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Judge says he's leaning toward nixing FEMA rule denying fire victims payment for emotional losses  • Source New Mexico

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Judge says he's leaning toward nixing FEMA rule denying fire victims payment for emotional losses  • Source New Mexico


Hundreds of millions of dollars could be awarded to victims of the state’s biggest wildfire for the hardship they endured when the federally caused wildfire roared across their land in 2022, based on a judge’s comments Tuesday in federal court.

Judge James Browning said at the end of a hearing Tuesday afternoon he was “leaning” toward ruling on behalf of fire victims who sued the Federal Emergency Management Agency last year. He said he would issue a ruling as soon as possible, but likely not until next month.

If Browning does indeed side with the fire victims, which lawyers on both sides of the courtroom expect is likely, FEMA could be required to establish a system to quantify and compensate fire victims not only for the economic losses they suffered in the state’s biggest wildfire but also for the emotional harm.

For thousands of victims, that could mean additional compensation for the “annoyance, discomfort and inconvenience” of the “nuisance” or “trespass” the fire caused, victims’ lawyers said.

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A few others could get sizable payments for their “pain and suffering” resulting from physical injuries they suffered in the fire, in addition to the medical costs. So far, the only recourse for those who were injured or for families of those who died in the fire or ensuing floods has been filing time-consuming and uncertain lawsuits in federal court.

Gerald Singleton, whose San Diego-based firm is representing about 1,000 fire victims, estimated these sorts of emotional harm losses could amount to about $400 million.

He also said the payments could result in a more-equitable distribution of fire compensation funding, as renters or those with low incomes would receive additional compensation beyond just the dollar value for their limited losses in the fire.

Even with the expected ruling, it’s not clear how quickly these payments could arrive in victims’ bank accounts. Because the legal battle centers around a regulation FEMA created, the agency’s lawyers said in court it would have to go through a whole new, formal rulemaking process. That could take months.

Feds try to skirt responsibility in lawsuit for people who died after state’s biggest wildfire

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The money would come out of a nearly $4 billion fund Congress established in September 2022 that members hoped would “fully compensate” victims of the Hermits Peak-Calf Canyon Fire, started earlier that year by two federal prescribed burns that escaped and combined to destroy several hundred homes and scorched a 534-square-mile area.

As of Sept. 24, the Hermits Peak-Calf Canyon Claims Office had paid $1.35 billion of the fund in 10,417 different claims from households, nonprofits, businesses and local and tribal governments.

Jay Mitchell, director of the claims office, watched the half-day court hearing Tuesday. In a brief interview with Source New Mexico after the judge’s comments, Mitchell suggested the compensation required by the expected ruling could be challenging to administer.

Even though $4 billion might seem like a huge number, “It is a limited fund,” Mitchell said. He suggested the ruling could open the door to a flood of new claims seeking damages for “nuisance” or “trespass” from people whose properties were touched by wildfire smoke.

“Smoke goes where it goes,” he said as he walked into a meeting with lawyers representing FEMA after the hearing.

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Did Congress intend to limit damages?

Singleton’s was among four firms representing dozens of named plaintiffs who sued FEMA last October, alleging the agency improperly denied so-called “non-economic damages” to fire victims in a final set of regulations it published last summer. The rules limited compensation to only economic damages, which are the type of losses with a price tag: things like cars, homes, business expenses and cattle.

The rule was based on the agency’s interpretation of the Hermits Peak-Calf Calf Canyon Fire Assistance Act, written and sponsored by U.S. Rep. Teresa Leger Fernandez and U.S. Sen. Ben Ray Luján, both Democrats from New Mexico.

Luján’s office did not respond to a request for comment. U.S. Sen. Martin Heinrich’s office said the senator would wait until the ruling to weigh in. Leger Fernandez’s office told Source NM she couldn’t comment due to the pending litigation, but she’s “following the issue closely.”

The victims’ lawsuit alleged the agency was wrong when it interpreted the act as excluding non-economic damage payments. To make their argument, lawyers parsed the act’s language to try to determine congressional intent and analyzed state law about what recourse victims would have under New Mexico law if a private company had started the fire and not the federal government.

