San Diego, CA
Officials believe San Diego is well positioned as cities compete for dwindling state homeless dollars
Gov. Gavin Newsom warned recently that cities and counties could lose state funds targeted at addressing homelessness if they don’t show real progress in getting people off the streets.
In San Diego, local officials say they’re finally starting to see that progress.
The Regional Task Force on Homelessness reported a roughly 7% drop in homelessness countywide in last year’s point-in-time count, from about 10,605 people in 2024 to about 9,905 in 2025.
In the city of San Diego, homelessness — sheltered and unsheltered — dropped by 14%.
In his recent State of the City address, Mayor Todd Gloria pointed to the reduction as proof that the city’s approach to homelessness is working.
That progress puts the San Diego region in a relatively strong position as the state tightens the rules around Homeless Housing, Assistance and Prevention funding, known as HHAP — one of the largest sources of state money for homelessness programs — and as other funding sources shrivel.
Temporary fix grows important
HHAP was launched in 2019 as a one-time infusion of state cash to help cities and counties respond to the growing homelessness crisis. Over several years, it became one of California’s key homelessness programs, delivering roughly $1 billion a year statewide for shelters, outreach, rental assistance and interim housing.
That changed last year, when lawmakers approved no new HHAP funding amid a budget shortfall. Newsom proposed restoring the program in the upcoming budget, but at about half its previous size — $500 million — and attaching stricter accountability requirements.
To qualify for future funding, cities and counties must show they are doing a number of things the governor has pushed: adopting strong encampment policies, maintaining a state-approved plan to build new housing, earning a “pro-housing” designation from regulators, putting up local matching dollars and showing measurable progress at reducing homelessness.
San Diego officials say the region checks those boxes.
Both the city and county have encampment ordinances that align with Newsom’s “model” policy and have stepped up enforcement in recent years. Each also has a state-approved housing element, and San Diego was among the first cities in California to earn a pro-housing designation, which the state gives to jurisdictions that streamline approvals and adopt policies aimed at increasing housing production. The county followed soon after.
City leaders say they have used HHAP dollars to provide more shelter beds, rent subsidies and outreach teams to get people off the street and into stable housing. The county has used the money to provide housing subsidies for at-risk populations, such as foster youth and seniors, and develop plans for emergency housing programs.
Frustration in Sacramento
Walt Bishop, director of government affairs for the city of San Diego, said the region has been preparing for the accountability shift.
“There was frustration from the governor’s office and the Legislature that (they’re) putting a lot of state investment in this and not seeing visual results on homelessness,” he said.
Bishop said the city believes it can meet those expectations.
“You give us this money, we will be accountable,” he said. “You set the markers, and we’ll meet them.”
But housing officials and advocates warn that without new, ongoing funding — especially long-term funding — the region could struggle to sustain the improvements it’s made.
Funding sources that helped fuel recent gains, including federal housing vouchers tied to affordable housing projects, are tapped out, even as the need for deeply affordable housing continues to grow.
Ryan Clumpner, a San Diego Housing Commission board member, said recent progress has relied in part on state funding that’s temporary or, like HHAP, inconsistent.
“We are running out of options at a rapid pace, and every intervention that people are familiar with — almost all of those are coming to an end in the next one to three years,” he said. “And there’s really no plan for what we’ll do after that.”
Buying hotels, building shelters
San Diego Housing Commission CEO Lisa Jones said federal programs, such as housing vouchers, along with state funding, including HHAP and Homekey, have been “foundational” to San Diego’s homelessness response, helping boost the number of shelter beds, develop permanent supportive housing and stabilize people at risk of losing their homes.
Homekey, a state initiative launched during the pandemic, helped cities buy hotels, motels and other properties and convert them into housing for people experiencing homelessness.
San Diego used Homekey funds to create more than 600 housing units. The program is now winding down, and state officials have not indicated it will continue at the same scale.
“The reduction or elimination of these funding sources would hinder further progress,” Jones said, adding that the commission is now placing greater emphasis on homelessness prevention and housing stabilization to keep people from falling into the system in the first place.
Federal housing vouchers, which have played a key role in San Diego’s response to homelessness, are also under increasing strain.
Stephen Russell, executive director of the San Diego Housing Federation, said vouchers have effectively been frozen at the federal level for years.
“Meanwhile, rents have gone through the roof,” he said.
