World
Texas seeing an increase in kindergarteners who don’t meet state requirements for measles shots
Before the pandemic helped fuel the growth of vaccine politicization across the country, less than 1% of Austin school district’s kindergarteners in the fall of 2019 failed to comply with the state’s vaccine reporting requirements.
Five years later, the Austin Independent School District had some of the state’s highest number of kindergarteners who neglected those state requirements — about 1 in 5 kindergarteners had not proven they were fully vaccinated against measles and did not file an exemption.
A Texas Tribune analysis has found that this explosion of vaccine non-compliance has played out across many school districts in the state in recent years, helping to push Texas’ measles vaccine coverage to the lowest it’s been since at least 2011.
“We definitely were on a better trajectory (before the pandemic),” said Alana Bejarano, executive director of health services and nursing for the Austin school district, which reported a 23% delinquency rate for the measles vaccines among their kindergarteners.
“I don’t know that I can pinpoint the concrete answer, except (preschool and kindergarteners) were born at a time where everything kind of went off track and getting them back into that, you know, that’s been difficult.”
The Tribune examined kindergarten measles vaccination compliance because it’s the earliest the state documents school vaccination rates and measles can be especially deadly for young children. The state’s two measles deaths this year were girls ages 6 and 8. Under Texas vaccine requirements, most kindergarteners must show they are fully vaccinated against measles or file an exemption to enroll in school; most who are not fully vaccinated have an exemption.
During the pandemic, the statewide measles vaccine delinquency rate — a term the Texas Department of State Health Services uses to track students not compliant with those requirements — more than doubled.
The Tribune estimated the number of vaccine-delinquent kindergarteners in each district by comparing delinquency rates and enrollment totals.
In school districts with the most delinquent kindergarteners in the 2024-25 school year, the latest data available from the state, as much as 44% of their kindergarteners were delinquent in the measles vaccines, and their delinquencies also outnumbered exemptions, which was not the case at the state level. Those school districts had vaccine delinquency rates as small as a fraction of a percent just five years prior.
The five other vaccinations required for kindergarten followed similar increases in delinquency rates during the same time period.
The pandemic is the driving force behind the increase in vaccine delinquency, school district officials say. Many children are entering school after falling behind on their immunizations during the pandemic, making it an untenable task for resource-strapped school districts to chase after parents to vaccinate their children or submit an exemption.
Meanwhile, access to vaccines, especially free and low-cost doses, have also dwindled over the last several years amid funding cuts and the politicization of vaccines.
State laws and rules don’t dictate who has to enforce vaccine compliance, although the Texas Department of State Health Services administers the law and school districts have traditionally been among the first line of enforcement.
While school districts acknowledge they are enrolling students not compliant with state vaccine requirements, district officials say they are caught in a no-win situation. Pushing vaccines too hard could lead to retaliation from groups and politicians opposed to vaccine mandates, and district officials don’t want to disenroll students — public schools have a responsibility to educate all children and so much of their funding is tied to attendance, too.
“We encourage our school nurses to advocate strongly to promote and protect public health at their campus,” Becca Harkleroad, executive director of the Texas School Nurse Organization. “But ultimately it’s up to the superintendent and the principal to decide how strictly they are going to enforce it or if they are going to enforce it.”
Statewide, the percentage of kindergarteners who were delinquent in getting the measles vaccine more than doubled to 2.68% between 2019-20 and 2024-25, the latest data available. The delinquency rate jumped to 3.1% in 2021-22, surpassing the number of students who had an exemption. Those rates have not returned to pre-pandemic levels, although the exemption rate has returned to exceeding the delinquency rate.
The federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention estimates that a year ago 25,000 Texas kindergarteners were not fully vaccinated against measles. Of those, more than 16,000 had an exemption, and about 9,000 did not have an exemption and under the state’s definition, were vaccine delinquent.
The overall vaccine delinquency rates may be small, but anything that causes vaccination levels to fall means more children are vulnerable. Ideally, schools try to keep their vaccination levels at 95% to help protect those children with compromised immune systems or medical conditions that keep them from being vaccinated.
In addition to vaccine delinquency, the state also tracks the percentage of students who are vaccinated, formally exempt from vaccinations, and provisionally enrolled because of vaccination status.
Most unvaccinated students in Texas are permitted to enroll because they have an exemption form or a note from a doctor. They can also provisionally enroll without proving vaccination status if they are homeless, military dependents or in foster care and their records cannot be obtained by the start of the school year.