Months of back and forth between lawyers centered on what Congress meant when they wrote the act. Browning on Tuesday questioned victims’ lawyers and the United States Attorney’s Office about what they think Congress intended by language such as “limited to,” “allowable damages,” “injured person” and “actual compensatory damages.”

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In the scar of New Mexico’s largest wildfire, a legal battle is brewing over the cost of suffering

For example, the law says payments “shall be limited to actual compensatory damages.” Victims’ lawyers argued, with numerous citations in New Mexico law and elsewhere, that “actual compensatory damages” historically means both economic and non-economic damages. FEMA’s lawyers interpreted the clause to mean that Congress was imposing a limitation: Only economic damages were allowed.

The lawsuit occurred after a Supreme Court ruling that removed deference to federal agencies when they write regulations based on ambiguous laws passed by Congress. It’s not clear how much the court’s ruling on the so-called “Chevron deference” precedent impacted the judge’s comments. But plaintiffs’ lawyer Tom Tosdal repeatedly cited Justice Neil Gorsuch’s ruling in his arguments Tuesday, and the judge wondered aloud whether it applied.

By the time the hearing started Tuesday, Browning said he’d already made up his mind on one important aspect of the lawsuit: He agreed that New Mexico law allows non-economic damages to be paid to victims in a scenario like the fire. That’s important because of a provision in the law requiring the calculation of damages to be based on what’s allowed under state law.

He cited an opinion from the New Mexico Attorney General that concluded emotional hardship payments are allowed for victims of “nuisance and trespass” here. An official at the New Mexico Department of Justicewrote the opinion after a request from two state lawmakers made shortly after a Source New Mexico and ProPublica article on the legal battle.

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Victims’ lawyers have a ‘better reading’ of the law, judge says

In describing his inclination to side with the fire victims over the government, Browning also cited one piece of language that lawyers on both sides argued showed congressional intent to either exclude or include emotional hardship payments.

One of the laws’ sections is titled “Allowable Damages” in capital letters and goes on to list three categories of payments: Financial, business or property. To FEMA’s lawyers, Congress was listing all the types of allowable payments, which they said in a legal brief was “implied” by the phrase “allowable damages.”

FEMA has paid out just 2% of fund to help wildfire victims rebuild. Some can’t wait much longer.

To the fire victims’ lawyers, Congress was just specifying some types of compensation the act allowed but not limiting payments to those categories of loss.

The judge agreed: “Plaintiffs have a better reading,” he said. He seized on the fact that FEMA’s lawyers wrote in their brief that Congress “implied” its intent to limit damages in that section of the law. An implication is not enough, he said.

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Browning also said he would try to issue a ruling as quickly as he could, and discussed with lawyers the best way to avoid further delays in getting the compensation to victims. He cited previous delays in the claims office compensation as the reason for his urgency.

“I don’t live under a rock,” he said. “I know that there has been a lot of criticism of how slow the process was.”



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New Mexico

Tanya Tucker to perform at New Mexico State Fair

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Tanya Tucker to perform at New Mexico State Fair


ALBUQUERQUE, N.M. — Country Music Hall of Fame inductee Tanya Tucker will perform at the 2026 New Mexico State Fair, officials announced Tuesday.

Tucker will take to the stage Friday, Sept. 18, after the Chevron PRCA rodeo. The Grammy Award-winning icon has racked up 10 No. 1 country hits since her first hit, “Delta Dawn,” at age 13.

“We couldn’t be more thrilled to bring the legendary Tanya Tucker to the New Mexico State Fair,” said Dan Mourning, general manager of the New Mexico State Fair. “Tanya is one of the greatest icons in country music history and is the perfect fit for the Fair.”

Tucker has 23 Top-40 albums and 56 Top 40 singles on the Billboard country music charts. She has won two Country Music Association awards, two Academy of Country Music awards, three CMT Awards and two Grammys for Best Country Album and Best Country Song.

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Tickets are set to go on sale on Friday at 10 a.m.

