027. But they do sketch the political landscape from which that contest will emerge: a left that can still win major cities, a mainstream right that remains locally entrenched, a centre searching for durable footholds, and a far right that is growing but may still face limits in the country’s biggest urban battlegrounds.

World

Iran War Live Updates: Tehran Is Defiant After Trump Threatens Power Plants

Published

10 hours ago

March 22, 2026

Press Room

President Trump said that he would “obliterate” Iran’s electricity plants if it did not open the Strait of Hormuz within 48 hours. Iran dismissed the ultimatum as its missiles hit southern Israel, including near the country’s main nuclear research center.

World

Analysts say Gaza ‘civilian’ deaths include Hamas, other terror members working as medics, media workers

Published

12 hours ago

March 22, 2026

Press Room

Analysts say Gaza ‘civilian’ deaths include Hamas, other terror members working as medics, media workers

NEWYou can now listen to Fox News articles!

As Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) publicly claim their dead, new research shows that many previously counted as civilians were in fact members of the terrorist organizations, undermining accusations that Israeli forces deliberately targeted civilians in Gaza.

Researchers monitoring the Hamas-run health ministry’s death reports told Fox News Digital that a growing number of “martyrs” were exposed as terrorists by their own groups such as Hamas, despite maintaining public identities as healthcare or media workers.

Gabriel Epstein, senior policy associate at Israel Policy Forum, told Fox News Digital that he has tracked multiple individuals named by Hamas and PIJ as martyrs killed in battle in Gaza who held positions in the health industry, including nongovernmental organizations (NGOs.)

US-BACKED GAZA AID GROUP SLAMS DOCTORS WITHOUT BORDERS, ACCUSES IT OF SPREADING ‘FALSE’ CLAIMS

Smoke rises and ball of fire over buildings in Gaza City on Oct. 9, 2023, during an Israeli air strike. (Sameh Rahmi/NurPhoto via Getty Images)

Epstein found several individuals labeled as medical staff who are also members of terrorist groups. The most serious revelation from the martyr list is Fadi al-Wadiyya, a physiotherapist for Médecins sans frontières, who was killed by Israel Defense Forces in June 2024. MSF responded to the death, saying they were “outraged” and “strongly condemn[ed] the killing of our colleague.”

When the IDF claimed that al-Wadiyya was a member of PIJ, MSF said they had “no prior knowledge” of his “alleged involvement in military activities” and said they had “not received any formal explanation” of “the circumstances of his killing.”

In a Telegram account claiming to be the media reserve for the Al-Quds Brigades, a post mourning al-Wadiyya’s martyrdom on Feb. 24 lists the physiotherapist as an assistant to the military manufacturing unit of PIJ’s Al-Quds Brigades.

Fox News Digital asked MSF whether they were aware of al-Wadiyya’s PIJ connections prior to the martyr announcement. A spokesperson said, “We would not knowingly employ people engaging in military activity” as it “would pose a danger to our staff and patients by compromising our neutrality.”

HAMAS TERRORISTS USE AMBULANCES, SCHOOLS, HOSPITALS IN VIOLATION OF US-BROKERED CEASEFIRE, IDF OFFICIAL SAYS

Hamas terrorists march in Gaza during a parade. (Getty Images)

The spokesperson said that “MSF had no indication that Fadi Al Wadiya might have been involved in military activity of any kind prior to the Israeli authorities’ online posts in June 2024. In the immediate aftermath of Al-Wadiya’s killing, we asked for explanations from the Israeli authorities, but never received an official response. If the Israeli authorities were aware of Al-Wadiya’s links with militant activities, they never shared this info with us until after he was killed. To this day, the only information they shared and that we are aware of is what was shared through public social media posts.”

The IDF banned MSF operations in Gaza from the beginning of March because the organization refused to provide a list of its Palestinian employees. In response to Fox News Digital’s questions about whether they would consider providing this list to the IDF presently, MSF’s spokesperson said, “We did not share our staff lists with Israel because we did not receive concrete assurances to ensure the safety of our staff or the independent management of our operations. This is a place where humanitarian workers have frequently been detained, attacked, and killed. We have a responsibility to protect our colleagues from harm.”

Epstein shared several other cases of healthcare workers who played prominent roles in terror groups.

MEDICAL NGO THAT SLAMMED ISRAEL’S ANTI-TERROR RAID NOW QUITS GAZA HOSPITAL OVER ARMED OPERATIVES

Ambulances carrying patients from Kamal Adwan Hospital in Beit Lahya, Gaza City. Oct. 12, 2024. (Hamza Z. H. Qraiqea/Anadolu via Getty Images)

Mohammed Akram Abdullah al-Kafarna was mourned by the Palestinian Nursing and Midwifery Association’s Facebook page as the nursing supervisor at Kamal Adwan Hospital and by the Institute for Palestine Studies as head of the Gaza nursing system. A Telegram account that lists members of Hamas’ best-outfitted Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades, al-Kafarna is described as one of Beit Hanoun’s “Qassam Martyrs.”