The Texas measles kindergarten vaccination rate of 93% is the lowest it’s been since at least 2011, ranking the state 18th nationally.
“The decrease in vaccination rates overall is certainly a concern because it leaves our population vulnerable to different infections,” said Dr. Erin Nicholson, a pediatric infection physician at Texas Children’s Hospital and an assistant professor at Baylor College of Medicine. “And we saw that front and center with the measles outbreak that recently happened.”
Schools: A first line of defense against infectious disease
By the time most children enter kindergarten, they have received two MMR vaccination doses, which will provide lifelong protection against measles, as well as mumps and rubella for most people. The MMR vaccination for kindergarteners is considered one of the most important immunization targets by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.
State health officials audit school vaccination records each year for accuracy, by sampling school district records, explains Chris Van Deusen, spokesperson for the Texas Department of State Health Services. But there is nothing in state rules that requires DSHS to enforce the vaccination requirement.
As a result, the de facto enforcement has traditionally fallen to school districts.
Some of the state’s highest kindergarten measles delinquency rates were in larger school districts and charter networks: KIPP Texas Public Schools (44%), Spring ISD (30%), Austin ISD (23%), Dallas ISD (20%), and Houston ISD (7%).
The five public school systems with the highest counts made up more than half of all delinquent kindergartners in the state, despite enrolling less than 10% of the state’s public school kindergarteners.
Some district officials, including Dallas, say they try to follow state requirements by sending home students who do not have completed vaccination requirements or an exemption. But, they enroll those students, contributing to the district’s vaccine delinquency rate.
The Austin school district will also enroll the students who don’t meet vaccine requirements, but they wait to send those students home until their parents have been notified of their vaccine delinquency three times, Bejarano said. They can return once they have proof of vaccination or the exemption form.
State data doesn’t track how many vaccine-delinquent students school districts send home. It also doesn’t reflect changes to vaccine delinquency later in the year because the data is based on surveys school districts submit in the first half of the school year.
While some school districts say they try to send home students who don’t meet vaccine requirements, Houston ISD officials said they are keeping those students in the classroom. They, too, dedicate time and resources to track all students’ vaccination status and try to communicate information with parents about the need for staying up to date on the schedule.
But, they are “not excluding students from learning based on vaccine status,” according to a statement to the Tribune.
Chanthini Thomas, a school nurse who retired from her job at Houston ISD’s Bellaire High School last summer, said the conflicting messages from the district, resource reductions and the yearlong chase to get vaccine paperwork in was frustrating.
“You have little support,” she said. “Why would you say … that’s a requirement to any school for the state of Texas but then you put out a mandate from the district to say, don’t let immunizations prevent enrollment? And the reason is because they need the numbers, because the numbers were dwindling.”
Like many other urban school districts, HISD is battling declining enrollment — and the funding that comes with it — as more families move toward better job opportunities and lower housing costs in the suburbs or choose charter and private schools.
As school nurses have told the Tribune over the summer, school districts choose to enroll unvaccinated children so they can keep “butts in the seats” and the base amount of money they receive from state and local sources to educate each student — about $6,160.
“I see the school as being in a tough spot,” said Melissa Gilkey, a University of North Carolina professor who studies vaccine efforts at schools. “We work so hard to minimize absenteeism … that I do have some sympathy for that idea that it’s hard to exclude them for one health service.”
KIPP Texas Public Schools, a charter network with campuses across the state, declined an interview but insisted it was following the state immunization requirements. Its kindergarten measles vaccine delinquency rate was less than 1% in 2019 compared to 44% last year.
Spring ISD, north of Houston, reported last year that more than 30% of its kindergarteners were measles vaccine delinquent. The district informed the Tribune it also follows state rules closely but said its high MMR delinquency rate was evidence of “enrollment and access issues” and that Spring ISD was “actively working to strengthen this process.”
The Spring district cited family’s frequent moves in the area, limited access to health care and language barriers as reasons there’s a delay in getting student shot records updated in time for school.
“We are committed to improving compliance rates and ensuring our students are protected against preventable diseases,” said Shane Strubhart, the Spring ISD spokesperson.
Access to vaccines has dwindled
The pandemic disrupted preventive health care, becoming most apparent in some of the most recent kindergarten classes, filled with students born around the first COVID-19 outbreak. The COVID-19 pandemic not only interrupted home and school life, experts say, it upended regular health checkups younger children typically receive before they start school and that impact continues to be felt today.
