Washington
Washington must recalculate its strategic approach to the Middle East – opinion
Subject to decisions pending in Tehran in response to the double-targeted killings of senior Hezbollah and Hamas officials, Israel now seems on the brink of a multi-front regional conflagration.
Is victory assured? At what cost? Could White House Special Envoy Amos Hochstein’s diplomatic ploy eventually prevail? The initiatives are left to Iran and its proxies, but should Israel identify imminent preparations for attack, it will likely act to preempt.
To date, Israel and Hezbollah have been engaged in a limited war of attrition. On October 8, 2023, Hezbollah joined Hamas in waging war on Israel. Lebanon’s Iranian proxy declaratively sought to apply tactical pressure on Israel’s Northern front.
It seemingly succeeded, effectively forcing the IDF to split its forces, with a recorded northern deployment of between three to five Divisions, manned by a reservists call-up, amounting to a force of roughly 300-thousand troops.
During the initial stages of the war, Jerusalem’s War Cabinet deliberated whether to launch a two-front offensive against Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon. IDF Chief of General Staff Lt.-Gen. Herzi Halevi and Defense Minister Yoav Gallant voted in favor, while former War Cabinet Ministers Benny Gantz and Gadi Eisenkot voted against.
Netanyahu and the US
Ultimately, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu ruled in favor of the latter position after President Joe Biden held a phone conversation with the Israeli premier and threatened to pull US military support unless the IDF limits its retaliatory strikes to territories south of the Litani River and refrain from targeting Lebanon’s critical infrastructure, altogether.
Nine months later, the Biden Administration remains proactively determined to de-escalate daily cross-border hostilities, leveraging crucial ammunition shipments as one of its methods to effectively control Israel’s battle intensity versus Hezbollah in Lebanon.
In doing so, Washington hopes to buy enough time to secure a temporary arrangement, utilizing Parliament Speaker Nabi Berri, leader of the Shi’ite Amal Movement, as a mediator.
However, a senior Israeli intelligence official ascertained, “Berri has no leverage over Hezbollah,” rather, “it is the other way around.” Hezbollah evidently maintains the upper hand in negotiations, irrespective of the Biden Administration’s hopes and aspirations.
The majority of Israel’s defense and political elites seemingly believe the rationale articulated by Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah.
“On that day, when the shooting stops in Gaza, we will stop the shooting in the south [of Lebanon],” Nasrallah insisted in one of his many televised addresses. In daily conversations with Israeli intelligence officials and military officers, broad sentiments of wishful thinking linger vis-à-vis achieving a negotiated solution.
“Even Netanyahu hopes for a diplomatic outcome”, one official told me, as he subsequently professed that Jerusalem would much rather fight Hezbollah once fully equipped with a long list of new military technologies on the verge of operational integration.
Nevertheless, despite hopes for a peaceful resolution, no one in Jerusalem or Tel Aviv is under delusion. Tens of thousands of displaced Israelis will not return to their homes unless a sense of security is achieved.
Moreover, in stark contrast to popular belief regarding Iran supposedly restraining Hezbollah, the Ayatollah regime has a vested strategic interest in fueling the war within current established parameters, as it remains evasive of paying any substantive toll for its belligerent activities, while its heavily armed Lebanese proxy showcases battle-discipline, worthy of most Western militaries, with clear pre-planned objectives. Nevertheless, prospects for miscalculation are seemingly intensifying with every passing day.
Despite popular belief, Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah’s intensive efforts to catalog regional hostilities as a response to the Palestinian plight is a cheap ruse. The current multi-front Mideast war is not a simple case of causality rooted in the Israel-Palestinian conflict.
Rather, we’re witnessing the prudent implementation of Iran’s strategic schemes, as was envisioned by its slain IRGC Quds Force commander Qassem Suleimani, as part of which Hamas is a key factor in Iran’s ars bellica, for both the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, as well as the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.
Last week, in a conversation with Major General (Res) Gershon Ha-Cohen, a former General Staff and Northern Corps’ commander, he cautioned that US White House Envoy Amos Hochstein was seeking to formulate a deal that would undoubtedly spell ‘defeat marred by painful concessions for Israel.’
Hochstein essentially seeks to force Israel’s hand to concede border-lands in exchange for a temporary withdrawal of Hezbollah operatives several miles northward. “What’s to stop those operatives from returning to the south [of Lebanon], five minutes after an agreement is signed?” General Ha-Cohen questioned with an evident sense of frustration. “They demand of us an irreversible concession in exchange for a reversible act.”
Purportedly ignoring Iran’s grand strategy, the Biden Administration is doubling down on pressuring Israel to accept the proposed deal for a Northern ceasefire. Israeli National Security Advisor Tzachi Hanegbi and Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer met with US National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan and Secretary of State Antony Blinken, during the course of which they demanded assurances.
