Nevada
Dayton or Nevada? How to pick 7 vs. 10 matchup in 2024 March Madness bracket | Sporting News
There is not much that differs a 7 seed from a 10 seed at the NCAA Tournament in typical years. As fans have seen, this 2024 season of basketball has been far from normal, making it all the more harder to decipher March Madness matchups.
In the West Region, 7-seed Dayton matches up with 10-seed Nevada at the 2024 tournament. Both programs are coming off disappointing postseason endings after strong regular seasons.
Dayton (24-7, 14-4 Atlantic-10) came up short in the Atlantic 10 tournament, losing to Duquesne in the quarterfinals as the No. 3 seed. The loss was the Flyers’ third in the last seven games, marking a rocky end to an otherwise solid campaign.
Meanwhile, Nevada (26-7, 13-5 MWC) is fresh off a loss in the Mountain West quarterfinals, falling to No. 7 seed Colorado State. The upset defeat snapped a seven-game winning streak for the Wolfpack, who ended the regular season on a high note, nabbing the No. 2 seed in the conference.
However, it’s a clean slate now, and both programs are eyeing a spot in the second round with a win in Salt Lake City.
Here’s what you need to know about the matchup between Dayton and Nevada, including metrics, rankings, key players, season breakdowns and more.
SN’s MARCH MADNESS HQ
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Dayton vs. Nevada odds
Dayton vs. Nevada will be played Thursday, March 21, the first day of the Round of 64. Nevada opens as a betting favorite, per BetMGM, despite being the lower seed.
Below are the details of the game, including betting odds, time, TV and venue:
- Odds: Nevada (-1.5)
- Date: Thursday, March 21
- Time: 4:30 p.m.
- TV: TBS
- Arena: Delta Center, Salt Lake City
Dayton (24-7, 14-4 Atlantic-10)
For the first time since 2017, the Dayton Flyers are dancing. In head coach Anthony Grant’s seventh season, Dayton is back in March Madness after a strong showing in the Atlantic 10 this year.
Dayton is one of a number of teams in the NCAA Tournament coming off a stunning upset loss early in the conference playoffs. The Flyers posted an overall record of 24-7 and a conference mark of 14-4 to finish third in the conference regular season. However, the team suffered a quarterfinals defeat at the hands of Duquesne, who ran the table at the Barclays Center as a sixth seed, earning a bid to the dance.
Paving the way for the Flyers is DaRon Holmes II, a junior who is a Naismith College Player of the Year semifinalist and Atlantic 10 Co-Player of the Year. The 6-10 center is the only player in Division I level who has more than 65 blocks, 65 dunks and 65 assists this season, averaging 20.4 points and 8.4 rebounds per game.
On its resume are notable wins over St. John’s at the Charleston Classic, Cincinnati . Davidson hasn’t lost back-to-back games all year, bouncing back in the next contest each of the four times it occurred in the regular season. The Flyers will have to keep that trend in its 19th all-time NCAA Tournament.
This is the 19th appearance all-time for Dayton, who have not won an NCAA tournament game since its run to the Elite Eight in 2014. However, you have to consider the tournament-less 2019-20 season where Obi Toppin led the Flyers to what could have been a No. 1 seed in March Madness.
- NET ranking: 23
- KenPom ranking: 32
- Quad 1 record: 3-4
- Quad 2 record: 5-3
- Quad 3 record: 9-0
- Quad 4 record: 7-0
- Offensive efficiency ranking: 18
- Defensive efficiency ranking: 87
Key players
DaRon Holmes II, F, Jr. (6-10, 235): 20.4 ppg, 8.4 rpg, 2.6 apg
Nate Santos, F, Jr. (6-7, 210): 10.0 ppg, 6.4 rpg, 1.5 apg
Koby Brea, G, Jr. (6-6, 205): 10.9 ppg, 3.8 rpg, 1.1 apg
Kobe Elvis, G, Jr. (6-2, 180): 9.5 ppg, 3.56 apg, 2.5 rpg
Enoch Cheeks, G, Jr. (6-3, 195): 8.0 ppg, 4.6 rpg, 2.0 apg
MORE: Buy tickets to 2024 March Madness games
Nevada (26-7, 13-5 MWC)
Nevada is back in the dance after a first four appearance last year in March Madness, breaking a four-year streak without a NCAA tournament berth. This year, the Wolfpack comes in as a No. 10 seed that may be ranked lower than expected.