Families “going to see the doctors got off track for everyone during the pandemic,” Austin ISD’s Bejarano said.
For low-income and immigrant families who already found health care access a challenge, more are struggling to find what Bejarano calls their “medical” home, a regular primary care doctor who can either vaccinate their children or answer concerns and perhaps direct them to the state’s exemption process if they feel strong enough to opt out.
“COVID didn’t do vaccination or education and many other things as a whole, any favors,” said Jennifer Finley, executive director of health services for Dallas ISD. The district’s kindergarten measles delinquency rate jumped to 20% last school year compared to 1% during the 2019-20 school year.
Diminished vaccine access is also a factor. Up until the early aughts, public health departments, churches and even lawmakers would hold free or low-cost immunization clinics over the summer for families.
In 2004, the Dallas school district turned away hundreds of students, who walked and drove to nearby clinics for free or low-cost vaccines, according to a Dallas Morning News article.
After the pandemic, those resources are even fewer.
“It really stopped during the pandemic,” Finley said. “Some of the folks lost their funding.”
Schools rely heavily on local public health departments to help them with vaccination clinics. Once the threat of COVID lessened, public health departments used those funds to add more staff and hold more vaccination clinics.
But two things began impacting vaccination efforts by local health departments. First, those leftover funds were clawed back early by the Trump administration this year, prompting some staff to look for other jobs, thereby causing staff shortages in public health vaccination departments. And second, public health officials suspect more immigrant families are shying away from vaccination because of stepped-up immigration efforts and deportations.
In Texas, there are an estimated 111,000 immigrant children, all of whom do not qualify for state Medicaid health insurance coverage, attending school.
“We typically have big lines and the waiting room is packed. Our whole lobby is packed,” Dr. Phil Huang, the director of the Dallas County Health and Human Services Department, told the Tribune in August. “This year it has not been that way.”
Vaccine hesitancy changing school messaging
After the pandemic, many parents watched as debates raged over the safety of the quickly-developed COVID-19 vaccine. As a result, they are asking more questions about all childhood vaccinations.
In many cases, parents are spreading MMR doses out and that, too, could be the reason for more kindergartners showing up with an incomplete vaccination status, Bejarano said.
“The main concern (among parents) is basically, ‘Am I doing the right thing for my child, that is in their best interest and help me understand what the risks are of these infectious diseases that vaccines are trying to prevent,’” Nicholson, the Texas Children’s physician, said.
Before COVID, many doctors adopted an imperial tone — “you should do this because I’m the expert,” she said. That changed after the pandemic. “We are looking at how we talk to these parents, because the last thing that we want to do is come across as condescending.”
School nurses have also worked tirelessly to try to find a winning formula to reach families of vaccine-delinquent kids. At a national school nurse conference in Austin this summer, an entire session was devoted to teaching nurses how to have tension-free conversations with parents who are skeptical of vaccine requirements.
Ultimately, school nurses just want to inform parents of their two options to stay compliant with state rules: either provide proof of vaccination or an exemption, Bejarano said.
“We’ve made these large campaigns and we are really kind when they register, letting them know what is the law, what the exemptions (are),” Bejarano said. “I just think the district in general is understanding we need to do better when it comes to public health and getting these rates up.”
The good news, she says, is that the greater efforts made by school nurses in the fall to try to help parents become vaccine compliant tends to push down the high delinquency rates by the end of the school year. Data provided to the Tribune by Austin ISD proved that out. That 23% delinquency rate for kindergartners recorded in the fall of 2024 fell drastically to 6% by May 2025 possibly due to the fear produced by the measles outbreak in the months prior.
“I do think that everybody came together in the Austin community and really did try to push for that” compliance, Bejarano said. “And I think that’s why it helped the rate last year.”
Finley points to other lesser-known reasons complicating the back-to-school vaccination picture. Among them, an influx of students came to Texas from other states, many already armed with vaccination exemptions or with incomplete vaccination histories who are having to be re-educated about Texas requirements.
Starting Sept. 1, Texas parents can more easily obtain a vaccine exemption form by downloading it off the state’s website, but how that will impact the delinquency gap won’t be seen until data is released next year.
Nicholson, Finley, Bejarano and others say they would like to see more data that clearly explains the rising delinquency rate and how many students who were once marked delinquent end up becoming fully vaccinated or obtaining an exemption by the end of the year.
“Does it mean, you know, people are just struggling with paperwork?” Nicholson said. “Or does it mean that really those vaccinations are falling?”
___
This story was originally published by The Texas Tribune and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.