Here is the full 2026 New Mexico State Fair rodeo-concert lineup:

Friday, Sept. 11

Turnpike Troubadours with Chevron PRCA Xtreme Bulls

Saturday, Sept. 12

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Ian Munsick with Chevron PRCA Xtreme Bulls

Wednesday, Sept. 16

Chevron PRCA Standalone Rodeo

Thursday, Sept. 17

Everclear with Chevron  PRCA Rodeo

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Friday, Sept. 18

Tanya Tucker with Chevron PRCA Rodeo

Saturday, Sept. 19

The Warning with Chevron PRCA Rodeo

Sunday, Sept. 20

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Chevron PRCA Rodeo – Matinee



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New Mexico

New Mexico prosecutors launch search of Jeffrey Epstein’s secluded former Zorro Ranch

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New Mexico prosecutors launch search of Jeffrey Epstein’s secluded former Zorro Ranch


SANTA FE, N.M. (AP) — State investigators began searching a secluded ranch in New Mexico on Monday where financier and sex offender Jeffrey Epstein once entertained guests amid allegations that the property may have been used for sexual abuse and sex trafficking of young women.

The office of state Attorney General Raúl Torrez announced that the search was being done with the cooperation of the current ranch owners.

Torrez last month reopened an investigation of the ranch. New Mexico’s initial case was closed in 2019 at the request of federal prosecutors in New York, and state prosecutors say now that “revelations outlined in the previously sealed FBI files warrant further examination.”

Epstein purchased the sprawling Zorro Ranch in Stanley, New Mexico, about 30 miles (48 kilometers) south of Santa Fe, in 1993 from former Democratic Gov. Bruce King and built a hilltop mansion with a private runway.

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The property was sold by Epstein’s estate in 2023 — with proceeds going toward creditors — to the family of Don Huffines, a candidate in Texas for state comptroller who won the Republican primary last week.

“The New Mexico Department of Justice appreciates the cooperation of the current property owners,” the agency said in a statement. Prosecutors “will continue to keep the public appropriately informed, support the survivors, and follow the facts wherever they lead.”

Additionally, New Mexico state legislators have established a new commission to look into past activities at the ranch.

Epstein killed himself in a Manhattan jail while awaiting trial in 2019 on charges that he sexually abused and trafficked dozens of underage girls.

Epstein never faced charges in New Mexico, but the state attorney general’s office in 2019 confirmed that it had interviewed possible victims who visited Epstein’s ranch.

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Copyright 2026 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.



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110 years since ‘Pancho’ Villa’s attack on Columbus, New Mexico

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110 years since ‘Pancho’ Villa’s attack on Columbus, New Mexico


It is the 110th anniversary of Mexican revolutionary Gen. Francisco “Pancho” Villa’s attack on Columbus, New Mexico, on March 9, 1916.

The “Battle of Columbus,” as the raid is also known, was a pivotal moment in U.S.-Mexico border history and the first foreign ground invasion of the continental U.S. since 1812.

Camp Furlong Day

Pancho Villa State Park will commemorate the history surrounding Pancho Villa’s 1916 raid on the Village of Columbus on Saturday, March 14, during its Camp Furlong Day activities.  

The annual event offers visitors an opportunity to explore the site where U.S. and Mexican history collided, shaping military strategy, border relations and life in southern New Mexico for generations. 

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Park visitors can participate in ranger-led tours and view exhibits highlighting Camp Furlong’s role during the Villa Raid.

Special guest presentations: 

  • At 10 a.m., historian Glenn Minuth will present, “The Importance of Cootes Hill on the Raid on Columbus.”  
  • At 1 p.m., Minuth returns with, “Mexican Death Train: The Santa Ysabel Massacre.” 
  • At 2 p.m., historian Mike Anderson will present, “Tracks Through History: The Story of the El Paso and Southwestern Railroad.” 

The Cabalgata Fiesta de Amistad includes the Memorial Ride from the border into Columbus, recognized as Luna County’s longest horse parade. Festivities continue in the downtown plaza with mariachis, folklorico dancers, and community gatherings honoring the shared cultural history of the border region.  

Pancho Villa State Park is located at 228 W. Highway 9 in Columbus, New Mexico, approximately 30 miles south of Deming via Highway 11 or 70 miles west of Santa Teresa via Highway 9.

All activities are free and open to the public. Visitors are encouraged to arrive early. For details, visit www.emnrd.nm.gov/spd/find-a-park/pancho-villa-state-park/ or call 575-531-2711. 