In the event that Hezbollah breaches the terms of a proposed US-led arrangement, the United States would support Israel in waging a full-scale war against Hezbollah, with the aim of destroying the Iranian proxy once and for all. ‘Without such an assurance,’ Hanegbi and Dermer insisted, Israel’s ‘northern residents would not gain the sense of security necessary to return to their homes,’ a Jerusalem pre-requisite for any diplomatic solution.
Washington must recalculate its strategic approach to the Middle East. It cannot push to de-escalate the region without asking some tough questions on a so-called ‘strategic day after.’
Does the Biden Team’s approach benefit US strategic interests for decades to come? Or does it play into the hands of its adversaries, including Iran, Russia, and China? Despite the Biden-Harris Administration’s evident conviction of the former, regional actors, including allies and adversaries alike, are seemingly convinced of the latter.
The only way forward is for Washington to reassert its dominance in the Middle East. To do so, without the need to commit additional military assets to the CENTCOM Area of Responsibility (AOR), it should reinvigorate tangible support for its Mideastern allies and partners, including Israel, in confronting the so-called Axis of Resistance led by Iran.
The United States must counter Tehran’s grand strategy by pushing for an expansion of the Abraham Accords and reviving military support for its regional partners, including the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, to confront Iran’s regional encroachment via its proxies.
Washington must revitalize its maximum economic pressure campaign against the Islamic Republic proper and enforce its sanctions by all means necessary. European powers, for their part, must stand in support of the United States by triggering the snap-back mechanism before it expires in October of 2025, aimed at derailing Tehran’s nuclear train as it races at full steam ahead.
As for Israel and the pragmatic Arab camp, they must join forces to implement a campaign of reality-building to push back on Iran’s malign encroachment by effectively inserting much-needed hope for a future of peace and prosperity for all peoples of the Middle East.
Jonathan Hessen is a nonresident senior fellow at the Washington-based Hudson Institute, editor-in-chief of TV7 Israel, and CEO of HGS. He specializes in geostrategy and security issues related to the Middle East and Europe.

Washington
Mavs take down Pistons

For you skeptics that have dismissed the Mavericks’ season as a goner, consider Friday’s 123-117 win over the Detroit Pistons a “take that” moment.
The Mavericks stopped a five-game home losing streak as they dusted the Pistons at American Airlines Center behind a season-best 31 points from Spencer Dinwiddie and 27 from P.J. Washington.
And, they proved that they are perfectly capable of learning from their mistakes.
It was just two nights earlier that the Mavericks had a seven-point lead in the final minute against Indiana, only to lose 135-131.
This time, the Mavericks were up by seven points with under two minutes left. Yet, you got the feeling that the Pistons sensed vulnerability. They turned up the defensive heat, but the Mavericks played with more poise and better execution. They also made seven of nine free throws down the stretch.
‘I think being in Indiana, learning from our mistakes, I said after (that) game that we’ll be better and I thought we were better at being able to take the ball out and get the ball past half court and take care of the ball,” coach Jason Kidd said. “The guys learned from that experience. That could have been a game that stuck with us for a while, but they turned the page.”
By doing so, they improved to 34-37 and kept the pressure on Phoenix and Sacramento, the two teams directly in front of them in the Western Conference standings. Two of those three teams are likely to be in the play-in tournament. One likely will be on the outside looking in.
To say the least, it was a critical game.
“It was huge, definitely a big win,” Washington said. “I’m glad we got this one. It puts us in a great (frame of mind) going forward. I can’t wait to get on the road and battle with those teams, too.”
And the Mavericks are going to have to earn their way into the play-in tournament on the road, where they play their next four games and seven of their final 11, starting Monday in Brooklyn.
“Anytime you get the getaway game before you go on the road feels good,” Kidd said of the importance of the win, which ended a stretch of nine losses in their past 10 games. “We’ll turn the page. We got Brooklyn on Monday and New York on Tuesday, so we’ll catch our breath and then go into a back-to-back. It’s good to go on the road with a win.”
The Mavericks led by 12 early in the fourth quarter, but they have had trouble lately closing out games. Perhaps knowing that, the Pistons closed the gap to 102-98 before Washington drilled a corner three-pointer.
That steadied the Mavericks briefly, but it was going to require poise down the stretch. That’s where the fresh memory of Wednesday night helped.
“Wednesday’s game was on me,” Washington said. “I missed too many free throws. I think we executed better tonight in the last minute and a half. And obviously we won the game. I think guys felt that one in Indiana and didn’t want that to happen again tonight.”
A crucial play came when Dennis Schroder’s three pointer cut the Mavericks’ lead to 114-110. After each team misfired, the Mavericks missed and the ball went out of bounds. Originally, possession was given to Detroit, but the call was overturned when Jason Kidd challenged it and the Mavericks had possession with 1:07 to go.
Dinwiddie was fouled, but made only the second of two free throws for a five-point advantage.
Schroder was fouled with 48 ticks left, with Kai Jones fouling out on the play. Schroder helped out the Mavericks by missing the first of the two freebies. The Mavericks had trouble handling Detroit’s pressure, but ran a smart play that got Washington a clear path to the rim, where he was met and fouled by Cade Cunningham, who had 35 points.