World
Netflix, After Walking Away From Warner Bros. Deal, Will ‘Move Forward’ With ‘$2.8 Billion in Our Pocket That We Didn’t Have a Few Weeks Ago,’ CFO Says
Netflix is no longer contemplating a future that includes Warner Bros., having ceded the heated M&A battle to Paramount Skydance. Netflix CFO Spence Neumann, speaking Wednesday at the Morgan Stanley Technology, Media & Telecom Conference, reiterated the company’s position that it bailed out of the bidding for Warner Bros. because Paramount increased its offer price.
“The short answer is, it was all about price,” Neumann said. “We said all along this opportunity was a nice-to-have at the right price, not a must-have at any price,” he added, echoing Netflix co-CEO Ted Sarandos’ previous statement.
Netflix, when it struck the deal to buy WB’s studios and streaming business in December, was playing “offense, not defense,” Neumann said. According to the CFO, Netflix has a “unique view” into how to value the WBD assets. “We went into it with a point of view on price,” he said. “When it became clear it didn’t make sense for us financially anymore,” the company bowed out.
“Now we move forward, and we move forward with $2.8 billion in our pocket that we didn’t have a few weeks ago,” said Neumann, referring to the breakup fee it received from Paramount Skydance.
On Feb. 26, Netflix abandoned its deal to buy Warner Bros.’s studios and streaming business after David Ellison’s Paramount upped its hostile bid for WBD in its entirety to $31/share — leaving Paramount the winner of a debt-fueled takeover of the media conglomerate. Paramount Skydance paid Netflix the $2.8 billion breakup fee once Warner Bros. Discovery terminated its agreement with Netflix in favor of Paramount’s “superior” offer.
Asked if the Warner Bros. bidding war changed Netflix’s M&A strategy, Neumann replied, “I know it sounds boring, but it’s really no change.” The company will “continue to stay focused on what are those opportunities” to accelerate the growth of the business, he said.
Neumann said Netflix, by the end of the bidding process for Warner Bros., had “a stronger belief” that “we would have been great stewards” for those assets. And, he insisted, Netflix had high confidence that it had a “clear path” to regulatory approval.
“At the end of the day, we were going to be disciplined” on the price it was willing to pay for Warner Bros., Neumann said.
In 2026, Netflix plans to boost its total cash content spending to around $20 billion, up 10% from last year. It is forecasting revenue of $50.7 billion-$51.7 billion, which would be an increase of 12%-14% year over year, and projects hitting 31.5% operating margin in 2026. The streaming heavyweight reported more than 325 million subscribers worldwide as of the end of 2025, up from 301.2 million a year prior.
The expected 10% increase in Netflix’s content spending this year is in line with its expected revenue growth, Neumann said. “It’s really no change in our approach,” he said. “We really want to be that starting point and destination for professionally produced content for creators around the world.”
World
Millions lose power across Cuba as Trump sanctions continue to fuel ongoing energy crisis
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A large-scale blackout struck western Cuba on Wednesday, leaving millions without power in the latest outage to hit the island as it grapples with dwindling oil supplies due to sanctions imposed by President Donald Trump.
The U.S. Embassy in Cuba said that at approximately 12:41 p.m., there was a “disconnection of the national electrical grid resulting in a complete power outage” stretching from Camagüey to Pinar del Río, including the greater Havana metropolitan area.
“Cuba’s national electrical grid is increasingly unstable and prolonged scheduled and unscheduled power outages are a daily occurrence across the country to include Havana,” the embassy said.
“Outages affect water supply, lighting, refrigeration, and communications. Take precautions by conserving fuel, water, food, and mobile phone charge, and be prepared for significant disruption.”
Neya Perez, 86, paints the nails of her neighbor Reyna Maria Rodriguez, 77, during a mass blackout across most of the country, in Havana, Cuba, on March 4, 2026. (REUTERS/Norlys Perez)
The incident was reportedly caused by an unexpected shutdown of the Antonio Guiteras thermoelectric plant, located roughly 62 miles east of Havana.
Local reports indicate the island may need at least three days to restore operations, according to the Associated Press.
Vicente de la O Levy, the minister of Energy and Mines of Cuba, added that “We are working on the restoration of the SEN amid a complex energy situation.”
At least one power plant, Felton 1, remains online, he said.