Vouchers generally require tenants to pay about 30% of their income toward rent, with the voucher covering the rest, up to certain limits. As rents rise, that gap grows.
“The Housing Commission was essentially subsidizing the gap,” he said.
That money is now gone.
Voucher squeeze
Earlier this year, the Housing Commission decided to require some voucher holders to pay a larger share of their income toward rent, rather than cutting people off from assistance altogether.
“The choice was, do we take vouchers away from 1,600 families… or do we ask everybody who’s capable to pay some more? And so they’ve gone with that second choice,” he said. “It was unacceptable to them as policymakers to put people out on the streets.”
The voucher squeeze also affects what kinds of housing developers are able to build.
Affordable housing projects typically rely on a complicated mix of tax credits, public subsidies and private financing. For households earning less than 30% of area median income — including many people exiting homelessness — rent alone does not cover the cost of operating housing.
When someone has almost no income, the math just doesn’t work without a subsidy, Russell said.
“If they can only pay $300 a month, but it costs you $700 or $1,000 a month to pay the mortgage on that unit, that’s where the voucher comes in,” he said.
Those subsidies, known as project-based vouchers, are especially important for permanent supportive housing, which pairs housing with services for people with serious health or behavioral health needs.
Without vouchers, Russell said, developers are unlikely to bring forward new projects serving the lowest-income residents.
Gains at riskCity and county officials say that HHAP funding has played a major role in preventing homelessness from getting worse, even if that impact isn’t always obvious.
In a recent presentation on Newsom’s budget, Monica Saucedo, a senior fellow at the California Budget and Policy Center, said declines in homelessness show that targeted spending has worked.
“Over the last several years, the state has invested over $1 billion on average annually through (HHAP), and the results speak for themselves,” she said.
But Saucedo warned that scaling back the program could undo those gains.
“Even though HHAP was designed as temporary funding, these dollars have become core to California’s homelessness response systems statewide,” she said. “Losing or pulling back this funding now poses a real risk to the progress we’ve made.”
Russell put it more bluntly: “Turn off the tap and see how many people come flooding back out on the streets.”
At the same time, forces driving homelessness — high rents, limited housing supply and economic instability — continue to operate at a much larger scale.
“The system producing homelessness is still running full speed,” Russell said. “We’re just trying to keep up.”
There are some potential sources of relief. Recent federal legislation expanded low-income housing tax credits, which could help finance more affordable housing, Russell said. State lawmakers are also debating a large housing bond that could go before voters later this year.
Locally, proposals to create dedicated revenue streams — such as taxing second homes or short-term rentals — could provide more predictable funding, though those ideas remain controversial.
A spokesperson for Mayor Todd Gloria acknowledged the risk posed by shrinking state and federal support, but said the city is preparing to adjust.
“The mayor has warned that a reduction in state and federal support can erode the progress we’ve made,” David Rolland said. “But he is quick to point out that, as we always do, we will aim to maximize limited resources.”
San Diego, CA
More Thoughts on ‘Yes on A’
By Dave Rice
Is Measure A going to affect a significant number of properties? Is it going to affect affordable housing in any meaningful way? Come now, let’s not be dense – this hits a handful of rich people who can absolutely afford to drop $10K in the city coffers if they’re leaving a vacation home vacant on purpose – let’s say that’s their civic contribution that would be realized in other ways if they actually lived, worked, and shopped here full-time.
Or it hits STVR hosts, who can either factor the cost into their business model or give it up if margins are really that thin (maybe not everyone needs to fancy themselves an amateur hotelier). But let’s not kid ourselves and believe the kind of housing this will free up will be plentiful or affordable.
In the exceedingly rare instances where someone might be eligible for an exemption, will it be too hard to apply for? That’s something we can argue and refine but that’s the bathwater, or just the little bit of it that splashes out of the tub, not the baby. An argument that the whole proposal is DOA because military members are too stupid to file for an exemption is either dismissive of or telling tales out of school about what we really think of military intelligence.
Poor, poor grandma who needs a home near her doctor? If she’s really poor why does she have multiple houses, and if she’s not does this really affect her? I live in a neighborhood where “aren’t you afraid you’re going to get shot?” is the first thing outsiders ask me about where I’m from, and if Grandma has owned her mostly-unoccupied vacation house for any significant time I probably pay a lot more property tax than she does. You couldn’t trip over the limbo bar to gain my sympathy, it’s buried a few feet deep.