Washington’s free throw (he missed the second) with 36.9 showing made it 116-111. This time, unlike Wednesday, there would be no late meltdown.
Cunningham would slice through the Mavericks twice, but Dinwiddie made two free throws and Brandon Williams converted a three-point play after taking a nice feed from Klay Thompson, who had 20 points, for a 121-115 lead with 16 seconds left to ice it.
All of those late plays required execution, which had been missing 48 hours earlier in Indiana.
And, also important, was the way the Mavericks handled the bigger Pistons in the paint. The Mavericks actually won the rebounding battle, 44-41.
Said Kidd: “We knew we had to come with some physicality. That’s what they do. So I thought we matched it and didn’t back down. They might be a little bigger than us, but being able to rebound and play with some pace, I thought everyone did their part and did it at a high level.”
X: @ESefko
Washington
Washington flag redesign blasted as “un-American”

A bill which would redesign the Washington State flag has been blasted as “un-American” by state Republicans who fear a redesign would remove George Washington from the state flag.
The bill, HB 1938, which was introduced by Democratic Washington state Representative Strom Peterson, does not expressly call for the removal of George Washington from the state flag, but does state that “while George Washington is an important national figure, he has limited historical connection to the state itself. This makes his image less meaningful as a symbol for the state.”
Newsweek contacted Peterson for comment via email on Friday.
Why It Matters
Republican Representative Hunter Abell, one of the lawmakers opposed to the proposition, raised concerns that potentially removing George Washington from the flag could result in changing the name of the state itself, although that has not been raised by the bill or by other lawmakers.
Democratic leadership also does not appear to be keen on the bill, saying they will probably not move on it this year as they have other priorities, according to reporting from the Washington State Standard.
Ted S. Warren/Associated Press
What To Know
Representative Peterson’s bill states, “The legislature finds that the Washington 7 state flag often faces criticism for its poor design and lack of relevance to the state’s identity. The flag features a detailed portrait of George Washington, making it overly complex and difficult to reproduce which is a violation of key flag design principles that prioritize simplicity.”
The bill does state that any redesigns to the state flag would have to be approved via a referendum asking voters whether they would like to keep the existing design or adopt any new one.
However, the Washington State Standard’s report noted that Republicans slammed the bill as “un-American.”
Washington State did not exist in George Washington’s time. It was occupied by Britain and the United States in 1818 and did not become an official state until 1889, 80 years after Washington’s death in 1799.
Its current state flag was officially adopted in March 1923 and features a dark green field with the state seal in the center. The seal consists of a portrait of George Washington, the first U.S. president, set against a light-colored background inside a circular band.
What People Are Saying
State Representative Strom Peterson said, according to the Washington State Standard: “[We’re] not asking to remove George Washington from the history of Washington state… This is more about the aesthetics of the flag and what the flag could represent to bring people across the state together.”
State Representative Hunter Abell said, according to the Washington State Standard: “To be the only state in the nation to be named after a president is a distinct honor… One that we should not take for granted and we certainly should not be ashamed of or attempt to eliminate him from our flag.”
What Happens Next
Peterson’s bill would create a committee of legislators from both parties, historians, Native Americans, artistic leaders, and designers, to redesign the flag by 2028.
However, the Washington State Standard reported that the bill is not likely to move forward this year, with lawmakers to focus on other priorities.
Washington
Deebo Samuel on trade to Washington: I like to win
After the 49ers finished off a disappointing 6-11 season, Deebo Samuel requested a trade. The 49ers granted his wish March 1 in exchange for a fifth-round pick.
He goes from a team in rebuild mode to one that is ascending, having made the NFC Championship Game last season.
Samuel said in his introductory news conference Thursday that his decision was “tougher than most people think” because of the relationships he developed in San Francisco. He gave the 49ers a list of five preferred destinations, with Washington one of the five.
“Being in San Francisco, I like winners. I like to win,” Samuel said, via David Bonilla of 49erswebzone. com. “I’m not one of your biggest losers. They went to the NFC Championship.”
The Commanders had several draws for Samuel, including his familiarity with General Manager Adam Peters, who previously served as the 49ers’ assistant G.M., and his desire to return to the East Coast. The Commanders’ immediate turnaround with quarterback Jayden Daniels also was a plus.
It didn’t hurt that the team committed to Samuel by reworking his contract to guarantee $17 million of his 2025 salary while adding $3 million in incentives.
“That meant a lot,” Samuel said. “By not stepping on the field for this team, not meeting everybody in the building, it just kind of shows what they think. And for me, on my end, it’s just like, they put as much trust in me to do the things they did as far as my contract, I can’t come in here and let them down.
“I’ve got to give it my all, do all the things that I need to do to be the best version of myself when I come here.”
Samuel is coming off a disappointing season with only 806 scrimmage yards and four total touchdowns.
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