CUBA’S PRESIDENT DEFIANT, SAYS NO NEGOTIATIONS SCHEDULED AS TRUMP MOVES TO CHOKE OFF OIL LIFELINE
President Donald Trump speaks in the Oval Office at the White House on Oct. 6, 2025 in Washington, D.C. (Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)
Reuters reported that, because Cuba is accustomed to frequent power outages caused by state-imposed energy rationing, some traffic lights and businesses remained operational thanks to solar panels or backup generators. Many residents have also installed solar panels on their homes and vehicles to maintain electricity amid soaring fuel prices, the outlet said.
Cuba has endured a string of widespread blackouts in recent years due to long-standing issues with its aging power infrastructure and chronic fuel shortages.
However, the situation worsened in January after a U.S. military operation captured Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and halted Venezuelan oil exports, effectively choking off Cuba’s key source of fuel.
FILE – Cuba President Miguel Diaz-Canel walks through the COP28 U.N. Climate Summit, Saturday, Dec. 2, 2023, in Dubai, United Arab Emirates. (AP Photo/Peter Dejong, File)
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Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel stated in January that, despite the U.S. severing Havana’s energy lifeline, his administration would not negotiate with Washington to establish a new agreement.
Reuters contributed to this report.
World
Sánchez defies Trump in political gamble as Madrid say no to war
Pedro Sánchez knows exactly what he is doing.
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By defying Donald Trump and doubling down on his bras de fer with the US president, the Spanish prime minister consolidates a two-fold strategy.
On the one hand, he seeks to mobilize his progressive electorate domestically, resuscitating a “no to war” movement which resonated strongly with Spanish voters during the US-led war against Iraq in 2003. Sánchez is also hoping for a moment akin to that of Dominique de Villepin: a Cassandra warning against an unjustified war that will bring disastrous consequences.
Only now it’s Iran.
In doing so, he aims to consolidate his image as one of the last strongly progressive, socialist leaders in a global political environment shifting rightward under the influence of MAGA-aligned politics, at a time when left-wing parties across Europe are losing electoral ground and struggling to project a unified international voice.
His strategy, while bold, is also risky as it could leave Spain diplomatically isolated from the European consensus and trigger a trade war that could impact Spanish companies in the US. It also risks inflaming tensions within NATO where Madrid has pursued a somewhat independent strategic line. Intelligence-sharing is also crucial and may be compromised with national security ramifications if the US decides to weaponise it.
Still, far from looking for a ramp-off, Sánchez is double down on his bet.
“In 2003, a few irresponsible leaders dragged us into an illegal war into an illegal war in the Middle East that brought nothing but insecurity and pain,” Sánchez said Wednesday.
“No to violations of international law. No to the illusion that we can solve the world’s problems with bombs. No to repeating the mistakes of the past. No to war.”
A clash choreographed to perfection
His campaign against the US-Israeli intervention in Iran comes after Trump threatened to impose a trade embargo on Spain in response to Madrid’s refusal to allow Washington to use its military bases to strike Iran from its territory.
Spain insisted any operation handled from the two bases it hosts in Rota and Moron should be limited to humanitarian assistance rather than offensive strikes, and that all activities must comply with international law. The move led to the withdrawal of U.S. aircraft from the bases according to radar information.
From the Oval office on Tuesday, Trump referred to Spain as an “unfriendly” and “terrible” ally. As he threatened a trade embargo in response, while German Chancellor Friedrich Merz—who was visiting the White House—remained silent, Spain judged that the time had come to confront the world’s most powerful man and began preparing its response.
Sources close to the Spanish government late afternoon began to brief that, if Washington were to unilaterally terminate trade ties, it would have to do “in compliance with international law, EU-USA terms of trade and respecting private companies.”
By 8 p.m. Madrid time, the Prime Minister’s office informed journalists that Sánchez would deliver a “declaración institucional”—a statement typically reserved for solemn occasions—at 9 a.m. the following day. The announcement was made just ahead of the evening news broadcasts.
Little was left to chance, reflecting Sánchez’s carefully managed communications strategy, which is often viewed as both highly effective but also opportunistic.
According to people familiar with the Moncloa palace, as the 17th-century inspired office of the prime minister is known, backtracking was never an option.
Instead, Madrid was clear it needed to respond forcefully, emphasizing Spain’s sovereignty, the consistency of its foreign policy from Ukraine to Gaza and Sánchez’s position as the only European leader standing up to Trump.
The Spanish Prime Minister delivered just that.
‘Our position is best resumed in four words: no to the war,” he said, adding that “23 years ago, another US administration dragged us into war in the Middle East.”