Like Dayton, Steve Alford’s Nevada team was one-and-done in conference tournament play. After recording a 13-5 record in Mountain West regular season play, the Wolfpack fell to No. 7 seed Colorado State in the conference quarterfinals. It snapped the team’s seven game winning streak and it marked the squad’s second loss since the start of February.
On its resume, Nevada secured quality wins over Mountain West opponents such as New Mexico, San Jose State and Colorado State, and also defeated TCU at the Diamond Head Classic in December.
Seniors guards Kenan Blackshear and Jarod Lucas are the players to watch for the Wolfpack. Blackshear is averaging 15.1 points a game while also recording just under five rebounds and assists per contest. Lucas is the scoring leader, averaging 17.8 points per game and shooting nearly 90% from the free throw line.
The 2024 berth marks the 13th in Alford’s career. He became the fourth coach to take five different Division I schools to the dance, and a win would make him only the second one to win a tournament game at five different programs.
- NET ranking: 34
- KenPom ranking: 36
- Quad 1 record: 6-6
- Quad 2 record: 2-0
- Quad 3 record: 8-1
- Quad 4 record: 8-0
- Offensive efficiency ranking: 40
- Defensive efficiency ranking: 36
Key players
Kenan Blackshear, G, Sr. (6-6, 215): 15.1 ppg, 4.9 rpg, 4.9 apg
Jarod Lucas, G, Sr. (6-4, 195): 17.8 ppg, 2.8 rpg, 1.5 rpg
Nick Davidson, F, Soph. (6-9, 215): 12.1 ppg, 7.3 rpg, 1.4 apg
Tre Coleman, F, Sr. (6-7, 185): 8.5 ppg, 3.8 rpg, 2.8 apg
Daniel Foster, G, Sr. (6-6, 215): 4.4 ppg, 4.5 rpg, 1.5 apg
EXPERT PICKS: DeCourcy (UConn) | Bender (UConn) | Iyer (UConn) | Yanchulis (South Carolina women)
Dayton vs. Nevada prediction
This matchup is going to come down to who can perform better from beyond the arc. Dayton ranks third in the nation in 3-point percentage (40.2), one of only three teams at the Division I level to shoot at least 40% from deep, joining Kentucky and Purdue.
While the Flyers have one of the most dominant big men in the country, Holmes II is surrounded by shooters as well. Nate Santos and Koby Brea are dangerous weapons on the perimeter for Grants’s coalition.
Nevada is no stranger to success from range either. The Wolfpack shot 36.5% from 3-point distance this season, however, it was not the go-to option for the team. Nevada attempted just 18.3 3-pointers per game, ranking among the lowest in the nation. It may not be the best idea for the Wolfpack to go toe-to-toe from the arc with the Flyers, but if they need to, they have shooters like Jarod Lucas and Hunter McIntosh.
The Wolfpack come into the contest the hotter squad, winning 11 of their last 12 matchups. The offense has scored at least 70 points in seven consecutive contests, and it’s been a spread of wealth, not just one player. The same can’t necessarily be said about Dayton, as DaRon Holmes II has led the Flyers in scoring four games in a row and seven of their last eight.
HISTORY OF UPSETS BY SEED:
16 vs. 1 | 15 vs. 2 | 14 vs. 3 | 13 vs. 4 | 12 vs. 5
History of 7 vs. 10 matchups in NCAA Tournament
Overall, No. 7 seeds hold a 92-59 advantage over No. 10 seeds since the NCAA Tournament bracket expanded to 64 teams in 1985.
However, it’s worth noting that the No. 10 seeds’ 50 wins are the most of any lower-seeded team over a higher-seeded team in the first round, per NCAA.com. The lower seed in this matchup has won roughly 39 percent of the games.
It’s also worth noting that a No. 10 seed has won at least one game in each NCAA Tournament since 2008, when Steph Curry led Davidson to an upset win over Gonzaga before a storybook run to the Elite Eight.
