Just two months ago, a massive power outage left parts of San Francisco in the dark for days, and some lawmakers are trying to make sure it never happens again.

“San Francisco has been trying to break up with PG&E for a long time,” said Democratic Senator Scott Wiener. “The rates are extremely high and we know that public power can bring lower rates.”

Wiener says he will announce legislation on Monday that would allow San Francisco and other cities to break away from PG&E and form publicly owned utility companies, and do it quickly.

“San Francisco has already triggered a process to break away at the California Public Utilities Commission, but it is unbelievably slow, it’s taken years and years,” explained Wiener. “The standards set under the law are very unfavorable to a city wanting to break away.”

A professor at UC Berkeley and faculty director of the Energy Institute at Haas School of Business, Severin Borenstein, says he has an idea about what this could look like.

“It means trying to buy out their poles and wires to be the distributor of electricity in the city,” said Borenstein. “San Francisco is already its own entity in securing its electricity from generators. What would change, potentially, is they could own the specific distribution lines.”

He says it could benefit the city if they feel they can do a better job maintaining the lines, and they may be able to reduce the cost. But Borenstein explains that some of the reduction in cost could be because San Francisco and other urban areas are subsidizing the more rural areas in PG&E territory, particularly in fire-prone areas.

“If the cities opt out, or could opt out of PG&E territory, what that’s going to mean is all of those wildfire costs, which are really unavoidable, that’s what climate change is doing to us, will be shifting on to the remaining rate payers,” said Borenstein. 

Borenstein thinks it could start a domino effect of cities wanting to form their own utility companies, and other lawmakers may want to avoid it.

“I don’t think the legislature is going to be very supportive of this because I think a lot of legislatures understand if we go down this road there’s going to be a crisis in the areas that are left holding the bag,” said Borenstein. 

Alameda and Palo Alto already have city-run utilities. Wiener believes San Francisco can join them.

“Right now, PG&E, it is a publicly traded corporation,” Wiener stated. “It is beholden to Wall Street and investors and its bottom line. And public power allows you to break away from that and to focus on the public interest and not on the needs of shareholders.”

The San Francisco 49ers enter the 2026 NFL off-season with a clear mandate: strengthen their receiving corps to complement their potent offense and support quarterback Brock Purdy.

With the potential departure of key contributors and looming contract decisions, the upcoming free agency period presents a pivotal opportunity. This article provides three wide receivers the 49ers should pursue, and makes the case for retaining Jauan Jennings, whose impact has been understated but crucial in high-leverage situations.

Again, the 49ers are at risk of not only losing Jennings but also Brandon Aiyuk, who quit on the team, and Kendrick Bourne, who filled in admirably when needed this past season. A pair of returners, Trent Taylor and Skyy Moore, are also pending free agents.

First on the docket, the 49ers should prioritize bringing back Jennings if the price is fair. The 49ers can’t afford to pay $20-plus million for Jennings. Spotrac has his market value pinned at $22 million annually, which is too rich for my taste.

Now, if the market for Jennings across the league comes in somewhere in the $16-17 million range, we can have a different conversation. In 2025, Jennings totaled 643 yards on 55 grabs for nine scores and converted 54.3% of his third-down targets into first downs.

He also posted seven red zone touchdowns on just 22.9% of red zone targets with a 57.89% catch rate. In comparison, Christian McCaffrey accounted for 30.1% of the 49ers’ red zone targets in 2025, making an 80% catch rate for 118 yards and seven scores.

Amon-Ra St. Brown led the league in red zone target percentage with 41.5%. It goes without saying that Jennings is also a fearless run-blocker, and in Kyle Shanahan’s system, that’s nearly as important as catching the football for receivers.

Three Free Agency Targets: Balancing Upside, Reliability, and Versatility

Alec Pierce: Downfield Threat with Untapped Potential

If the 49ers are willing to pay $20-plus million to a receiver, spending it on a downfield threat that can unlock others in Shanahan’s system seems a bit more valuable than a possession receiver.

In years past, the 49ers had the ability to attack you at all three levels in the passing game with Aiyuk deep, George Kittle, Jennings, and Samuel in the intermediate level, and Samuel and McCaffrey short or behind the line of scrimmage. This past season, with all of the injuries to Aiyuk, Ricky Pearsall, Kittle, and Jennings, really limited their explosiveness, which we’ve grown to see over the years.

Alec Pierce, formerly of the Indianapolis Colts, offers the 49ers a dynamic vertical threat. In 2025, Pierce averaged 21.3 yards per reception, and 22.3 in 2024, both of which led the league. He posted a catch rate of 56%, and his ability to stretch defenses complements the 49ers’ play-action-heavy scheme.

Pierce, 26, with a relatively clean injury history, suggests long-term upside, making him a cost-effective addition. His athleticism and route versatility would open up the field for Purdy and alleviate pressure on the mid-range route-runners and the run game.

Keenan Allen: Veteran Reliability and third-down Security Blanket

Keenan Allen, despite nearly claiming his old age pension in football terms, remains one of the league’s most-trusted possession receivers. In 2025, Allen registered 81 receptions for 777 yards and four touchdowns, converting a 54.9% success rate and providing Jim Harbaugh and the Chargers offense with a 66.4% overall catch rate.

His route precision and football IQ could be very valuable to Purdy and the 49ers offense, especially on third down. Allen appeared in 17 games last season, the most of his career in a single season. His leadership and experience would be invaluable in mentoring younger receivers, including Pearsall and whoever they add in the draft.

At this point in his career, Allen should be available at a reasonable rate.

Kalif Raymond: Versatile Depth and Special Teams Impact

Kalif Raymond brings a unique blend of speed, versatility, and special teams prowess. In 2025, Raymond notched 24 catches for 289 yards and one score, while also averaging 7.5 yards per punt return. That said, in 2024, Raymond averaged 13.8 yards per punt return and led the league with 413 punt return yards. This past season, Raymond totaled 161 kick return yards on six opportunities.