Ayman Suleiman Aliyan Abu Tayr was listed as martyred in Khan Younis in June 2025. The Institute for Palestine Studies labels him as a nurse and head of the clinical nutrition department at Nasser Hospital. According to a Telegram account linked to PIJ’s Al-Quds Brigades, Abu Tayr was a Commander in the Central Operations Unit of the Al-Quds Brigades.

Jaber Abdulhamid Diab Mohammedin was mourned on the Palestinian Ministry of Health General Directorate of Nursing’s Facebook page as an Intensive Care Unit nurse at the Al-Rantisi Specialized Children’s Hospital. A Telegram account linked to the Islamic Jihad Movement lists Mohammedin as a commander in the military manufacturing unit of the PIJ’s Al-Quds Brigade.

Nidal Jaber Abdulfattah al-Najjar is labeled as an administrator at the Palestinian Ministry of Health, according to the Institute for Palestine Studies, while a mourner on Facebook noted that he worked in the Al-Rantisi Children’s Hospital. He is labeled on a Telegram account emblazoned with Hamas’ distinctive red triangle as a martyr commander of Hamas’ Al-Radwan Battalion.

IDF forces are seen operating in Rafah, in the Gaza Strip. (IDF Spokesman’s Unit)

Salo Aizenberg, director of media watchdog group HonestReporting, told Fox News Digital that he is tracking at least 10 “virtually indisputable” examples of journalists who are actually combatants, working with Hamas and other terrorist groups.

David Adesnik, vice president of research for the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, told Fox News Digital that he has also been tracking the disclosures. “With PIJ, the number of commanders who operated with civilian cover is striking,” Adesnik said. “We’re at a point where the evidence indicates that this duplicity was a routine part of a strategy to infiltrate civilian organization, especially humanitarian ones. This provides access and protection while ensuring outrage when these supposed humanitarians are killed.”

Adesnik said he believes it “likely that Hamas also employed this strategy in a systematic way, but right now we mainly have the PIJ disclosures. Given that Hamas is many times larger, if it were to disclose this kind of information, the effects could easily ripple across the humanitarian sector in Gaza.”

Among the cases Aizenberg is tracking are media workers. He said that his list is “based solely on admissions by those groups and other Gazan sources,” and “does not include the many additional examples identified through Israeli evidence.”

Yahya Sinwar, the former Hamas terror leader who was killed by the IDF, waves to a crowd in Gaza. (Mustafa Hassona/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)

Though the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) cites Yacoup Al-Borsch as a journalist and the executive director of Namaa Radio, Aizenberg has found “numerous social media posts and martyr notices identifying him as a fighter and ‘mujahid.’” This includes a Facebook post from an account affiliated with the Al-Omari Mosque in Jabalia.

Ahmed Abu Sharia was a freelancer who worked for outlets like Iranian Tasnim News Agency, the CPJ says. According to the “official” Telegram site of the Mujahideen Brigades, the Palestinian Mujahideen movement’s military wing, he was also a member of the Mujahideen Brigades.

Rizq Abu Shakian was a “media worker and administrator for the pro-Hamas Palestine Now Agency,” according to CPJ. Shakian also appears in Hamas uniform on a Telegram site that shares images of Palestinian martyrs. According to Aizenberg’s research, he was a member of the Al-Qassam Brigades.

In response to questions about whether CPJ would update listings of journalists who have been claimed as terror affiliates, the group directed Fox News Digital to its policy for updating listings, which states, “CPJ has a long-standing policy of updating its data and the accompanying narrative accounts without issuing formal corrections as new information becomes available over time. In certain cases, a record may be removed from public view when new information leads CPJ to determine that a case falls outside its mandate or for security concerns, such as the safety of the journalist and their family. CPJ will publicly record when it has removed a journalist from the database for a reason outside of security concerns. “

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As the shaky ceasefire in Gaza continues, analysts say they continue to place value in closely examining the war’s casualties. Epstein said that “reviewing cases of militants who held dual civilian roles in key sectors like media, healthcare and education is important for the historical record and underscores the information limitations press, government, and analysts face in real time during conflict.” He said that “over time, militant identification can give a sense of just how deep Hamas, PIJ and other militant groups’ hold over key sectors in Gaza was.”

Beth Bailey is a reporter covering Afghanistan, the Middle East, Asia, the United Nations, Central America and antisemitism. She was formerly a civilian intelligence analyst with the Department of the Army. You can follow Beth on X @BWBailey85