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Pancho Villa’s raid on Columbus, New Mexico

Here is an article by Chris Roberts that originally ran in the El Paso Times on Nov. 7, 2010.

COLUMBUS, N.M. — A moonless night of mayhem in 1916 that left hundreds of Mexican revolutionaries and a smaller number of U.S. cavalry soldiers and civilians dead opened wounds that still haunt this small border town nearly a century later.

Francisco “Pancho” Villa’s raid on Columbus began just after 4 a.m. on March 9. It was the last major invasion of the continental United States by a foreign armed force, according to New Mexico state historians.

Eight U.S. soldiers were killed in the fight and another died later of his injuries. Ten Columbus residents and one Mexican national died. Villa lost nearly 200 men, and about 75 more were killed as soldiers chased them back over the border immediately after the raid.

“It was kind of a rag-tag army, if you want to call it an army,” said Richard Dean, a Columbus historian whose great-grandfather was killed in the raid. “Many of them were peons. He could have wiped Columbus off the map in 30 minutes if he had an army.”

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A hotel was torched by the Villistas, which turned out to be a significant tactical blunder. The fire spread to a grocery store and two smaller buildings. The town was looted.

In response, U.S. officials formed the “Punitive Expedition,” which was headed by then-Brig. Gen. John “Black Jack” Pershing. Pershing’s mission was to enter Mexico; hunt down the raiders, particularly Villa; and bring them back to face trial.

Columbus’ economic losses from the raid were quickly offset as thousands of soldiers arrived for the expedition, which ended on Feb. 5, 1917. The garrison was not abandoned until 1924.

The expedition allowed the U.S. military to test its newfangled mechanized vehicles in battle conditions just before the nation entered World War I. That included Curtiss JN-3 “Jenny” biplanes, four-wheel drive trucks, Dodge touring cars and Harley-Davidson motorcycles.

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“The first batch (of eight Jennys) were out of commission in the first month,” said John Read, a heritage educator at Pancho Villa State Park in Columbus. “One was brought down by a dust devil.”

Expedition soldiers faced harsh conditions in the Chihuahuan desert — dehydrated by day and frozen at night. Most infantry soldiers wore canvas and glass goggles to protect their eyes.

“The dust down there was just horrendous,” Dean said.

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Soldiers went as far as Parral, Mexico, but never found Villa. In the immediate aftermath of the raid, 14 wounded Villistas were captured, Dean said, with only six surviving. Five were hanged in Deming a few months after the raid. One received executive clemency, escaping the hangman’s noose with a life sentence.

Accounts of the raid have been numerous and often conflicting. And the perceptions of Villa run from national hero to terrorist, depending on who is speaking.

What follows is a re-creation of the raid drawn from historical reference works with heavy reliance on the Army’s staff ride, a teaching tool based largely on reports from the time. Other sources include interviews with Columbus historians, relatives of people involved, articles from the El Paso Times and other publications, and a New Mexico park service movie capturing oral histories from some who were there at an early age.

Trouble brews

In early 1916, Columbus was a growing town of about 400 residents. It had a school with 12 grades, three hotels, a bank, two mercantile stores, a grocery store, two drugstores, a hardware store, two churches, a lumberyard, a blacksmith shop and restaurants.

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The modern age had arrived, represented by a Ford automobile dealership and a Coca-Cola bottling plant.

With revolution raging to the south, rumors of attack had become common. Townspeople prepared by conducting drills, finding the shortest route from home to the town’s more substantial brick and adobe buildings where family members could find a measure of safety.

The U.S. government, taking defensive measures, had established military camps along the Southwest border.

In Columbus, Army tents for enlisted soldiers in the 13th Cavalry were lined up across the railroad tracks from the town’s southern border. Col. Herbert J. Slocum, who lived in Columbus with most of the officers, had about 350 soldiers in camp.

Slocum was prevented from sending soldiers into Mexico by presidential policy. So, he and his soldiers scoured newspapers, questioned travelers from Mexico, pumped Mexican border guards and even paid a Mexican cowboy to find Villa’s force and report its location. Unfortunately for Slocum, most of his intelligence indicated Villa was moving away from Columbus.

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In fact, Villa had targeted the town.