His ability to operate from the slot, stretch the field on jet sweeps, and contribute as a return specialist enhances roster flexibility. I see him as a slight upgrade and a bit more trustworthy as a depth receiver than Skyy Moore.

Moore accumulated 907 kick return yards on 33 chances this past season. A lot of that comes down to special teams philosophy, whether you want your returners to run them back or are content with a touchback.

Raymond’s durability and adaptability make him an ideal depth option, especially for a team that values creative offensive packages and reliable field position.

SAN FRANCISCO (AP) — The California state lawmaker favored to succeed Nancy Pelosi in the U.S. House has already been thrust into the national spotlight as the force behind headline-grabbing policies like a ban on masks for federal agents and protections for transgender youth.

Now Scott Wiener is expected to win the California Democratic Party’s endorsement on Sunday, giving his candidacy an extra boost in a competitive primary. Once in Washington, he could swiftly become a fresh symbol of San Francisco politics, derided by conservatives as an example of extreme liberalism while occasionally clashing with progressives.

Wiener has practice with that balancing act after 15 years in city and state politics.

“Sen. Wiener only does the tough bills,” longtime Sacramento lobbyist Chris Micheli said. “He never shies away from a significant political battle.”

Wiener’s challenge of navigating modern Democratic politics was on display in January, when he changed his language on the war in Gaza. Days after declining to align with his progressive opponents in describing Israel’s actions as genocide, he said he agreed with that term. The shift angered some Jewish groups and led Wiener to step down as co-chair of the state Legislative Jewish Caucus.

“For a period of time I chose not to use the word ‘genocide’ because it is so sensitive within the Jewish community,” he said in an interview with The Associated Press. “But ultimately I decided I had been effectively saying ‘genocide’ for quite some time.”

Leading high-profile legislation

Wiener, known for his calm demeanor, is often at the center of California’s most divisive issues, from housing to drug use. His backers and critics alike describe him as someone who advocates relentlessly for his bills.

“If you’re willing to risk people being mad at you, you can get things done and make people’s lives better,” Wiener said.

He wrote laws requiring large companies to disclose their direct and indirect climate emissions and ramp up apartment construction near public transit stops.

But he doesn’t always win.

Wiener authored a first-in-the-nation law banning local and federal law enforcement agents from wearing face coverings after a wave of immigration raids across Southern California last summer. A judge blocked it from taking effect this month — a rare loss in the state’s legal battles with the Trump administration that had Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office blaming Wiener.

He also failed to pass high-profile bills to decriminalize psychedelic mushrooms and hold oil and gas companies liable for damage from climate-caused natural disasters.

His critics come from both parties.

Republicans have blasted many of his policies aimed at defending LGBTQ+ people, sometimes calling Wiener, who is gay, offensive names.

Aaron Peskin, a former San Francisco supervisor and outspoken progressive, said a law Wiener wrote inadvertently stifled local housing and affordability efforts.

“It was screwing my government’s ability to deliver goods and services to the people that we represent,” he said.

Shifting language on Israel

Wiener said he supports Israel’s right to defend itself but grew horrified by the scale of its attacks on Gaza and blocking of humanitarian aid. More than 70,000 Palestinians have been killed since the war began in late 2023, according to Gaza’s Health Ministry. He had harshly criticized Israel’s actions but avoided using the word “ genocide.”

At a candidate forum in January, he refused to say “yes” or “no” after the Democratic hopefuls were asked whether Israel was committing genocide, which angered pro-Palestinian advocates. His opponents, San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan and former tech executive Saikat Chakrabarti, said “yes.”

Days later he released a video saying Israel had committed genocide, triggering backlash from Jewish and pro-Israel groups who said his words lacked “moral clarity.”

It was a representation of the difficult political terrain many Democrats are navigating as polls show views have shifted on Israel. American sympathy for Israel dropped to an all-time low in 2025, particularly among Democrats and independents, while sympathy for Palestinians has risen.

“Do I think he wins or loses based on this issue? Not necessarily, but it could become a problem for him,” San Francisco Bay Area political consultant Jim Ross said, adding that some voters might fear he will equivocate on issues important to them.

Just two Jewish members of Congress — Independent Sen. Bernie Sanders and Democratic Rep. Becca Balint, both of Vermont — have publicly used the word “genocide” to describe Israel’s actions. Only a small percentage of congressional Democrats have used the term, according to the Jewish Democratic Council of America.

Wiener grew up in New Jersey in a family that was Conservative Jewish, a sect of Judaism that is moderately traditional, and his only friends until high school were from his synagogue, he said. He later joined a Jewish fraternity at Duke University and was surprised by how supportive his brothers were when he told them he was gay.

“A lot of Jews just intuitively understand what it means to be part of a marginalized community,” he said.

Competing for Pelosi’s seat

Pelosi, a former House speaker, has not made an endorsement in the race.

If elected, Wiener said, he will work to bring down San Francisco’s notoriously high cost of living. His opponents are running on a similar promise and say he has failed to prioritize affordable housing.

Chan and Chakrabarti, a former aide to U.S. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., say they are fresher faces better positioned to bring sweeping change after Pelosi. Wiener, they say, is a moderate with establishment ties. Chan has been elected twice by voters in the city’s Richmond District, while Chakrabarti has never been on the ballot.

Ross, the political consultant, said it’s impossible to compare anyone to Pelosi given the sheer size of her political influence. But like her, Wiener has proved to be a strong networker who can raise money and pass ambitious bills.

“They’re both about the politics of what they can get done,” Ross said.

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Associated Press writer Janie Har contributed.