“We were told it would destroy weapons of mass destruction, export democracy and guarantee global security. In hindsight, it was the opposite. It led to a drastic increase of terrorism, a grave migration crisis in the Mediterranean and more expensive energy.”
The political assessment of the Spanish government is that Europeans are tired of appeasing Trump, whether in tariff disputes or defence commitments such as imposing a 5% spending goal with a large chunk dedicated to buying US weapons.
As a result, a candidate who is seen as willing to defend European interests and confront Trump could gain a strong electoral advantage. The Spanish government has not been shy about its policy positions, at the risk of antagonising the real estate magnate since he returned to the White House last year.
Last summer, Madrid refused to adhere to the 5% target suggesting that it would lead to chaotic off-the-shelf purchases of weapons, rather than common European buying, and suggested that NATO performance should be measured on capabilities.
The message is simple: Spain is an ally, but it’s also sovereign.
Echoes of Villepin and the ghost of the Azores
For his latest move, Sánchez took inspiration from two defining moments after the launch of the US operation against Iraq in 2003 under President George W. Bush.
The first was a powerful speech delivered in February that year by former French foreign minister Dominique de Villepin who warned before the UN Security Council—of which France is a permanent member—against what he described as a potentially disastrous invasion.
De Villepin passionately pushed back against the US, disputed military actions and suggested intelligence report did not support American claims of a linkage between al-Qaeda, the Saddam Hussein regime and the existence of weapons of mass destruction.
Time proved Villepin right.
The Iraqi war is particularly relevant for the Spanish public opinion because, at the time, former Spanish Prime Minister José María Aznar alongside former UK Prime Minister Tony Blair threw their support behind the Bush administration in its operation.
In the Spanish press, the three leaders were dubbed the “Trío de las Azores,” a name inspired by a photograph taken of them on the Portuguese Atlantic archipelago of the Azores. Spain’s backing of the war sparked a massive protest movement across the country under the slogan “No a la guerra.”
More than 20 years later, Sánchez is reviving it, hoping it will energize his base, increase his international profile and — just as it did for Dominique de Villepin —vindicate his choices.
The Spanish prime minister is facing a difficult re-election campaign, with the next vote scheduled to take place in 2027. Still, Madrid is rife with speculation that he could call for a snap election if he sees a favourable opening and succeeds in rallying his progressive coalition.
But to move up a planned election date, he needs a compelling justification or risk being seen as too cynical to be palatable. Sánchez is perceived by a large part of the Spanish electorate as lacking a moral compass.
The war in the Middle East — and his hard line toward Donald Trump, which the opposition claims risks isolating Spain within the EU, NATO and the broader Western alliance — could provide such a rationale.
The Spanish Prime Minister played that card back in 2023: when he framed a snap election as a referendum on his policies. Although the conservatives secured the largest share of the vote, Spain’s parliamentary system enabled Sánchez to assemble a majority coalition and remain in power.
A clash a long time in the making
In many ways, the rocky relation between the US under Trump and the Spanish government is hardly surprising. The two have clashed on everything from migration policies to societal values, each embracing their role as the other’s political opposite.
For Sánchez — a deeply polarizing figure who denies any wrongdoing in multiple court cases involving members of his family — the international stage offers a political shelter, as is often the case for embattled leaders at home. And he is intentional in cultivating a global profile.
An international conference of left-leaning voices expected to take place in Barcelona next April debating topics from democracy, tech oligarchs and reactionary movements, according to a person familiar with the organizer. The goal is to present a forum that can rival the CPAC, the largest gathering for conversatives, only this time for progressives.
In the meantime, the Spaniards have grown increasingly convinced that more European voices will join them as the war drags on. “Many are afraid of confrontation with the US, but our words reflect what a large camp thinks in Europe,” said a Spanish diplomat.
On Wednesday, French President Emmanuel Macron called Sánchez to express his solidarity in the face of Trump’s trade threats. European Council President Antonio Costa and Commission President Ursula von der Leyen did the same.
Still, his power moves have not gone unnoticed by critics, who argue that Madrid is treading a very fine line by antagonizing the United States for political gain, even as the EU seeks to secure a fair peace deal for Ukraine. With an American security guarantee necessary to ensure Kyiv is not attacked again by Russia, and US input in NATO remaining crucial for European security, such tensions carry significant risks.
“He does this for national politics, and he knows the EU will back him up because solidarity always prevails. But is this really necessary?” asked a diplomat from another EU country.
For Madrid, it’s not just necessary, it’s imperative.
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