Villa’s motives are not entirely clear. However, historians agree that a number of factors likely contributed to his resolve.

President Woodrow Wilson had allowed Villa rival Venustiano Carranza to use U.S. railroads for troop transport. Carranza’s forces had traveled through Columbus into Arizona and on to Agua Prieta, Mexico, to hand Villa a significant defeat — one of many he was suffering at the time.

“It was a huge blow to his ego,” Dean said.

Some historians believe Villa was trying to provoke war between Carranza’s Mexico and the United States.

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Villa felt he had protected U.S. residents and businesses in northern Mexico and saw Wilson’s move as a betrayal. And, after the mounting losses, Villa was reportedly low on provisions — weapons, ammunition, horses, food and other supplies.

Personal revenge may even have played a role. Sam Ravel, who owned a hotel and a general store in Columbus, allegedly accepted money from a Villa agent in 1913 for arms and ammunition. When Wilson banned the sale of those items to Mexican nationals, according to some accounts, Ravel kept the money without supplying the merchandise.

Whatever his motivation, Villa sent two spies to walk the streets of Columbus the day before the raid. They informed Villa his army would face only about 30 to 50 soldiers.

“Pancho Villa would never have done this if he had the correct intelligence,” Dean said.

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The attack begins

Under clear skies, the Mexican soldiers prepared to attack. A sliver of moon set just after 11 p.m. on March 8, leaving only faint starlight to illuminate the desert landscape.

Reports vary as to whether Villa himself crossed into the United States, but most accounts put him at a staging area a little more than a mile southwest of town.

On horseback, nearly 500 Villistas approached the town from the west, north and south in a pincer movement.

At about 4:15 a.m., 1st Lt. John P. Lucas, who lived on the southwest side of town, heard the beat of horse hooves through his open window.

“I looked out, and although the night was very dark, I saw a man wearing a black sombrero riding towards camp,” Lucas reported. “From the sounds I heard, it seemed to me that he had quite a few companions and that my house was completely surrounded.”

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Pvt. Fred Griffin, guarding regimental headquarters a stone’s throw from Lucas’ house, had spotted the raiders and called for them to halt. They shot him in the stomach. Griffin killed his assailant and two others. That commotion drew the Mexican soldiers away from Lucas’ house.

“I … have always felt that I owed him a great debt of gratitude,” Lucas wrote. “Unfortunately, he was killed.”

Officer of the day Lt. James P. Castleman, at his post as the staff duty officer, heard the gunshots and grabbed his pistol. As he wheeled around the corner of the duty shack, he collided with a Villista. Castleman fired first and killed the raider.

A barrage of gunfire erupted.

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The main Villista attack moved into the center of town. Another wave hit the Army barracks and stables to the south. The rest attacked through residences and businesses on the north end of town.

At the barracks, Sgt. Michael Fody rounded up about 25 troopers armed with Springfield rifles. Castleman arrived and took command.

“On account of the darkness it was impossible to distinguish anyone, and for a moment I was under the impression that we were being fired upon by some of our own regiment,” Fody wrote. “The feeling was indescribable and when I heard Mexican voices opposite us, you can imagine my relief.”

Castleman directed his troops to the southeast side of Columbus and set up a firing line pointed back through the center of town.

Meanwhile, Lucas, with two of his gunners, broke into the locked weapons shed and armed themselves with 1916 Benet-Mercie “machine rifles.”

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Lucas set up the guns at strategic locations on the south side of Columbus, firing northwest, also into the center of town. The two-man guns were unreliable and jammed at first.

Lucas and Castleman had set up a crossfire that raked the downtown area. By starlight, however, they could barely see.

The Villistas were all over the town, looting stores and looking for Ravel, whom Villa believed had cheated him. Ravel was in El Paso recovering from dental surgery.

Unable to find Ravel at his store, the Villistas went to a hotel he owned just north of Lucas’ gun emplacements. They killed some of its occupants and set it on fire. The fire spread to three other buildings, which illuminated the Villistas’ movements. The soldiers now were firing with deadly accuracy. For more than two hours, the fight continued until the Villistas began a retreat as the sun began to glow in the east.

Trish Long may be reached at tlong@elpasotimes.com.

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