Below is a breakdown of the wins 10-seeds have posted over 7-seeds since 2009:
| Year | Result |
| 2023 | Penn State 76, Texas A&M 59 |
| 2022 | Miami (Fla.) 68, USC 66 |
| 2021 | Maryland 63, UConn 54 |
| 2021 | Rutgers 60, Clemson 56 |
| 2019 | Florida 70, Nevada 61 |
| 2019 | Iowa 79, Cincinnati 72 |
| 2019 | Minnesota 86, Louisville 76 |
| 2018 | Butler 79, Arkansas 62 |
| 2017 | Wichita State 64, Dayton 58 |
| 2016 | VCU 75, Oregon State 67 |
| 2016 | Syracuse 70, Dayton 51 |
| 2015 | Ohio State 75, VCU 72 |
| 2014 | Stanford 58, New Mexico 53 |
| 2013 | Iowa State 76, Notre Dame 58 |
| 2012 | Xavier 67, Notre Dame 63 |
| 2012 | Purdue 72, Saint Mary’s 69 |
| 2011 | Florida State 57, Texas A&M 50 |
| 2010 | Georgia Tech 64, Oklahoma State 59 |
| 2010 | Missouri 86, Clemson 78 |
| 2010 | Saint Mary’s 80, Richmond 71 |
| 2009 | USC 72, Boston College 55 |
| 2009 | Maryland 84, California 71 |
| 2009 | Michigan 62, Clemson 59 |
Nevada
EDITORIAL: Nevada’s House Democrats oppose permitting reform
Politicians of both parties have promised to fix the nation’s broken permitting system. But those promises have not been kept, and the status quo prevails: longer timelines, higher costs and a regulatory maze that makes it nearly impossible to build major projects on schedule.
Last week, the House finally cut through the fog by passing the Standardizing Permitting and Expediting Economic Development Act. As Jeff Luse reported for Reason, the legislation is the clearest chance in years to overhaul a system that has spun out of control.
Notably, virtually every House Democrat — including Reps. Dina Titus, Susie Lee and Steven Horsford from Nevada — opted for the current regulatory morass.
The proposal addressed problems with the National Environmental Policy Act, which passed in the 1970s to promote transparency, but has grown into an anchor that drags down public and private investment. Mr. Luse notes that even after Congress streamlined the act in 2021, the average environmental impact statement takes 2.4 years to complete. That number speaks for itself and does not reflect the many reviews that stretch far beyond that already unreasonable timeline.
The SPEED Act tackles these failures head on. It would codify recent Supreme Court guidance, expand the projects that do not require exhaustive review and set real expectations for federal agencies that too often slow-walk approvals. Most important, it puts long-overdue limits on litigation. Mr. Luse highlights the absurdity of the current six-year window for filing a lawsuit under the Environmental Policy Act. Between 2013 and 2022, these lawsuits delayed projects an average of 4.2 years.
While opponents insist the bill would silence communities, Mr. Luse notes that NEPA already includes multiple public hearings and comment periods. Also, the vast majority of lawsuits are not filed by members of the people who live near the projects. According to the Breakthrough Institute, 72 percent of NEPA lawsuits over the past decade came from national nonprofits. Only 16 percent were filed by local communities. The SPEED Act does not shut out the public. It reins in well-funded groups that can afford to stall projects indefinitely.
Some Democrats claim the bill panders to fossil fuel companies, while some Republicans fear it will accelerate renewable projects. As Mr. Luse explains, NEPA bottlenecks have held back wind, solar and transmission lines as often as they have slowed oil and gas. That is why the original SPEED Act won support from green energy groups and traditional energy producers.
Permitting reform is overdue, and lawmakers claim to understand that endless red tape hurts economic growth and environmental progress alike. The SPEED Act is the strongest permitting reform proposal in years. The Senate should approve it.
Nevada
McKenna Ross’ top Nevada politics stories of 2025
The Silver State was plenty purple in 2025.
Nevada has long had a reputation for its libertarian tilt. Nowadays, partisanship leads many political stories. In top state government and politics stories of the year, some political lines were blurred when politicians bucked their party’s go-to stances to make headlines, while other party stances stayed entrenched.
Here are a handful of the biggest stories out of Nevada government and politics in 2025.