This is a tiny nod toward taxing the rich, but that’s all. It’s not significant or meaningful, it won’t do a lot, most of the housing stock in question even if returned to actual residents won’t make a dent in the astronomical cost of living in or anywhere near this city. But it’s a tiny step in the right direction – and watching how hysterical the moneyed class is about the rest of us asking for even the tiniest drop in the goddamned bucket we’re trying to fill without their help is telling.
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San Diego, CA
Dining Out — series Part 1: A look at the evolution of La Jolla’s restaurant scene
This is the first installment in a series of stories on the history of dining out in La Jolla, how it’s changed and how it continues to evolve.
It’s hard to imagine La Jolla without its restaurants, from the lines stretching down the block at The Taco Stand to the iconic views at George’s at the Cove.
But the way La Jollans eat and where has changed dramatically since the area’s founding in the 1800s.
In this first part of the new month-long series “Dining Out,” the La Jolla Light looks at local restaurants from the 1880s (when La Jolla was first developed and settled) to the early 1920s.
“La Jolla had very few people at that time,” according to local historian Carol Olten. “There weren’t a lot of restaurants, as far as we know.”
Olten said she gets information about La Jolla’s earliest days from the diaries of local pioneer Anson Mills.
“He kept track of where he went and what he did … but he did a lot of home cooking,” she said. “So when they went to a restaurant for dinner, it was a big occasion. It was something people mainly did on holidays or … a social occasion.”
One restaurant Mills would go to — believed to be one of the first in La Jolla — was Montezuma Cottage. Olten said it is believed to have opened in 1895 near the intersection of Prospect and Jenner streets.
Mills described the restaurant as a popular eating and gathering spot for locals and tourists, Olten said. He wrote an entry about a Thanksgiving dinner there with about 60 people.
Montezuma Cottage later became known as the Seaside Inn and Ocean View restaurant. It was torn down in 1931.
Culturally, eating at a restaurant was a more formal occasion at the time, Olten said.
“You didn’t go to a restaurant just to hang out with friends like you would today. It was purposeful then,” she said.
Around 1900, a restaurant known as the White Rabbit opened near the corner of Girard Avenue and Prospect Street. In addition to a rooftop garden, it featured a tea room, joining a national trend.
“Tea rooms went with the suffragette movement because in those days, [women] didn’t have a place to gather without an escort, so tea rooms started opening in hotels and women could go there and sit down and have a social tea or lunch,” Olten said. “La Jolla got in on the tail end of that thanks to [Green Dragon Colony founder] Anna Held and [La Jolla philanthropist] Ellen Browning Scripps.”
One of them, called The Cricket, opened in the early 1900s with white tablecloths. Olten said it was near what it is now Eddie V’s restaurant.
“It was originally part of the Green Dragon Colony … and was sold to a British woman named Daisy Mitchell,” she said. “It stayed a tea room for many years, and she kept a guest book that was decorated with reds and greens and had a medieval theme. So it was very British.”
Joining a trend toward more upscale dining, one of La Jolla’s “most well-established and well-known restaurants” opened in 1912 at 1227 Prospect St. The Brown Bear had “stylish, fashionable service and a menu to please the gods,” Olten said.
A house specialty was Welsh rabbit served in a silver chafing dish. The restaurant was in operation until 1941.
Several restaurants opened around 1915, about the same time as the Panama-California Exposition, a world’s fair-type event held in 1915-16 that brought 3.7 million people to San Diego.
One of La Jolla’s new restaurants, the Spindrift Inn, opened in 1916 and was considered a “last stop” out of town.
“Most restaurants at that time were located in the immediate Village area,” Olten said. “The one that was astray would have been the Spindrift Inn [in La Jolla Shores]. This was in the very early days of automobiles, so not very many people had cars, but those that did would … drive their cars and the last stop before you got out of town was Spindrift Inn.”
The Spindrift Inn later became The Marine Room, which still stands.
Olten said the restaurant was operated by the Hannay family for about 20 years. Their “rambunctious” fox terrier, Jiggs, would roam the dining room.
Another Expo-era restaurant was the Dining Car, which operated in an old trolley car parked near Goldfish Point. Dinner was $2 per person. It burned down on Halloween night in 1923.
Next installment: With new hotels being built in La Jolla in the 1920s came new hotel restaurants. But later, World War II would have an impact on La Jollans and San Diegans in general and on where and how they ate. ♦
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