Film tax credit saga returns for parts 2 and 3
A large-scale effort to bring a film studio to Southern Nevada was revived — and died twice — in 2025. Sony Pictures Entertainment and Warner Bros. Discovery, who were previously leading opposing efforts to build multi-acre studio lots with tax breaks, joined forces in February to back one bill in front of the Nevada Legislature. They were joined by developer Howard Hughes Corp. in a lobbying push throughout the four-month session, then once again during a seven-day special legislative session in mid-November.
The renewed legislation drew plenty of praise from union and business leaders and created an unlikely coalition of fiscal conservatives and progressives on the left against it. Proponents said the proposal would help create a new industry for Nevada, creating thousands of construction and entertainment industry-related jobs. Opponents criticized the billion-dollar effect it would have on the state’s general fund as a “Hollywood handout.”
In the end, the opposition won out. It passed the Assembly 22-20 in the last week of the regular session and received the same vote count during the special session — though six members switched their votes.
The state Senate voted on the proposed Summerlin Studios project only during the special session, where it failed because 11 senators voted against it or were absent for the Nov. 19 vote. Several lawmakers called out the intense political pressure to pass the bill, despite their concerns of how the subsidies would have affected state coffers.
Democrats fight to strengthen mail-in voting
The movement to enshrine mail-in voting in Nevada also stretched through both 2025 legislative sessions, as well as a federal Supreme Court case.
Democratic lawmakers sought to establish state laws around voting by mail, including about the placement of ballot boxes between early voting and Election Day and the timeline in which clerks had to count mailed ballots received after polls closed.
Assembly Speaker Steve Yeager, D-Las Vegas, proposed a compromise with Republican Gov. Joe Lombardo through a bill expanding ballot drop box access in the run-up to Election Day and implementing voter ID requirements, but Lombardo vetoed the bill.
Democrats found a way during the special session, however. In the final hour before the session’s end on Nov. 19, Senate Democrats introduced and considered a resolution to propose enshrining mail-in voting in the Nevada Constitution via a voter amendment. The resolution must past the next consecutive session before it can go on the 2028 general election ballot.
This all comes as the U.S. Supreme Court weighs a case that could affect Nevada’s existing law that allows ballots postmarked on Election Day to be counted as late as 5 p.m. four days after Election Day.
Cyberattack on Nevada cripples the state for weeks
Nevada state government was crippled for four weeks in the late summer and fall when a ransomware attack was discovered in state systems in August.
Many state services were moved off-line to sequester the IT threats, leading to 28 days of outages after the Aug. 24 discovery of the ransomware attack. Those included worker’s compensation claims, DMV services, online applications for social services and a background check system.
According to the after-action report, a malicious actor entered the state’s computer system as early as May 14. The threat actor had accessed “multiple critical servers” by the end of August. State officials emphasized that core financial systems and Department of Motor Vehicle data were not breached by the hackers.
The state did not pay a ransom, according to officials. Instead, it worked with external cybersecurity vendors to deal with incident response and recovered about 90 percent of affected data. That costed about $1.5 million for those contracts and overtime pay.
Budget woes leave state in status quo limbo
Financial uncertainty clouded Nevada state government throughout the year as the impact of federal purse-shrinking, uncertainty around the effect of Trump administration tariffs and the reduced tax revenue from a tourism slump persisted throughout 2025.
Nevada lawmakers passing the state’s two-year budget cycle were put in a tight spot when economic forecasts projecting state revenue were downgraded during the legislative session and ultimately passed a state budget that avoided funding multiple new programs.
Contact McKenna Ross at mross@reviewjournal.com. Follow @mckenna_ross_ on X.
Nevada
LETTER: Blame Nevada voters for high power costs
In regard to your Monday editorial concerning the high cost of electrical energy in Nevada:
The Review-Journal is correct that the high costs in Nevada are due to green energy mandates forcing utilities to provide energy from expensive sources. However, your concluding statement that, “Nevada consumers who are upset at high utility costs should direct their ire to state policy makers” is way off the mark.
In 2020, Nevada voters passed Question 6 amending the state constitution to require utilities to acquire 50 percent of their electricity from renewable resources by 2030. Nevada consumers who are upset at high utility costs should direct their ire at the majority of Nevada voters who passed Question 6, which drives these high prices.
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